European Union

I am honored to have received the UACES scholarship to support my fieldwork in Brasília. As a doctoral candidate at KU Leuven, my research focuses on how the diplomatic cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Brazil unfolds in practice at the bilateral, inter-regional and multilateral level. By tracing the strategies and practices present in their every day cooperation between the EU and Brazil, my research aims to ask a larger question of how do diplomats sustain cooperation despite political contestation. While I have had the opportunity to conduct fieldwork in Brussels, it was a privilege to conduct a research trip to Brasília, with the generous support of the UACES PhD Field Scholarships, without which I could not have been able to collect data in person.

This scholarship has supported my one-week stay in Brasília. The award was spent on return flights to Brussels and accommodation fees. This fieldwork trip forms an integral part of my PhD research, as it allowed me to meet interviews in-person, observe their work in Embassies and in the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Itamaraty.

 

National Museum of the Republic designed by Oscar Niemeyer 

Understanding Brasília as a city geared towards diplomacy

I arrived in Brasília in the late afternoon, around 19h. Given Brazil’s position in relation to the Equator it means that it always becomes dark around 17h. I called my uber to the hotel and observed from the ride the city in the dark. You could already tell the white round brutalist Nieymer buildings from a distance: quiet, clean, and extremely well planned – to the smallest details. Every corner, every roundabout, every building was not there by chance. This was the view of a city who was entirely designed for civil servants, like career diplomats. In my walks to the interview locations, I would notice that, instead of street signs, you have country flags. ‘Turn right, into Wing South, for the Spanish, Peruvian, Paraguayan Embassy in SQN345,’ said the GPS. Having been only founded in the 1960s, the notion of space and time in Brasília us designed by its diplomatic headquarters, rather than schools, hospitals, or even commercial buildings. For a diplomacy nerd like me, Brasília was almost being like a kid in Disneyland.

After having done nearly three years of fieldwork in Brussels about how the EU – Brazil multi-level partnership works in practice, I came to Brasília with the goal of understanding how this is being done on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean. From afar, which is often where the researcher is, one can read about these practices through joint statements of the EU – Brazil Strategic Partnership, public statements from political leaders, or through social media posts of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the European External Action Service. I have also heard the side of the story from Brussels, by conducting interviews with European and Brazilian diplomats stationed there. Yet, what I have realised in the last three years of talking to diplomats is that, as a researcher who is interested in knowing about the nitty-gritty details of world politics, more often than not, it is not enough to just hear, if you are interested in diplomatic practices. There is an imperceptible value in the mundane, every day, routine aspects of diplomacy. Details, such as informal discussions, diplomatic demarches, lunches with colleagues, which we often regard as irrelevant. But, as political ethnographers will tell you: it is about making the familiar strange, and the strange familiar.

 

Itamaraty Palace

Making the familiar strange and the strange familiar

For this reason, I wanted to have a grasp of how this partnership was viewed from those working in Brasília: how did the EU matter in the current geopolitical landscape for Brazil? Was the EU important in Brasília in the day-to-day tasks of Brazilian diplomats working in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs? Do they meet frequently or not at all? What did an everyday of a Brazilian and European diplomat looked like in Brasília? More concretely, what diplomatic practices help to sustain cooperation when there is political contestation? Given that my focus rests on tracing the logic behind these diplomatic practices to understand how they matter in world politics, my fieldwork in Brasília was informed by an ethnographic approach towards practice-tracing. In other words, I conducted several (on and off the record) interviews with Brazilian and

European diplomats about their routines in Brasília, and spent some dedicated time to observing the spaces (embassies, receptions, waiting halls, cafeterias, institutional buildings, offices) in which they circulate in. It is important to note that this fieldwork in Brasília would not have happened without UACES’s support through the PhD Fieldwork Fellowship, of which I was lucky to have been selected.

