Africa

Critical medicines affected by the $50m cuts include Malaria, HIV and TB drugs, the US embassy says.

Wide shot of the site for displaced people hosted at Marie-Jeanne school in Port-au-Prince, where 7,000 people live in overcrowded and desperate conditions, seeking safety amidst the ongoing armed violence in Haiti. Credit: UNICEF/Patrice Noel

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, May 8 2025 (IPS)

Following a series of brutal altercations in the communes of Mirebalais and Saut d’Eau in Haiti back in late March, local gangs have taken over both communes, spurring heightened displacement and insecurity. This is indicative of the continuing deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Haiti as these armed gangs expand their control beyond Port-au-Prince.

On May 2, the White House issued a statement that declared the Viv Ansamn and Gran Grif gangs as terrorist organizations, attributing the core of Haiti’s issues to their activities. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio also emphasized the threats that these coalitions pose to Haitian and American national security.

“Their [the gangs’] ultimate goal is creating a gang-controlled state where illicit trafficking and other criminal activities operate freely and terrorize Haitian citizens. Terrorist designations play a critical role in our fight against these vicious groups and are an effective way to curtail support for their terrorist activities. Engaging in transactions with members of these groups entails risk in relation to counterterrorism sanctions authorities, not only for Haitians but also for U.S. lawful permanent residents and U.S. citizens,” said Rubio.

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) issued a report on April 29 that detailed the current conditions in the capital and the Centre Department. An attack in early April resulted in the escape of over 515 inmates at a Mirebalais prison. UNICEF states that the clashes in this region have led to numerous civilian deaths, multiple lootings, and the destruction of a police station.

On April 25, an operation was carried out by law enforcement in Mirebalais in hopes of regaining control of the Centre Department. It is believed that during this operation, eight armed individuals were killed and three firearms were seized. However, this operation was largely unsuccessful in eliminating gang presence in this area. Furthermore, Haitian officials have noted an attempt by the Viv Ansamn gang to gain control of the Devarrieux area, which borders the commune of Lascahobas.

According to UNICEF, heightened gang activity in the Centre Department has complicated relief efforts by humanitarian organizations. Currently, authorities have prohibited humanitarian organizations from accessing sections of the road that connect Hinche to Mirebalais, Lascahobas, and Belladère. Due to relatively stable security conditions between Hinche and Cange-Boucan-Carré, humanitarian movement has been approved between these communes.

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has recorded over one million civilian displacements since the eruption of hostilities in 2023. In the Centre Department, IOM estimates approximately 51,000 civilian displacements, including 27,000 children.

Additional figures from IOM indicate that the Dominican Republic has considerably increased its rate of deportation of Haitian migrants. In the Belladère and Ouanaminthe communes, which are located along the borders between the two nations, over 20,000 Haitian migrants in April. This marks the highest monthly total recorded this year.
Humanitarian organizations have expressed concern over these deportations due to the highly vulnerable nature of these migrants. IOM reports that the majority of these populations consist of women, children, and newborns, who are disproportionately affected by gang violence.

“The situation in Haiti is becoming increasingly dire. Each day, deportations and gang violence worsen an already fragile situation,” said IOM Director General Amy Pope.

These deportations have compromised relief efforts as over 12,500 Haitian refugees are scattered across 95 newly established displacement shelters, the majority of which are bereft of basic services, such as food access, clean water, and healthcare. Due to increased gang activity in Mirebalais, IOM states that Belladère has essentially been isolated from the rest of Haiti.

“This is a compounded crisis spreading beyond the capital, with cross-border expulsions and internal displacement converging in places like Belladère,” said Grégoire Goodstein, IOM’s Chief of Mission in Haiti. “Delivering assistance is becoming increasingly difficult as humanitarian actors find themselves trapped alongside the very people they are trying to help.”

Additionally, Haiti’s healthcare system has been overwhelmed by recent surges in hostility. According to the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), the healthcare system is particularly strained in Port-Au-Prince, where 42 percent of medical facilities remain closed. It is estimated that roughly 2 out of 5 Haitians urgently require access to medical care.

Sexual violence has also run rampant in Haiti. According to figures from the United Nations (UN), more than 333 women and girls have been subjected to gender-based violence from gang members, with 96 percent of these cases being rape. Furthermore, trafficking and forced recruitment remain common, especially in Port-Au-Prince.

Underfunding across multiple sectors has made it difficult for Haitian communities to access the tools they need to survive. Due to persisting structural barriers and societal taboos, many perpetrators of violence receive impunity. The amount of humanitarian aid is inadequate as relief teams are understaffed to handle the sheer scale of needs.

The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) states that the 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Haiti is less than 7 percent funded, with only USD 61 million having been raised out of the USD 908 million required. The UN and its partners urge donor contributions as the situation continues to deteriorate.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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African Parks acknowledged its rangers committed human rights abuses in Congo-Brazzaville.

Human remains, believed to be that of a journalist and his partner, have been found by police.

Once a lifeline for women and families, the Afghanistan Family Guidance Association (AFGA)—one of the country’s oldest NGOs—has been forced to shut down its centers nationwide under Taliban orders. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
KABUL, May 8 2025 (IPS)

Rukhsar (pseudonym), 27, is a widow and sole breadwinner for a family of five. She recounts her life story under Taliban rule, a reality faced by thousands of women in Afghanistan.

