European Union

By Marylou Hamm (Science Po, France / European University Institute, Italy)

From the Greek debt crisis and the 2015 migration crisis to the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine, the European Union has faced overlapping emergencies over the past fifteen years. These crises have tested not only financial actors and member states, but also the very foundations of solidarity at the European level. In response, new instruments proliferated – budgets, calendars, databases, and monitoring tools designed to coordinate national policies across borders.

This wave of innovation, described by some as a trend towards coordinative Europeanisation, came at a cost. The 2010s produced one of the deepest legitimacy shocks in EU history, nowhere more visibly than in Greece. There, the European Commission became directly involved in national policy implementation through the infamous ‘troika’ model. And what began as a firefighting exercise soon evolved into a lasting experiment in Brussels’ intervention in domestic reform processes.

While much has been written about the outcomes of this period – the tightening of fiscal rules, the rise of ad hoc coordination structures, and the expansion of conditionality – far less is understood about how these transformations unfolded from within EU institutions: the concrete conditions through which crisis-born instruments become institutionalised. This is paradoxical, since institutional change depends not only on crisis improvisers, but also on the ‘translators’ who enact learning by interpreting feedback, adjust procedures, and transform ad hoc responses into organisational norms.

The politics of routinisation

In my recent Journal of Common Market Studies article, I examine this process through micro-level observation of EU staff negotiating the routinisation of technical assistance services first developed in Greece and Cyprus in the 2010s (i.e. support to reform design and implementation—studies, training, advice, missions). I define routinisation as a contested process through which crisis learning is debated, negotiated, and institutionalised.

My analysis of the creation of the Structural Reform Support Service (SRSS), now known as SG REFORM, reveals enduring tensions in how the EU conceives its involvement in national reforms – tensions that still shape flagship instruments such as the European Semester and the Recovery and Resilience Facility.

Competing Narratives and Logics

By 2014, even as the financial crisis subsided, its political and legitimacy aftershocks continued to shape Brussels’ internal dynamics. The Greek episode was interpreted in multiple, often conflicting ways: as a test of European solidarity, a story of technocratic overreach and austerity, or evidence of member states’ limited administrative capacities. These narratives did not just circulate in public debate – they divided the Commission itself.

Officials who had worked on Greece faced a dilemma: how to preserve the expertise and networks developed during the crisis, while distancing themselves from the unpopular troika model. Within the Commission, they clashed over the future of these crisis-era instruments – over what it meant to ‘learn’ from crisis. Between March 2014 and June 2015, EU staff circulated draft proposals, concept notes, and organisational charts, each advancing a different vision. Two competing logics emerged:

• The economising logic, defended by the Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs (DG ECFIN), framed technical assistance as an extension of economic surveillance – a tool to ensure reforms aligned with macroeconomic targets, embedded within the European Semester.
• The integrative logic, defended by the Task Force for Greece, viewed reform support as a partnership instrument – a means to build trust, ownership, and cooperation rather than enforce conditionality.

These perspectives collided in internal debates. DG ECFIN wanted the new service under its authority; the task force argued it should report to the Secretariat General or the President’s office, reflecting its cross-cutting and coordinative role. Even seemingly minor wording choices – ‘responsibility’ versus ‘solidarity’ – carried political weight, reflecting deeper disagreements within the Eurocratic field.

By mid-2015, the economising logic appeared to dominate. Yet, in a last-minute intervention, the Secretariat General opted to preserve the task force’s structure and keep it under its own authority. This decision endorsed the integrative vision while allowing for a compromise where staff from DG ECFIN were integrated into the new unit, and adjustment programmes and European Semester monitoring remained central to its mission.

This episode marked a pivotal transition in the Eurocratic space away from the emergency policies that dominated the 2010s. It revealed how critiques of past crisis management could align with broader political ambitions – in this case, Juncker’s effort to re-centralise cross-cutting policy tools and politicise the Commission’s role as a managerial and coordinating hub.

The value of drafts

This story offers a rare inside look at how EU institutions ‘learn’ from crisis. Learning is not automatic: it is political work involving framing, negotiation, and the legitimation of competing experiences. Officials did not merely design new instruments; they continuously rewrote the meaning of the crisis itself. Micro-level practices – drafting memos, circulating notes, timing decisions – produced macro-level effects, shaping institutional architectures and the balance between rival visions of European integration. Where a service is located, or how its mandate is described, can tilt the balance between different understandings of EU governance. Studying these internal disputes helps explain how crisis improvisations become organisational routines.

