Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Comment un parlementaire « de gauche », engagé dans le combat contre la haine raciste, a-t-il pu rallier Vichy et servir avec zèle le maréchal ? Moins atypique qu'il n'y paraît, le cas de Paul Marchandeau (1882-1968) éclaire le rôle des ambitions personnelles, des connivences notabiliaires et (…) / Histoire, Seconde guerre mondiale 1939-1945, France, Personnalités

The G77 represents the Global South in the United Nations (UN). It holds a two-thirds majority and exercises significant influence in the General Assembly, while also being party to North–South tensions in the UN. Nearly all intergovernmental processes at the General Assembly, particularly those related to economic and financial issues, are marked by protracted and frustrating negotiations that affect the UN’s ability to develop solutions to global challenges. Despite its influence in the General Assembly, little is known about the G77’s internal processes. This article addresses this gap by examining the group’s decision making and how it shapes multilateral negotiations and outcomes in the General Assembly. It introduces an ideal-type model of intra-group interest aggregation and assesses how this function unfolds in the G77 and with what effects on UN negotiations. Drawing on group politics literature and interviews with UN delegates, the article demonstrates that while the G77 can leverage its numerical strength, there are noteworthy deficits in the group’s function of aggregating interests. Specifically, the limited inclusiveness in the group’s decision making, the dominance of a few members and the lack of informed input can undermine effective multilateralism and reinforce North–South tensions.

The G77 represents the Global South in the United Nations (UN). It holds a two-thirds majority and exercises significant influence in the General Assembly, while also being party to North–South tensions in the UN. Nearly all intergovernmental processes at the General Assembly, particularly those related to economic and financial issues, are marked by protracted and frustrating negotiations that affect the UN’s ability to develop solutions to global challenges. Despite its influence in the General Assembly, little is known about the G77’s internal processes. This article addresses this gap by examining the group’s decision making and how it shapes multilateral negotiations and outcomes in the General Assembly. It introduces an ideal-type model of intra-group interest aggregation and assesses how this function unfolds in the G77 and with what effects on UN negotiations. Drawing on group politics literature and interviews with UN delegates, the article demonstrates that while the G77 can leverage its numerical strength, there are noteworthy deficits in the group’s function of aggregating interests. Specifically, the limited inclusiveness in the group’s decision making, the dominance of a few members and the lack of informed input can undermine effective multilateralism and reinforce North–South tensions.

The G77 represents the Global South in the United Nations (UN). It holds a two-thirds majority and exercises significant influence in the General Assembly, while also being party to North–South tensions in the UN. Nearly all intergovernmental processes at the General Assembly, particularly those related to economic and financial issues, are marked by protracted and frustrating negotiations that affect the UN’s ability to develop solutions to global challenges. Despite its influence in the General Assembly, little is known about the G77’s internal processes. This article addresses this gap by examining the group’s decision making and how it shapes multilateral negotiations and outcomes in the General Assembly. It introduces an ideal-type model of intra-group interest aggregation and assesses how this function unfolds in the G77 and with what effects on UN negotiations. Drawing on group politics literature and interviews with UN delegates, the article demonstrates that while the G77 can leverage its numerical strength, there are noteworthy deficits in the group’s function of aggregating interests. Specifically, the limited inclusiveness in the group’s decision making, the dominance of a few members and the lack of informed input can undermine effective multilateralism and reinforce North–South tensions.

Der kanadische Premier hat ein Bündnis vorgeschlagen, um sich gegen den neuen Imperialismus zu wehren. Doch je nach Partnerwahl könnte das sogar kontraproduktiv sein, warnt Lars Brozus.

In the coastal zone, the triple planetary crisis manifests as accelerating losses and changes and increasing challenges and risks for people and livelihoods. Acceptance of a future existential crisis compels the urgency of corrective action to cause an inverse positive societal response to bend the negative trajectories of loss and damage. The rate and extent of corrective societal action (policies, laws, practices, knowledge, etc.) should at least keep pace with the projected rate of loss and environmental degradation. This urgency and acceleration of action are major societal challenges, especially considering the overwhelming evidence of impacts. In this paper, we offer three propositions for accelerating urgent actions and fostering innovation in coastal research and management, focusing on emerging trends and foundational changes. Scientists need to (1) reflect on the performativity of their research and perceptions of neutrality in anticipating the future of coasts; (2) think and act equitably in local and global partnerships; and (3) improve their engagement and willingness to innovate with society. This is not a call for linear or incremental change, but a call for the radical. The relationship between society and science drives progress and shapes our collective future.

In the coastal zone, the triple planetary crisis manifests as accelerating losses and changes and increasing challenges and risks for people and livelihoods. Acceptance of a future existential crisis compels the urgency of corrective action to cause an inverse positive societal response to bend the negative trajectories of loss and damage. The rate and extent of corrective societal action (policies, laws, practices, knowledge, etc.) should at least keep pace with the projected rate of loss and environmental degradation. This urgency and acceleration of action are major societal challenges, especially considering the overwhelming evidence of impacts. In this paper, we offer three propositions for accelerating urgent actions and fostering innovation in coastal research and management, focusing on emerging trends and foundational changes. Scientists need to (1) reflect on the performativity of their research and perceptions of neutrality in anticipating the future of coasts; (2) think and act equitably in local and global partnerships; and (3) improve their engagement and willingness to innovate with society. This is not a call for linear or incremental change, but a call for the radical. The relationship between society and science drives progress and shapes our collective future.