Every time I picked up a pen, I would write about turning failure into success, rising up after falling, and the highs that follow life’s lows. Each time I wrote, my mood, soul, and mind came alive, fueled by the words of my achievements.

With every victory achieved and each milestone reached, I redoubled my efforts. Like a mountaineer dreaming of reaching the summit, my hope of realizing my dreams grew with each passing day.

But this time, my dreams have crumbled, and I am left defeated.

I, too, once had a stable life, but the winds of fate blew it apart. Shattering my dreams.

Exactly seven years ago, I began a relationship with a kind and brave person, Yusuf, who was my source of security while I in turn took care of patients in a hospital.  As nurses, our days were spent caring for the people of our country. We dedicated ourselves to our sacred duty with passion and enthusiasm.

It felt like being a woman in itself was a crime in Afghanistan. We could not study or go to the parks. Women were flogged on the mere of suspicion sleeping with anyone other than their husbands. Young girls were forced into marriage and women committed suicide. We are probably the most oppressed people in the history of Afghanistan

In the midst of life’s joys, Yusuf and I were blessed with two children, Iman and Ayat. They made our life shine brighter.

However, just when everything appeared to flourish, we began to hear rumblings in the distance. The Taliban had begun a fight to take back Afghanistan. We heard about districts falling in neighboring provinces such as Balkh, and the deaths, and disappearances of our loved ones. 

As the days passed by, the intensity of the war between the government and Taliban fighters increased. We were all in a state of panic, fearing that we could become victims of the conflict. The war was getting closer to the city with each passing moment.

One day Yusuf urged me not to go to work. He went instead. He kissed our children goodbye, tears in his eyes.  Thas was the last time we saw him alive.

After he left, I kept calling him at short intervals to ask if everything was fine with him, and each time he called back without delay. However, my call to him in the afternoon went unanswered; neither did he return the call. That triggered off restlessness in my mind. It soon took hold of me entirely and was no longer controllable.

At the peak of my desperation, and exhaustion, Yusuf’s father told me he had received a call from an unfamiliar number. Yusuf was no longer with us, he announced. He was brutally killed by a tyrannical, ruthless, bloodthirsty, and oppressive group.

The date is forever edged in my memory. It was June 16, 2021. 

The grief of losing Yusuf brought sleepless nights, memories that haunted me every moment, and a deep loneliness that nothing could fill. I was entrapped in emotional and mental struggles from which I could not escape.

Days and months went by, and problems kept piling up one after the other with no respite. There was no psychological support, I was caught midst of increasing financial struggles, and I constantly worried about how to provide for our children, which were now entirely under my care. I had to find a way out.

I returned to my former work place at the hospital in Mazar-i-Sharif, but someone new took up my place. I returned home empty-handed. All around me was despair and fear. 

All the while, I was under increasing pressure from my family to consider a second marriage. No one could really understand the pain I was enduring. My husband Yusuf was gone but his love was still alive. It was the only thing besides the children, which gave me hope. I started looking for work and eventually got one as a midwife at Afghanistan Family Guidance Association (AFGA), one of the oldest NGOs in Afghanistan.

It was in 2023. I had an eight-hour job and was now earning monthly salary of over 9,500 Afghanis, which enabled me to support my children and financially support my late husband’s parents as well. I was excited and nervous about the new phase in my life.

We provided services to the most vulnerable clients who were suffering from impact of earthquakes, floods, and drought.

Nevertheless, every day I heard news about how the Taliban regime was planning to shut down various organizations that support women and families, as well as banning women from schools and universities. At my workplace, we could foresee that thousands of families would soon be left without help.

A flood of bad news kept inundating us each day about measures that adversely affected women’s situation. It felt like being a woman in itself was a crime in Afghanistan. We could not study or go to the parks. Women were flogged on the mere of suspicion sleeping with anyone other than their husbands. Young girls were forced into marriage and women committed suicide. We are probably the most oppressed people in the history of Afghanistan.

However, my colleagues and I took comfort in the fact, that since we were working in the medical field as essential members of society, we assumed we were indispensable.

We still maintained high hopes that our work in the medical field would continue, even though officials from the brutal and oppressive unit, the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, continuously monitored us. For one hour every Thursday, these officers would give us religious lessons as if we were not Muslim.

We were working mainly with women patients, yet we were made to cover our faces with masks and to maintain our hijabs. We were prohibited from speaking loudly, and from engaging in any conversation with the male companions of the patients. The restrictions kept increasing, but I had to stay strong for my family.

Despite all the bullying and oppression, we continued to work because serving our patients brought us peace of mind, not to mention the deep satisfaction and relief of being able to provide financial support to our families. 

On the morning of December 3, 2024, I heard the news about the closure of medical institutions. It was incredibly painful, like a dagger thrust into my heart. I spent the entire day in tears and sorrow. In the small shelter where I worked, we were all crushed by grief. 

That day passed by and we did not know how we had managed to get through it. We concluded to each other at the end of the day that, “We might be the last generation of medical professionals.”