Ongoing Relevance

The lineage from SRSS to SG REFORM, now managing expertise for the Recovery and Resilience Facility, illustrates the persistence of these old dilemmas: fiscal oversight versus national ownership, solidarity versus responsibility. Today, ‘conditionality’ often bridges these poles – combining coercive and coordinative logics in new hybrid forms.

My research on the hidden politics of routinisation reveals not only what the EU does, but how it decides what it wants to become. Rather than treating the Commission as a homogeneous policy entrepreneur, we can see how its evolution depends on the situated work of professionals – individuals shaped by crises, who interpret lessons, negotiate compromises, and embed new routines in everyday practice.

Institutions, ultimately, are made by the people who inhabit them – people who must make sense of crises as they unfold, and who turn emergency measures into the quiet routines of governance.

Marylou Hamm is a Civica Fellow at Sciences Po (France) and the European University Institute (Italy). Her research examines (post-)crisis management, public administration reforms, and the role of experts in EU governance, through a sociological lens.  https://me.eui.eu/marylou-hamm

The post From Crisis to Routine: Learning from the Greek Experience appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

On 06 November 2025, EUHealthGov hosted Julidè Mayer for a webinar exploring the EU relations with neighbouring third countries in the area of health. Julidè Mayer is a second-year MPH student in Global Health Management and Policy at the University of Michigan School of Public Health, and has been researching EU cross-border regional cooperation in health. Over the summer 2025, she held a visiting researcher position at City St George’s, University of London, where she was co-hosted at the Department of International Politics and the Law School.

In her talk, Julidè presented the findings of the research project. The aim of the project was, first, to map EU relations with different types of third countries (selected EFTA members and accession states, as well as the UK) using the WHO health systems building blocks framework to assess different areas of health governance and identify distinct cooperation models. Secondly, the instruments characterising those models were analysed along a set of criteria developed by Dayan and Hervey (2024): the extent to which they are formal or informal; narrow or broad; technical or political; and whether they are oriented towards trade or security. 

The findings highlight the multifaceted nature of EU relations with third countries, challenging assumptions of homogeneity in external relations, and underscoring the complexity of health and healthcare governance. As a common thread, we could see that relations with EEA countries (Iceland and Norway) showed the deepest level of integration, with broad, formal and technical cooperation covering both trade and security elements. Relations with accession states were marked by a clear power asymmetry, wherein the EU plays a capacity-building role intended to support the aspiring member to meet the EU’s requirement in a highly formalised setting. The relation between the EU and Switzerland, as well as EU-UK relations on the other hand, are much more reflective of the outcomes of political negotiations relating to narrowly delimited issues, with the emergence of what Mayer described as a UK-EU ‘legacy model’ and Switzerland’s relationship reflecting specific and bespoke outcomes of decades of negotiations.       

Of particular interest in the Q&A discussion was the ‘health data and information’ category, which was an outline where no clear cooperation model could be identified. Several points were raised, both by Julidè and audience members, on why establishing systematised cooperation in health data may be more difficult than in other areas such as health workforce or service delivery. Data protection is a particularly politically sensitive area at domestic levels in many member states, and one in which the EU has always tended towards a precautionary approach. Sensitivities may be exacerbated in the context of the rising prominence of generative AI. Health data is also of particular relevance to health security, notably through epidemiological surveillance and preparedness monitoring. With each health crisis, the EU is becoming more and more involved in health security governance, while at the same time, the securitisation of health in a geopolitically unstable global context also represents a barrier to cooperation. 

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La présidente de la Commission européenne, Ursula von der Leyen, rencontrera la présidente du Parlement européen, Roberta Metsola, lundi 10 novembre, afin d’éviter le rejet de la proposition de budget 2028-2034 — une menace brandie par les eurodéputés depuis la présentation du projet par la Commission en juillet. C’est ce qu’a confirmé jeudi 6 novembre un fonctionnaire de l’UE.

The post Rencontre des présidentes du Parlement et de la Commission lundi pour des discussions cruciales sur le prochain budget de l’UE appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Written by Tim Peters.