The EU and Brazil have shared a strategic partnership since 2007; however, this has not been without its political crises. Due to the nature of democracy, political governments, with different visions about world politics, change throughout time. Some governments, such as the current one in Brazil are more favourable to having a strong partnership with the EU, while others, such as the government of Bolsonaro, have not. In October 2026, Brazil is heading towards another Presidential election. While Lula enjoys a narrow majority, Bolsonaro’s son, Flávio Bolsonaro, is doing well in the electoral race, too. How can then the career diplomats working in Brasília ensure that there is continuity in this partnership, knowing that in October 2026, the political willingness of the Brazilian government might change soon? In the specific case of the everyday cooperation between Brazil and the EU, interviewees revealed these relational strategies are key to ensuring continuity in their cooperation.

Looking back at the interviews I had with diplomats in Brasília, one thing is certain: the devil is in the details. The current geopolitical and societal landscape is certainly forcing diplomats to adapt to new realities: both Brazilian and European diplomats are being faced with structural challenges as to how diplomacy is done. To be a diplomat entails no longer the traditional political work of mediation but demands that career diplomats are able to work in different policy fields. As one of the interviewees explained to me, ‘diplomats are like radar people’, that is, diplomats need to be able to anticipate potential political storms ahead, and if so, to know how – and most importantly whom to talk to – to deal with it. In times of growing political turmoil, interviewees revealed that there can be certain relational strategies and rituals which help to manoeuvre potential disruptions. For example, having a coffee with your regular diplomatic counterpart, a short phone call to update on negotiations, or a diplomatic demarche can often help to facilitate the continuation of international cooperation.

 

Hallway, while waiting for an interview (somewhere in Brasília)

Methodological challenges: positionality, confidentiality and trust

Nevertheless, it is important to note that this fieldwork was not without its challenges. While, in theory, doable, access to these elite spaces is not always easy for a researcher. These are often closed-door and secretive rooms for diplomats: an essential part of diplomacy, yet the one that is probably the most hidden away. In effect, this was one of the issues that I encountered in preparation and during my fieldwork in Brasília. To prepare for my fieldwork, I drew in from my own professional network which I have built for over the last three years for contacts (and willingness to meet, which made a world of difference). Yet, during my interviews, I still encountered some issues about questions of confidentiality. For example, one of the most insightful conversations I had was not recorded given that it was more informal and to respect the privacy of the interviewee. The fact that I did not record it allowed me as well to build a level of trust which would have not been possible otherwise. While ethnographic is an incredibly rich methodology, it does raise some considerable questions about how to study such an elite can demand significant trade-offs in research.

In conclusion, the fieldwork in Brasília became a crucial part of my doctoral research. Often times, research in international relations tends to focus on the understanding the macro picture of diplomatic relations between different countries, yet, it is crucial to not lose sight of the fact that world politics takes place between every day human interactions.

The post UACES Fieldwork Scholarship: Exploring EU–Brazil Diplomacy in Practice appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

Le procès du chef présumé du clan Yoda, Félix Bingui, débute lundi prochain à Marseille. Il est accusé, aux côtés de 19 coprévenus, de trafic de stupéfiants, d'association de malfaiteurs et de blanchiment. 

Donald Trump est en visite en Chine ces 14 et 15 mai pour un sommet très attendu avec Xi Jinping à Pékin. Cette rencontre, la première entre les deux dirigeants depuis 2017, intervient dans un contexte international particulièrement tendu : rivalités commerciales entre Washington et Pékin, guerre au Moyen-Orient et montée des tensions autour de Taïwan.

Pourtant, malgré les déclarations très positives, ce sommet n’a pas l’air d’avoir abouti à de véritables avancées. Les principales annonces, comme l’achat par la Chine de 200 avions Boeing ou de 10 milliards de dollars de produits agricoles américains, restent symboliques. Sur des sujets plus sensibles, notamment les terres rares ou la question iranienne, Pékin ne semble avoir fait aucune concession majeure. La Chine a toutefois réaffirmé son opposition à la prolifération nucléaire et son souhait d’éviter une escalade des tensions internationales.