On January 3rd, at 9:08 AM, I received a call from a colleague at the Kabul central office. She informed me that Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, the misogynist Taliban leader, had issued a decree to close down healthcentres funded by foreign donors. They were, according to him, aimed at curtailing the increase of the Muslim population.

My blood ran cold. My colleagues and I nevertheless entertained the hope that the decree would be reversed. It did not happen.

Just a week later, we were notified by email that AFGA had to close due to Taliban’s new restrictions.

At that moment, as I read the email, it felt like the ground had been cut from under my feet. My mind became consumed by thoughts of Ayat and Iman, wondering what to do next and which door to knock on.

I was not alone. Similar thoughts must have been coursing through the minds of 270 Afghan women working in 23 provinces. I also lost every shred of hope for the future. I had no idea what I could do next.

 

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

The Benin Cycling Federation hopes to discover new talent and raise the profile of the sport on a continent largely dominated by football.

The Benin Cycling Federation hopes to discover new talent and raise the profile of the sport on a continent largely dominated by football.

This village is half in India and half in Pakistan. In Pakistan it is called Chilhana; on the Indian side, it's called Teetwal. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

By Zofeen Ebrahim
KARACHI, Pakistan, May 8 2025 (IPS)

Just after the young couple arrived at Al-Sayyed Shabistan, a quaint guesthouse in Taobat, on April 30, soldiers showed up, urging them to leave—war, they warned, could break out any moment.

Yahya Shah, guest-house owner and head of Taobat’s hotel association, told IPS over the phone, “Tourist season just began, but for two weeks the village feels like a ghost town—everyone’s hit: shopkeepers, eateries, drivers.”

Just 2 km from the tense Line of Control (not a legally recognized international border, but a de facto border under control of the military on both sides between the Indian- and Pakistani-controlled parts of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir), Taobat sits where India’s Kishenganga river crosses into Pakistan—reborn as the Neelum.

Tensions spiked after a deadly April 22 attack in the Indian-administered Pahalgam by The Resistance Front, killing 26 people—25 Indians and one Nepali.

India blamed Pakistan for backing TRF, calling it a Lashkar-e-Taiba front. Pakistan denied involvement, urging an independent probe. Meanwhile, pressure mounted on the Indian prime minister, Narendra Modi, to respond forcefully, as the attackers remained at large two weeks later.

The question on everyone’s mind — including Michael Kugelman, a Washington, DC-based South Asia analyst — is, “How could such a horrific attack have been carried out on soft targets in one of the most heavily militarized regions in the world?”

Taobat is the last village of Neelum Valley and the place where the Kishenganga River enters Pakistani territory and is called the Neelum river. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

When India crossed the line

On May 7, early morning, the intensity of the animosity between the two since the Pahalgam attack took on a serious turn when India launched a full-fledged series of attacks on Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir.

India claimed it targeted “terrorist camps” in Pakistan, stating, “No Pakistani military facilities have been targeted.”

Pakistan’s armed forces have been authorized to take “corresponding actions” following the strikes, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s office said following the attack.

The Indian attack killed 26 civilians, injuring 46. In addition, the Pakistani army reported downing five Indian jets. In retaliatory attacks by Pakistani forces, at least 10 people have been killed in Indian-administered Kashmir.

Reuters, quoting the local government on the Indian side, admitted that three fighter jets crashed in Jammu and Kashmir hours after India announced it had struck “nine Pakistani terrorist infrastructure sites across the border.”

The international community has called for restraint, with the United States urging the two sides to “keep lines of communication open and avoid escalation” the United Kingdom offering “in dialogue, in de-escalation and anything we can do to support that, we are here and willing to do…” United Nations’ Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said the international community could not “afford a military confrontation” between the nuclear-armed nations.

Tensions between India and Pakistan ripple across South Asia.

“A tense situation between Pakistan and India is always a cause for worry for others in the region,” said Reaz Ahmad, Dhaka Tribune’s editor, with over 30 years of writing about South Asian politics. Bangladeshis only “want both nations to stop the blame game and tit-for-tat actions that only worsen life for ordinary people.” These unfortunate events, said Ahmed, referring to the war-like situation, show the “people deserve far better from their leaders.”

Daily life in Taobat Bala, about 1.5 km from Taobat. The area isn’t populated; people may work in the area but live in Taobat. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

Closed gates, broken pacts

Following the Pahalgam attack, India and Pakistan shut borders, halted visas, expelled visitors, and downgraded missions—familiar moves in past standoffs. But this time, India suspended the 1960 water treaty, prompting Pakistan to threaten withdrawal from the 1972 Simla Agreement.

Dr. Moonis Ahmar, former chairman of the department of international relations at Karachi University, blamed leaders of both countries for “misguiding their people” and polarizing them by spewing so much vitriol. “What was the point of bringing in the unnecessary “jugular vein” conversation out of the blue?

 The ‘jugular vein’ debate

Recently, Pakistan’s army chief of staff, General Asim Munir’s characterization of Kashmir as Pakistan’s jugular vein at a diaspora event held just days before the Pahalgam tragedy, was considered provocative and a “trigger” for the massacre.