In the coastal zone, the triple planetary crisis manifests as accelerating losses and changes and increasing challenges and risks for people and livelihoods. Acceptance of a future existential crisis compels the urgency of corrective action to cause an inverse positive societal response to bend the negative trajectories of loss and damage. The rate and extent of corrective societal action (policies, laws, practices, knowledge, etc.) should at least keep pace with the projected rate of loss and environmental degradation. This urgency and acceleration of action are major societal challenges, especially considering the overwhelming evidence of impacts. In this paper, we offer three propositions for accelerating urgent actions and fostering innovation in coastal research and management, focusing on emerging trends and foundational changes. Scientists need to (1) reflect on the performativity of their research and perceptions of neutrality in anticipating the future of coasts; (2) think and act equitably in local and global partnerships; and (3) improve their engagement and willingness to innovate with society. This is not a call for linear or incremental change, but a call for the radical. The relationship between society and science drives progress and shapes our collective future.

Mit dem Amtsantritt von José Antonio Kast am 11. März 2026 und dem Ende der Präsidentschaft von Gabriel Boric fand in Chile ein Machtwechsel statt, der die größte politische Veränderung seit dem Übergang zur Demokratie markiert. Zwar ist Kast der globalen radikalen Rechten zuzuordnen und hat im Wahlkampf die Notwendigkeit eines fundamentalen Wandels betont. Aufgrund seines zurückhaltenden Stils und der politischen Tradition des Landes dürfte seine Regierungsführung jedoch weniger disruptiv ausfallen als die von Donald Trump in den USA, Javier Milei in Argentinien oder Jair Bolsonaro in Brasilien. Während der chilenische Institutionenrahmen sich mäßigend auswirkt, begünstigt der externe Faktor Trump eine Politik, die Rechtsstaat und Demokratie in der Region erodieren lassen könnte.

Deutschland stellt sich thematisch zu breit auf in einer sich neu ausrichtenden Weltordnung. Das zeigt sich besonders in der Entwicklungspolitik, die als Instrument deutscher Außenpolitik und internationaler Zusammenarbeit dort eingesetzt werden sollte, wo Wirkung realistisch nachgewiesen ist.

Deutschland stellt sich thematisch zu breit auf in einer sich neu ausrichtenden Weltordnung. Das zeigt sich besonders in der Entwicklungspolitik, die als Instrument deutscher Außenpolitik und internationaler Zusammenarbeit dort eingesetzt werden sollte, wo Wirkung realistisch nachgewiesen ist.

Deutschland stellt sich thematisch zu breit auf in einer sich neu ausrichtenden Weltordnung. Das zeigt sich besonders in der Entwicklungspolitik, die als Instrument deutscher Außenpolitik und internationaler Zusammenarbeit dort eingesetzt werden sollte, wo Wirkung realistisch nachgewiesen ist.

Germany is spreading itself too thinly across too many issues in a world order that is undergoing realignment. This is particularly evident in development policy, which, as an instrument of German foreign policy and international cooperation, should be used where its effectiveness has been realistically proven.

Germany is spreading itself too thinly across too many issues in a world order that is undergoing realignment. This is particularly evident in development policy, which, as an instrument of German foreign policy and international cooperation, should be used where its effectiveness has been realistically proven.

Germany is spreading itself too thinly across too many issues in a world order that is undergoing realignment. This is particularly evident in development policy, which, as an instrument of German foreign policy and international cooperation, should be used where its effectiveness has been realistically proven.

Im Koalitionsvertrag der Bundesregierung nimmt die Ankündigung einer neuen »Nord-Süd-Kommission« einen durchaus hervorgehobenen und sichtbaren Platz ein. Sie soll das Verhältnis Deutschlands zu den Ländern des Globalen Südens im Sinne eines globalen Netzwerks neu bestimmen. Das inhaltliche Profil der avisierten Kommission ist bislang jedoch noch nicht näher definiert worden. Auch darüber, wie das Gremium arbeiten soll, ist noch nichts bekannt geworden. Eines kann jedoch schon vorweggenommen werden: Für einen Erfolg gilt es, das historische Vorbild der Brandt-Kommission aus den 1970er Jahren hinter sich zu lassen und einen anderen Weg einzuschlagen: weg von der traditionellen Kommissionsarbeit der Elder Statesmen und hin zu einem prozess­orientierten Ansatz, der die vielen, auch widersprüchlichen Stimmen aus dem Glo­balen Süden aufzunehmen vermag.

La guerre imposée par les États-Unis et Israël, soutenue par l’Occident, assoit les pays du Sud comme les défenseurs du droit international. Leurs intérêts propres limitent toutefois leur réponse. Sur le même thème Guerre en Iran : les pays du Sud global coincés entre un rôle de défenseurs du droit international et leurs intérêts

Le baril de pétrole a repassé ce jeudi la barre des 100 dollars, en dépit d’une une intervention sans précédent des grandes puissances. « Les pays de l’AIE (l’Agence internationale de l’énergie, ndlr) vont mettre 400 millions de barils de pétrole (…) à la disposition du marché pour compenser la perte d’approvisionnement due à la fermeture effective du détroit »…