Mais le véritable enjeu des discussions reste Taïwan. Xi Jinping a clairement indiqué que cette question était la priorité des relations sino-américaines. Il a averti que toute mauvaise gestion de ce dossier pourrait mener à un conflit ouvert, message adressé à la fois aux américains et aux taïwanais. Une stratégie de dissuasion visant à pousser Taïwan à se rapprocher de la Chine par crainte d’un abandon américain.

Le sommet de Pékin marque-t-il une nouvelle étape dans le basculement du rapport de force mondial entre Washington et Pékin ? La Chine est-elle en train de s’imposer comme une puissance diplomatique incontournable pendant que les Etats-Unis s’enlisent dans leurs contradictions stratégiques ?

Mon analyse dans cette vidéo.

L’article Xi Jinping la substance, Trump les apparences est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

La route des Balkans reste toujours l'une des principales voies d'accès l'Union européenne, pour les exilés du Proche et du Moyen Orient, d'Afrique ou d'Asie. Alors que les frontières Schengen se ferment, Frontex se déploie dans les Balkans, qui sont toujours un « sas d'accès » à la « forteresse Europe ». Notre fil d'infos en continu.

- Le fil de l'Info / Bosnie-Herzégovine, Albanie, Kosovo, Bulgarie, Questions européennes, Populations, minorités et migrations, Migrants Balkans, Courrier des Balkans, Croatie, Turquie, Grèce, Moldavie, Macédoine du Nord, Monténégro, Slovénie, Roumanie, Serbie, Gratuit, Grèce immigration

La route des Balkans reste toujours l'une des principales voies d'accès l'Union européenne, pour les exilés du Proche et du Moyen Orient, d'Afrique ou d'Asie. Alors que les frontières Schengen se ferment, Frontex se déploie dans les Balkans, qui sont toujours un « sas d'accès » à la « forteresse Europe ». Notre fil d'infos en continu.

- Le fil de l'Info / Bosnie-Herzégovine, Albanie, Kosovo, Bulgarie, Questions européennes, Populations, minorités et migrations, Migrants Balkans, Courrier des Balkans, Croatie, Turquie, Grèce, Moldavie, Macédoine du Nord, Monténégro, Slovénie, Roumanie, Serbie, Gratuit, Grèce immigration

La route des Balkans reste toujours l'une des principales voies d'accès l'Union européenne, pour les exilés du Proche et du Moyen Orient, d'Afrique ou d'Asie. Alors que les frontières Schengen se ferment, Frontex se déploie dans les Balkans, qui sont toujours un « sas d'accès » à la « forteresse Europe ». Notre fil d'infos en continu.

- Le fil de l'Info / Bosnie-Herzégovine, Albanie, Kosovo, Bulgarie, Questions européennes, Populations, minorités et migrations, Migrants Balkans, Courrier des Balkans, Croatie, Turquie, Grèce, Moldavie, Macédoine du Nord, Monténégro, Slovénie, Roumanie, Serbie, Gratuit, Grèce immigration

La route des Balkans reste toujours l'une des principales voies d'accès l'Union européenne, pour les exilés du Proche et du Moyen Orient, d'Afrique ou d'Asie. Alors que les frontières Schengen se ferment, Frontex se déploie dans les Balkans, qui sont toujours un « sas d'accès » à la « forteresse Europe ». Notre fil d'infos en continu.

- Le fil de l'Info / Bosnie-Herzégovine, Albanie, Kosovo, Bulgarie, Questions européennes, Populations, minorités et migrations, Migrants Balkans, Courrier des Balkans, Croatie, Turquie, Grèce, Moldavie, Macédoine du Nord, Monténégro, Slovénie, Roumanie, Serbie, Gratuit, Grèce immigration

The European Parliament plays an important role in advancing gender equality in the European Union. Through resolutions, legislative work and political scrutiny, it has called for stronger action in areas including violence against women, equal pay, online abuse, representation in decision-making, and women’s rights in conflict settings.

In its November 2025 resolution, Parliament called on the Commission to propose adding gender-based violence to the list of EU crimes.