“But that is what it is, and the general only reiterated the stand taken by the Quaid,” defended Khawaja Muhammad Asif, the country’s defense minister, referring to the country’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

Defining the jugular vein, Asif said Kashmir stirred both deep emotions and economic concerns. Recalling the lesser-known massacre of the partition, he said, “Thousands of Muslims were massacred in the Jammu region by mobs and paramilitaries led by the army of Dogra ruler Hari Singh,” adding that Muslim villagers from Jammu province were forced to evacuate to West Pakistan and were then accommodated in refugee camps in the districts of Sialkot, Jhelum, Gujrat, and Rawalpindi.

Asif, a native of Sialkot, emphasized that the economic significance of Kashmir cannot be overstated. “Kashmir is our lifeline—all our rivers, including the Jhelum, Sutlej, and even the smaller tributaries flowing through my own hometown, originate there,” he said, acknowledging that India’s recent announcement to withdraw from the pact posed a “real threat.”

Village life in Taobat Bala before the escalation of violence. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

What is the root of conflict?

Over the years many historians from both sides have unraveled the historical, political, and emotional fault lines dividing India and Pakistan since 1947. But Kashmir remains the stumbling block, 78 years later.

“At the time of British India’s partition in August 1947, the 565 princely states were given the option to join India, Pakistan, or remain independent—provided their people had the right to decide.” Jammu and Kashmir, a Muslim-majority state ruled by a Hindu king, Maharaja Hari Singh, initially chose to remain independent.

After tribal militias from Pakistan invaded parts of Jammu and Kashmir in October 1947—reportedly with covert support from Pakistani forces and encouragement from some local Muslims—the situation quickly descended into chaos and violence. Facing the threat, Maharaja Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession, ceding the state’s sovereignty to India in exchange for military assistance.

The Indian government, led by then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, agreed to extend help but asked Hari Singh to sign an Instrument of Accession first. The Raja agreed. The documents conferred a special status on Jammu and Kashmir and allowed it to have its constitution, a flag, and control over internal administration, except in matters of defense, foreign affairs, finance, and communications, and were subsequently enshrined under Articles 370 and 35A of the Indian Constitution.

“These rules were not just legal provisions; they were a vital protection that ensured that no non-resident could purchase immovable property in the region, and this was done to safeguard the distinct identity, local ownership, and indigenous rights of the Kashmiri people,” explained Naila Altaf Kayani, an expert in Kashmir affairs, speaking to IPS from Muzaffarabad in Pakistan-administered Kashmir.

But even before 2019, especially between 1952 and 1986, and through 47 presidential orders, the historical guarantees under the Maharaja’s Instrument of Accession had slowly been diluted and J&K’s special status steadily diminished. “India effectively dismantled the State Subject Rules that had long been in place in Jammu and Kashmir,” said Kayani.

In 2019, India finally scrapped these articles completely, and J&K became a union territory (governed directly by the central government, unlike states, which have their own elected governments with significant autonomy).

Can India and Pakistan ever make peace?

Both Asif and Ahmar doubt the Kashmir dispute will be resolved in their lifetime. And till that doesn’t happen, the thorn in their side will keep pricking. But what the latter finds befuddling is the “unstable and unpredictable” Pakistan-India relationship. “The two countries swing between total silence and sudden warmth, with no steady, consistent engagement like most nations maintain,” he said.

Ironically, it’s during the lowest points in their relationship that both Indian and Pakistani leaders stand to gain the most politically, said Kugelman. “Delhi can bolster its tough-on-terror stand and reputation as a strong and defiant administration by responding with muscle, and in Pakistan, the civilian and military leaderships, which are not terribly popular, can shore up public support by rallying the country around it in the face of an Indian threat.”

Forgotten formula or a new peace plan?

Ahmar said this is the lowest point in India-Pakistan relations he has ever witnessed.

However, “if by some miracle General Pervez Musharraf’s out-of-the-box four-point formula gets a shot in the arm,” perhaps we can begin anew, on a friendlier note,” he said, referring to the July 2001 Agra summit, hosted by Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee.

The four fixes included a gradual demilitarization of troops from both sides; no change in borders but allowing the people of Jammu and Kashmir to move freely across the LoC; self-governance without independence; and a joint supervision mechanism in the region involving India, Pakistan, and Kashmir.

But until that happens, Ahmar said, it would be best to let the territory be put under international supervision until its fate is decided. “I would say, place the region under the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations for at least 10 years,” he said.

Comprising the five permanent UN Security Council members—China, France, Russia, the UK, and the US—the Trusteeship Council aims to guide territories toward self-government or independence, either as separate states or by joining neighboring countries. The last trust territory, Palau, gained independence in October 1994. “The Trusteeship Council may have completed its mission in Palau but continues to exist on paper, under the UN Charter, chapter XII,” added Ahmar.

Columnist Munazza Siddiqui, also executive producer at Geo News, a private TV channel, advocated for yet another option: “Turn the LoC into a Working Boundary (a temporary, informally demarcated line used to separate areas, often in disputed regions or during a ceasefire, but different from the LoC, which is a military control line; something in-between the LoC and an international border), similar to the one that exists between Pakistan’s Punjab and Indian-administered J&K, as recognized under UN arrangements.

“The idea is to then shift focus towards bilateral cooperation in other areas,” she pointed out, adding, “This approach can hopefully help de-escalate the violence historically associated with the Kashmir issue.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Karla Quintana (centre), head of the Independent Institution on Missing Persons in Syria, visits Al Marjeh Square in Damascus, a place where families of missing persons display photos in the hope of finding their loved ones. Credit: IIMP Syria

By Louis Charbonneau
May 8 2025 (IPS)

Major-power cutbacks and delayed payments amidst conflict and insecurity are testing the very principles and frameworks upon which the international human rights infrastructure was built nearly 80 years ago.

Human rights need defending now more than ever, which is why the United Nations leadership needs to ensure that its efforts to cut costs don’t jeopardize the UN’s critical human rights work.

The Trump administration’s review of US engagement with multilateral organizations and its refusal to pay assessed UN contributions—which account for 22 percent of the UN’s regular budget—have pushed the cash-strapped international organization into a full-blown financial crisis.

China, the second biggest contributor, continues to pay but has been delaying payments, exacerbating the UN’s years-long liquidity crisis. With widespread layoffs looming, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has been forced to dig deep for cost-saving measures.

A six-page memo seen by Human Rights Watch—entitled “UN80 structural changes and programmatic realignment” and marked as “Strictly Confidential”—outlines proposals for eliminating redundancies and unnecessary costs across the UN.

The proposals include consolidating apparently overlapping mandates, reducing the UN’s presence in expensive locations like New York City, and cutting some senior posts.

While some UN80 proposals have merit, the section on human rights is worrying. It suggests downgrading and cutting several senior human rights posts and merging different activities. But at a time when rights crises are multiplying and populist leaders hostile to rights are proliferating, any reduction of the UN’s human rights capacities would be shortsighted.

Efficiency and cost-effectiveness are important, but the UN’s human rights work has long been grossly underfunded and understaffed. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights gets just 5 percent of the UN’s regular budget.

Countless lives depend on its investigations and monitoring, which help deter abuses in often ignored or inaccessible locales. Investigations of war crimes and other atrocities in places like Sudan, Ukraine, Israel/Palestine, and elsewhere are already struggling amidst a UN-wide hiring freeze and pre-Trump liquidity shortfall.

For years, Russia and China have lobbied to defund the UN’s human rights work. There is now a risk that the United States, which has gutted its own funding for human rights worldwide, will no longer oppose these efforts and will instead enable them.

During these trying times, the UN should be reminding the world that its decades-long commitment to human rights is unwavering.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

Louis Charbonneau is UN director, Human Rights Watch

Why ex-bank boss Tidjane Thiam has been barred from seeking the Ivorian presidency - and the potential fallout.

Why ex-bank boss Tidjane Thiam has been barred from seeking the Ivorian presidency - and the potential fallout.

Why ex-bank boss Tidjane Thiam has been barred from seeking the Ivorian presidency - and the potential fallout.

The order comes after lawyers expressed alarm that the US was planning to deport migrants to the North African country "immediately".

The UK Home Office was unable to process Julius Malema's application in time for his trip, the High Commission says.

Sahrawi refugees walk near the Awserd Refugee Camp in the Tindouf Province of Algeria. Credit: UN Photo/Evan Schneider

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, May 7 2025 (IPS)

Since the Western Sahara War in 1975, Sahrawi refugees have resided in a collection of refugee shelters in the Tindouf province of Algeria. For over 50 years, these communities have struggled to develop self-sufficiency and have been solely dependent on humanitarian aid for survival, marking one of the most protracted refugee crises in the world.

According to figures from the United Nations Regional Information Center in Western Europe (UNRIC), roughly 173,600 individuals reside across five camps in Tindouf, Algeria. These populations consist of the original Sahrawi refugees who fled persecution from Moroccan forces, and their descendants. These communities are unable to return to the Western Sahara due to Morocco’s control over a vast majority of the disputed territory.

On May 6, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) issued a response plan that detailed the current humanitarian situation impacting the Sahrawi refugees in Algeria. Despite having been one of the longest standing refugee crises, the United Nations (UN) had never issued a consolidated plan until 2024.

Due to factors such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the global reduction of foreign aid, and the war in Ukraine, the humanitarian situation in the Tindouf refugee shelters has deteriorated significantly in the past few years. Sahrawi refugees currently struggle to survive with a host of underfunded, basic services such as food access, education, and healthcare.

According to UNHCR, food insecurity has been a long-standing pinnacle of this humanitarian crisis since its inception. Despite the Algerian government’s attempts to consolidate the 30 percent reduction in food rations due to cuts in humanitarian aid, it is estimated that approximately 90 percent of households are unable to access adequate amounts of food. Roughly 30 percent of the Sahrawi refugee population is food insecure and an additional 58 percent is at risk of becoming food insecure.

The World Food Programme (WFP) states that the Tindouf camps are unable to develop self-sufficiency in food production due to the harsh and isolated deserts of westernmost Algeria, as well as intense heatwaves and water scarcity, which are results of the worsening climate crisis. Anemia is estimated to affect over 50 percent of young children and women of reproductive age.