Parliament urged action to prevent online gender-based violence across EU digital policies and to hold platforms accountable for propagating sexist content (November 2025, February 2023). Parliament called for misogyny to be explicitly included in the definition of hate speech and hate crime at EU level (January 2024).

Parliament has also called on the Commission to address AI-related threats through education, digital literacy and research into online misogyny and radicalisation (November 2025). Ahead of the 70th UN Commission on the Status of Women, it also highlighted the need for a deeper understanding of anti-gender movements, the ‘incel’ phenomenon and the ‘manosphere’, and for more active policies to counter these narratives (February 2026).

On employment, Parliament has called for the timely implementation of the Pay Transparency Directive, the Women on Boards Directive and the Work-Life Balance Directive. It demanded measures to reduce the gender employment gap and urged the Commission to promote women’s entry to, and retention within, the labour market (November 2025).

In March 2026, Parliament called on the Commission to present an action plan to eliminate gender pay and pension gaps, with a focus on fair pay and working conditions in sectors dominated by women, such as healthcare and education. Parliament also called for investments under the next EU long-term budget to strengthen work-life balance for women and ensure a reliable care sector.

Parliament has addressed gender equality in sport and culture. In an October 2025 resolution on the European sport model, it called on all stakeholders to advance gender equality in sport, combat violence, discrimination and harassment, and address the under-representation of women in sports governing bodies.

Within its own institution, Parliament has also taken steps on gender equality. In November 2025, Parliament initiated the legislative process to amend the EU Electoral Act. Under the proposed rules, a Member of the European Parliament who is pregnant or has recently given birth may delegate her plenary vote to another Member for up to three months before the estimated date of birth and six months after childbirth. This change requires the agreement of all EU countries in the Council before it can enter into force.

Furthermore, the European Parliament Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM) organises an annual gender equality week and various events to mark International Women’s Day on 8 March.

Parliament has repeatedly called for women’s full participation in peace and security decision-making and for consistent EU financing of initiatives that promote women in leadership roles and combat sexual violence in conflict settings (April 2025, May 2025, July 2025). It repeatedly condemned rape and sexual violence in Russia’s attack on Ukraine (February 2023, February 2026) and drew attention to widespread sexual violence and child rape in the conflict in Sudan (March 2025).

Parliament has called for a new gender action plan post-2027 with a gender-sensitive approach to humanitarian aid (January 2026). It also stated that EU defence policies should reflect gender equality and diversity, promoting inclusive military environments with equal opportunities regardless of gender or background (April 2025).

Keep sending your questions to the Citizens’ Enquiries Unit (Ask EP)! We will reply in the EU language in which you write to us.

Farmers in Bangladesh. Credit: Heifer International
 
As conflict in the Middle East disrupts critical fuel and fertilizer supply routes, smallholder farmers across Asia are once again caught in the crossfire of global shocks. This piece argues that repeated crises are exposing a deeper structural flaw in agri-food systems—Overdependence on External Inputs. It presents a compelling case for regenerative agriculture as a pathway to resilient food systems in Asia.

By Neena Joshi
UTTAR PRADESH, India, May 15 2026 (IPS)

The latest shock to global food systems, triggered by conflict in the Middle East and disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz, has once again exposed a fragile truth: the world’s food systems remain highly vulnerable to external shocks.

For Asia, especially South Asia, where agriculture underpins millions of livelihoods, the consequences are immediate and severe. Rising fuel prices, supply chain disruptions, and limited access to fertilizers are pushing already fragile systems to the brink.

The Strait of Hormuz is not just a geopolitical chokepoint; it is a lifeline for fuel and agricultural inputs across Asia. A significant share of fertilizers and their raw materials, including natural gas, transit through or originate from this route.

For countries such as India, Bangladesh, and Nepal, where agriculture employs between 38 and over 60 percent of the workforce, this dependency creates systemic risk. When supply chains falter, the effects cascade quickly: input costs rise, planting cycles are disrupted, and farmer incomes shrink.