Additionally, global acute malnutrition affects roughly 11 percent of all children aged 6 to 59 months. Poor diets and a lack of nutritional assistance has led to a host of health problems for these communities, including mineral and vitamin deficiencies, as well as increased rates of obesity in women.

Figures from the United Nations Sustainable Development Group (UNDSG) show that one in three children in the Tindouf camps experience stunted growth and only one in three children receive the nutritional assistance that they need to have healthy development. Additionally, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the scale of needs in the food security sector has compounded significantly, nearly doubling from the 19.8 million dollars required in pre-pandemic times.

Despite the growing scale of needs for food assistance, UNHCR reports that 100 percent of school-aged children are enrolled in feeding programs. The education sector is currently a major priority for humanitarian organizations. According to a press release from the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), only half of the students recorded at the end of the 2022 school year met the locally-established minimum threshold for learning, indicating that a significant amount of students in the Tindouf camps were not able to effectively retain information.

This can likely be attributed to the host of other issues plaguing Sahrawi communities. According to the U.S. Committee for Refugees and Migrants, due to limited educational and economic opportunities in the Tindouf camps, the new generation of refugees faces increased levels of disillusionment and anxiety, which could lead to increased insecurity and regional tensions in the future.

UNHCR reports that due to severe flooding in September 2024 in Dakhla, Western Sahara, a significant amount of essential healthcare and education infrastructures in Algerian refugee camps have been damaged. Sahrawi refugees are able to access 31 dispensaries and 6 hospitals. Although 100 percent of Sahrawi refugees have free access to primary healthcare services, the healthcare system in the Tindouf camps remains fragile and is critically dependent on humanitarian aid to remain functional.

Perhaps the biggest issues plaguing the Sahrawi healthcare system at the moment are a lack of monetary motivation for healthcare personnel, a significant shortage of medicines and materials, and a host of logistical issues. UNHCR is currently on the frontlines of this crisis distributing essential supplies and assisting doctors and nurses in the most affected areas.

Additionally, Sahrawi refugees have found it difficult to campaign for increased governmental support from the Western Sahara due to repressive tactics from Moroccan forces. According to a press release from Amnesty International, in January 2024, the police violently intercepted a peaceful protest by female Sahrawi activists in Laayoune, subjecting protestors to assaults and beatings.

In February, the police shut down a press conference that was conducted by Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders Collective (CODESA) in Laayoune. In April, Moroccan authorities bulldozed the homes of 12 Sahrawi families in Al-Jitir without providing any prior notice or means of relocation.

Despite the Sahrawi refugee population having shown immense resilience amid five decades of protracted crisis, programs that provide lifesaving aid for these communities have been severely underfunded. UNHCR’s Sahrawi Refugees Response Plan 2024-2025 estimates that roughly USD 214 million will be required to address needs in 2025. The UN is strongly urging donor contributions to meet this quota.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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By CIVICUS
May 7 2025 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS speaks about democratic decline in the USA with humanitarian and civil society activist Samuel Worthington, former president of the US civil society alliance InterAction and author of a new book, Prisoners of Hope: Global Action and the Evolving Roles of US NGOs.

The USA has been added to the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist due to rising concerns about civic freedoms under Donald Trump’s second administration. Since January 2025, executive orders have driven sweeping personnel changes across federal agencies, particularly in the Justice Department. USAID has undergone dramatic restructuring, with funding cuts severely impacting on civil society organisations (CSOs) that support excluded groups across the world. Protests – particularly those addressing immigration and Israel’s war on Gaza – face heightened scrutiny and restrictions. Against this backdrop, civil society is mobilising to preserve democratic principles and civic engagement.

Samuel Worthington

How would you characterise the current state of US democracy?

The USA is experiencing what can only be described as a technocratic coup, rooted in far-right authoritarian ideology. The Trump administration is using every tool at its disposal, even if that means ignoring and breaking laws. The goal is speed: to use technology, claims of waste and abuse, combined with actions that dismantle institutions and attack individuals and organisations.

The Trump administration has adopted a typical authoritarian playbook, similar to that used by leaders such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, but at a much greater scale and speed that has taken many by surprise. A prime example is the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), which uses computer systems to cripple organisations, create lists of ‘illegal’ individuals for targeting and dismantle protections for civic freedoms. Trump is attempting to centralise power in a 21st-century US variant of fascism, backed by a white nationalist ideology and largely based on Project 2025.

Civil society and institutions were not prepared for this level of attack. Many assumed democracy was more resilient and norms would hold. Instead, we are now witnessing core democratic institutions under assault. For the first time, we are seeing explicit federal government-driven censorship, with official lists of banned words. The administration is systematically attacking diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives and withholding funds to punish noncompliant universities and institutions.

Trump is weaponising public money as leverage – even blackmail – to force organisations and US states to comply with his ideology. While pushback from the courts is increasing, this resistance has led to Trump’s attacks on the judiciary. The administration is also limiting media access to outlets that don’t align with its ideology.

As with all forms of fascism, there must be a scapegoat, and here, it’s migrants and transgender people. The Trump administration labels migrants as ‘illegals’ and mass deportations target anyone who doesn’t fit its narrow definition of who is an American. Changes to the constitution are being proposed to strip citizenship rights from US-born children of undocumented parents. Random arrests, disappearances and militarised threats against migrants are becoming increasingly common.

All of this has transpired in just the first hundred days. Democracy’s core institutions — civil society, media, Congress, the judiciary — and the rule of law itself are under enormous stress. The USA is in the midst of a profound constitutional crisis.

How has USAID’s restructuring impacted on civil society?

USAID served as the administration’s test case for destroying a government agency. DOGE destroyed USAID by disabling its computer systems, stopping funding and cancelling contracts. Under the constitution, only Congress has the authority to control appropriations or close government agencies. Even when courts ruled against the administration and ordered programmes to restart, the damage was irreversible: USAID’s systems had already been dismantled by DOGE and could not be easily rebuilt.

Many CSOs that relied heavily on USAID funding lost between 30 and 80 per cent of their resources, leading to mass layoffs, office closures and collapsed partnerships. Fortunately, the USA has a strong tradition of private philanthropy amounting to around US$450 billion a year, with over US$20 billion directed internationally. This private funding is helping some organisations survive. Many are now reorganising around private donors and preparing for the possibility that foundations themselves could become targets of future attacks.

Some CSOs are considering transforming into businesses to protect themselves. Others are fighting back through lawsuits. Some are trying to stay quiet in the hope of being overlooked — not a healthy strategy, but an understandable one. For most, simply trying to survive has become the primary focus.

What global implications are resulting from these domestic developments?

Global civil society has long been critical of the USA, but there was still an assumption that it remained committed to the values of democracy, freedom and global cooperation. This assumption has now been shattered.

The US government is no longer promoting democracy abroad. Instead, it is openly supporting authoritarian regimes and undermining civil society efforts worldwide. Both domestically and internationally, it is actively restricting independent civic action.

The dismantling of USAID alone will cost millions of lives. The USA once provided around half of global humanitarian resources. With this pullback, we’re already witnessing mass deaths and growing risks of famine. Essential supplies of medicines, including HIV/AIDS treatments, are being cut, putting millions more lives at risk.

As the USA disengages and retreats from its global leadership role, it leaves a vacuum, likely to be filled by authoritarian powers such as China and Russia. They will try to reshape the global system in ways that threaten human rights and democratic values.

Finally, the administration’s rhetoric about annexing Canada and seizing Greenland is eroding the post-Second World War rules-based international order, which was established specifically to prevent territorial expansion. By undermining these norms, the USA is effectively encouraging other authoritarian-leaning states to expand through force.

How are people responding to these challenges?

As Trump’s authoritarianism intensifies, people are mobilising to defend democracy and resist repression. Three major protest movements have emerged: the broad-based ‘Hands Off’ movement against fascism and in defence of democracy, student protests focused on Gaza and Palestine and the growing resistance to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) deportations.

Protesting against ICE or in solidarity with Gaza has become increasingly dangerous. Citizens may face serious criminal charges simply for joining protests, and non-citizens risk prison and deportation. The case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia illustrates this reality: after living in Maryland for 13 years and with legal protection, he was forcibly deported to El Salvador.

Despite these risks, as ICE steps up deportations, activists are taking steps to protect vulnerable people. In some cases, they form human chains to block ICE officers and help people reach their homes, where immigration agents cannot enter without legal permission.

People are fighting back both in the streets and in the courts, challenging these injustices, pushing back against escalating repression and defending fundamental rights.

Do you see any hope for US democracy?

I believe that ultimately, Trump’s attempt to break the US government and dismantle constitutional democracy will fail, for several reasons.

First, we are a country of independent states, and states like California, Illinois and Massachusetts are actively resisting, fighting in courts and passing their own laws to protect their residents. This resistance comes at a cost. The Trump administration has already threatened to cut all federal funding to Maine after its governor refused to follow the administration’s anti-diversity directives. So far, the courts have sided with Maine.

Trump has repeatedly bypassed Congress and violated the separation of powers. In response, CSOs, US states, unions, universities and citizens have already filed over 150 lawsuits against the federal government alleging breaches of the constitution. These lawsuits are steadily moving through the courts and so far, the rulings have overwhelmingly gone against the administration.

At the grassroots level, daily protests continue and constantly evolve. Instead of trying to bring millions to Washington DC, the strategy has shifted toward organising thousands of decentralised protests across the country. After national parks were shut down, for example, there were 433 protests across every single national park on the same day. Movements like ‘Hands Off’ have mobilised millions.

We are learning from struggles in Hungary, Turkey, Ukraine and elsewhere. We now know that democracy cannot be taken for granted; it must be defended every day. But we also know that our strength lies in solidarity. People are forming networks of resistance across the country. We have realised that if we stand alone, we may fail, but together, we can preserve our democracy.

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The Commission on Population and Development (2024)

By Mary Kuira
NAIROBI, May 7 2025 (IPS)

Just a month ago, I found myself in a hospital, anxiously waiting for my son to be attended to. As we sat quietly in one of the waiting rooms, an emergency case was wheeled in — a young woman, barely out of her teens. Her face contorted in visible pain. Her dress was soaked with blood, which had begun to pool beneath the wheelchair and trickle onto the floor.