Solar panels installed in a farm in Bangladesh. Credit: Heifer International

Even if shipping routes reopen, recovery will be slow

Damage to energy infrastructure and continued geopolitical uncertainty mean price volatility and supply constraints can persist for months. For smallholder farmers, this creates a dual crisis. Exporting produce becomes difficult due to logistical bottlenecks, while fuel shortages hamper domestic distribution. At the same time, the next cropping cycle looms, with essential fertilizers either unavailable or unaffordable.

This is not an isolated disruption. From the COVID-19 pandemic to the war in Ukraine, global shocks are becoming more frequent and interconnected. Each crisis compounds the last, pushing smallholder farmers, the backbone of global food production, into deeper uncertainty. The question is no longer whether disruptions will occur, but how prepared our systems are to withstand them.

At the heart of the problem is overdependence on external, input-intensive systems, chemical fertilizers, fossil fuels, and long, fragile supply chains. Reducing this dependence is central to building resilience.

Regenerative Agriculture and Renewable Energy Offer a Compelling Pathway Forward.

At its core, regenerative agriculture restores soil health, enhances biodiversity, improves water retention, and reduces reliance on synthetic inputs. Practices such as crop diversification, organic soil enrichment, reduced tillage, and integrated pest management shift farming from an extractive to a restorative model.

By rebuilding natural soil fertility, these approaches reduce dependence on external inputs. Instead of relying heavily on urea in rice cultivation, regenerative systems promote nutrient cycling and biological nitrogen fixation through legumes, alongside the use of compost and manure to strengthen soil organic matter and ensure a steady, natural nutrient supply.

Integrating renewable energy further strengthens resilience. Solar-powered irrigation replaces fuel-based inputs with clean, reliable energy, lowering operational costs and improving water-use efficiency—especially critical during periods of disruption.

The evidence base for these approaches is both growing and compelling. In Bangladesh, multiple studies show that solar irrigation consistently outperforms diesel systems, delivering higher returns, improving food security, and reducing irrigation costs by 20–50 percent, while significantly boosting profitability (Rana, 2021; Buisson, 2024; Sunny, 2023; Sarker, 2025).

Research also shows that bio-based inputs like compost, biochar, and green manure can partially replace synthetic fertilizers, often without yield loss, while improving soil health (Naher, 2021; Ferdous, 2023; Behera, 2025).

Regenerative Agriculture is Not Just an Environmental Solution—It is an Economic One

By reducing dependence on volatile external inputs such as chemical fertilizers and fossil fuels, regenerative agriculture shields farmers from global price shocks while improving long-term productivity and profits.

Emerging evidence from Nepal and India reinforces this trend: while yields generally remain stable, reduced input costs significantly increase farm profitability (Magar, 2022; Dhakal, 2022; Berger, 2025).

A broader analysis by the Observer Research Foundation (2025) finds that although yields may dip slightly during transition, most cases report higher yields over time, alongside improved income stability driven by lower input dependence.

Similar trends are being observed globally, reinforcing that regenerative approaches can deliver both resilience and profitability across diverse farming systems (link).

Importantly, these outcomes are already visible on the ground in South Asia. Through programs led by Heifer International, smallholder farmers are adopting regenerative and climate-smart practices that reduce costs, improve yields, and strengthen resilience.

In Bangladesh’s Jashore district, for instance, women farmers organized into cooperatives have reduced irrigation costs, improved productivity, and strengthened market access through solar irrigation, organic soil management, and collective action.

As one farmer, Shirin Akter, shares: “Adopting climate-smart practices and pooling resources through my cooperative allowed me to grow diverse crops. When drought hit, I still had harvests to sell, and my cooperative helped me recover quickly.”

For farmers like Shirin, these shifts are transformative, turning vulnerability into resilience through diversified systems, lower input dependence, and stronger collective support. Similar models in Nepal show how regenerative, community-based approaches can reduce resource pressure while improving incomes.

Scaling this Transition Requires Action Beyond the Farm

To transition to a resilient and sustainable food system, a multi-stakeholder approach is essential. Policymakers should realign incentives to support sustainable practices and reduce dependence on imported inputs. Financial institutions and insurers should recognize the lower risk profiles of regenerative systems.