I couldn’t help but overhear the nurse asking the girl who had accompanied her, “What happened?” “She just started her periods,” the friend whispered, her voice laced with fear and confusion.

But from my own experience, I knew periods don’t arrive like this. The heavy bleeding, the extreme pain, the sheer urgency: something was terribly wrong. In a country where abortion is criminalized and conversations on reproductive health are often shrouded in silence, there are things you don’t say out loud, not even in a hospital.

Presentations were dominated by government departments and bureaucrats. I couldn’t help but wonder — where were the voices of the people these policies are meant to serve? Where was the civil society that brought these stories from their grassroots partners?
Later, I learned the young woman had been referred to a higher-level facility because the hospital couldn’t handle her case. I left that day with a prayer on my lips, hoping she lived to tell her story.

So why am I sharing this? Because last week, I sat in another room, far away from that hospital, attending the 58th Session of the Commission on Population and Development (CPD58) at the United Nations.

This was my first time attending the annual conference. The conversations were a sobering reminder of how precarious sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) remain, especially for young women like the one I saw that day.

Despite the gravity of the global challenges, CPD58 felt like a more formal than interactive space. At many of the side events I attended, audiences sat silent, rarely given the chance to ask questions.

Presentations were dominated by government departments and bureaucrats. I couldn’t help but wonder — where were the voices of the people these policies are meant to serve? Where was the civil society that brought these stories from their grassroots partners?

 

Breaking the silence

One of the few spaces that broke this silence was a gathering organized by the International Sexual and Reproductive Rights Coalition (ISRRC), a coalition of organizations from all regions of the world dedicated to advancing SRHR. It offered a rare moment of authentic exchange, where the few CSO voices present could reflect on the battles we face both at home and on the global stage.

But overall, the opposition to SRHR remained stubborn and vocal. I listened as some delegations pushed back against terms that should be non-negotiable: Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE), safe abortion, gender equality.

These are not just words; they are lifelines for young women, especially those navigating complex realities in countries like mine, Kenya.

Ironically, many CPD58 conversations just wanted to focus on maternal health, not on teenage pregnancies or young mothers. Basically, addressing maternal health without discussing the process that leads to pregnancy (sex and sexuality) and therefore CSE.

I couldn’t help but think: How do we talk about preventing HIV without talking about sex? How do we address teenage pregnancy without speaking openly about reproductive health? How can we ignore child marriages when they remain a heartbreaking reality across many countries? And what do we say to survivors of rape — young or old — who become pregnant? Should they be forced to carry these pregnancies, regardless of the trauma or the risks?

As an advocate and a believer in the power of quality data to inform decisions, these questions weigh heavily on me. Are the policies we design grounded in real, lived experiences? Do we collect and use data to reflect the brutal realities so many young women face daily?

 

Combating anti-rights narratives

One clear takeaway from CPD58 was this: facts and stories must go hand in hand. Data alone can inform, but stories can transform. Both are essential to combating anti-rights narratives and creating spaces for conversations.

Another key take away is the critical need for civil society to maintain both its presence and momentum in these spaces. The CPD remains one of the least attended UN meetings, and its negotiation process is opaque.

The anti-rights movement’s growing clout risks reversing many SRHR gains by easily passing resolutions without push back. If civil society isn’t present and organized, no one will be the wiser. It is essential to occupy and safeguard this space.

We must train youth activists to counter opposition and challenge anti-gender, anti-abortion, and anti-CSE rhetoric not just with facts, but with human stories.

Tell the stories that humanize the data; stories like the one I witnessed in that hospital room. Digital spaces hold tremendous potential to advance SRHR, especially for marginalized communities.

Yet, with opportunity comes risk. The same platforms that can empower young women are breeding grounds for misinformation. Our efforts must include both creating digital solutions and equipping young women to navigate these spaces safely and wisely.

I was encouraged to see progressive voices from the European Union, Latin America, and parts of Africa and Asia stand firm in defending SRHR within the final negotiated text. But the fight doesn’t end there.

From Nigeria to Mozambique, from Jordan to Guatemala — and every corner in between — we must ensure young women in all their diversities are not left behind. Their voices, rights, and choices must be respected.

Finally, we must keep the pressure on at home. Advocacy for policies that protect and expand comprehensive sexuality education, safe abortion (where permitted), and youth-friendly SRH services must not stop at international commitments. We must hold our governments accountable and ensure those commitments translate into action.

The young woman in that hospital room deserved better. So do countless others like her.

And the only way forward is by standing up, speaking out, and refusing to let silence win.

 

Mary Kuira is Global DMEL Coordinator at Hivos East Africa

The four suspects – two Belgians, a Vietnamese and a Kenyan – were arrested last month with 5,000 ants.

After securing Olympic relay and World Indoor medals, South African sprint star Akani Simbine says he has "never given up on trying to be the best".

After securing Olympic relay and World Indoor medals, South African sprint star Akani Simbine says he has "never given up on trying to be the best".