Businesses must embed sustainability into core decisions, prioritizing sourcing from farmers adopting regenerative practices and building longer-term, stable supply relationships. At the same time, marketing teams can shape consumer demand by communicating the value of sustainably produced food. Together, these shifts can align supply chains and markets in support of more resilient food systems.

The stakes are high. The World Food Programme warns that roughly 45 million more people could be pushed into hunger if current disruptions persist, adding to the 318 million people already food insecure.

We cannot continue rebuilding fragile food systems after every shock. We must redesign them. Regenerative agriculture offers a pathway to reduce dependence on volatile external inputs, restore ecological balance, and build resilience where it matters most—at the farm level.

To replenish what has been used up is not just an environmental necessity—it is the foundation of more secure, equitable, and resilient food systems across Asia.

Neena Joshi is the Senior Vice President for Asia Programs at Heifer International. With over 20 years of experience, she leads initiatives to build inclusive, sustainable agrifood systems and empower smallholder farmers, especially women and youth, across Asia.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Agriculture sustains millions of people in Zimbabwe, serving as a vital source of both food and income. But climate-related pressures affecting land, crops, rainfall patterns, and increasing pest outbreaks are threatening smallholder farmers’ harvests, leaving them food insecure. Scientists at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT) in the capital, Harare, have teamed up […]

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UN peacekeeping transitions are increasingly unfolding under crisis conditions marked by deteriorating host-state consent, imposed timelines, and escalating insecurity. While the UN has developed more sophisticated transition frameworks over the past two decades, recent mission withdrawals have exposed significant gaps between policy guidance and operational realities.

This issue brief examines “transitions in crisis” through the cases of UNMEE in Ethiopia and Eritrea, UNAMID in Sudan, MINUSMA in Mali, and MONUSCO in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It explores how operational obstruction, weakened political cooperation, inadequate successor arrangements, and abrupt withdrawals create acute risks for civilians, peacekeepers, and peace processes.

The findings highlight that crisis transitions require different analytical and operational approaches than standard mission drawdowns. Stronger contingency planning, earlier political engagement, more integrated protection mechanisms, and clearer responses to host-state obstruction are essential to mitigating the risks associated with abrupt or noncooperative mission withdrawals.

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Strategic communications are critical when a peace operation is preparing to leave a country. Effective communication can help manage expectations, counter misinformation and disinformation, preserve trust, and facilitate handover processes. Failure to communicate effectively can leave civilians feeling abandoned, fuel false narratives, and complicate mission withdrawals and transitions.

This issue brief examines lessons related to strategic communications during recent peacekeeping transitions, including in Mali and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It explores how missions have approached external messaging with local populations and host-state governments, internal communication with mission staff, coordination with national and UN actors, and the transition or closure of UN radio stations.

The findings highlight that communications planning must be integrated into transition processes from the outset and supported at the leadership level. Maintaining communications capacity through and beyond mission drawdowns, strengthening joint messaging with UN and national actors, and developing sustainable approaches to UN radio are essential to effective transitions. At the same time, the brief underscores that even well-executed communications cannot compensate for deteriorating security conditions or political realities on the ground.

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The post Strategic Communications and UN Peacekeeping Transitions appeared first on International Peace Institute.

UN peacekeeping missions have played an important role in advancing the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda, including by supporting women’s participation, strengthening gender-responsive institutions, and expanding protection mechanisms. Yet these gains often become vulnerable during mission transitions and withdrawals.

This issue brief examines how peacekeeping transitions have affected WPS gains in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, and Mali. It explores how missions have incorporated gender-responsive analysis, gender benchmarks, technical expertise, and coordination with civil society into transition planning and implementation.

The findings highlight that sustaining WPS gains requires more systematic gender-responsive planning, stronger coordination with local actors, and continued political and financial support after mission withdrawal. Integrating gender expertise and local women-led organizations into transition processes is essential to preserving progress and reducing protection gaps.

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The post Women, Peace, and Security and UN Peacekeeping Transitions appeared first on International Peace Institute.