The European Parliament is fully committed to ensuring an ambitious European Union budget that meets the Union’s many challenges in the years to come. The European Commission presented its proposals for the 2028-2034 multiannual financial framework (MFF) on 16 July 2025. The Commission proposes a budget amounting to a total of almost €1.8 trillion in commitments over seven years (in constant 2025 prices). The MFF constitutes the EU’s long-term budgetary plan setting a maximum level of spending (‘ceilings’) for each major category of expenditure (‘heading’) in accordance with Article 312 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU).

The proposed 2028-2034 budget corresponds to 1.26 % of the EU’s gross national income (GNI). This includes 0.11 % of EU GNI for the repayment of the debt created by NextGenerationEU (NGEU) grants. Excluding the NGEU repayment, the proposed post-2027 MFF reflects, in nominal terms, an increase of €367.2 billion (+29 %). However, in real terms, the increase is only 0.02 percentage points of GNI.

2028-2034 MFF overview

The national and regional partnership plans (NRPPs) proposed by the European Commission have proven particularly controversial throughout the European Parliament, as they are seen as a risk of ‘renationalising’ the EU budget. Parliament’s four pro-European groups have threatened to reject the Commission’s draft regulation on the NRPPs if it does not substantially amend its proposal.

An overview of the main components of the proposed 2028-2034 MFF and an initial comparison with the 2021-2027 budget framework illustrates the Commission’s proposed division of the €1.763 trillion in commitments, which Parliament’s Committee on Budgets (BUDG) finds lacks ambition.

Academia, think tanks, other EU institutions and bodies, and a variety of stakeholders are publishing a wealth of analysis and commentary on the proposed 2028-2034 MFF as it proceeds through negotiations (see our monthly digest).

FURTHER READING:

• EU budget 2028-2034: Overview of the Commission’s proposal
• Background information on the post-2027 MFF
• Brief, up-to-date assessments on all legislative proposals of the MFF package: Legislative Train Schedule
• European Commission draft legislative proposals: The 2028-2034 EU budget for a stronger Europe

Johann Wadephul, membre du parti conservateur CDU, a ravivé les tensions au sein du gouvernement de Friedrich Merz après avoir déclaré que certaines régions de Syrie étaient trop dévastées pour que le million de Syriens vivant en Allemagne puissent y retourner.

The post Rapatriement de Syriens : le ministre allemand des Affaires étrangères déclenche une polémique au sein de son parti conservateur appeared first on Euractiv FR.

À l’issue d’une réunion avec le Parlement européen mercredi 5 novembre, la Commission a fait savoir qu’elle envisagerait de modifier un élément clé de sa proposition de cadre financier pluriannuel (CFP) pour la période 2028-2034.

The post La Commission envisage de modifier sa proposition de budget 2028-2034 pour éviter un rejet du Parlement appeared first on Euractiv FR.

AMENDMENTS 1 - 123 - Draft report Amending Regulations (EC) No 1907/2006, (EC) No 1272/2008, (EU) No 528/2012, (EU) 2019/1021 and (EU) 2021/697 as regards defence readiness and facilitating defence investments and conditions for defence industry
Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy
Committee on Security and Defence
Antonio Decaro, Aura Salla, Sven Mikser

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

La règlementation européenne anti-déforestation (EUDR) fait face à un nouvel obstacle cette semaine, alors que la pression politique croissante laisse de plus en plus entrevoir un report d’un an de l’application de la législation pour toutes les entreprises.

The post Les institutions de l’UE divisées sur les règles anti-déforestation, alors que l’idée d’un report gagne du terrain appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Le Royaume-Uni a peut-être quitté l’Union européenne, mais les répercussions juridiques du Brexit continuent de se faire sentir dans l’UE. Mercredi 5 novembre, un tribunal pénal belge a condamné deux ressortissants polonais, dont un assistant parlementaire actuel, pour détournement de fonds européens liés à des entités politiques associées à Nigel Farage et à son parti, le UKIP.

The post La justice belge condamne deux personnes pour détournement de fonds européens liés au groupe pro-Brexit de Nigel Farage appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Length of video : 150'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Dans une lettre adressée au commissaire aux Migrations Magnus Brunner, la Belgique et les Pays-Bas exigent que le respect des règles de Dublin devienne une condition pour bénéficier du nouveau mécanisme de solidarité migratoire.

The post Asile et migrations : la Belgique et les Pays-Bas veulent sanctionner les États membres qui ne respectent pas les règles européennes appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Des eurodéputés de gauche demandent à la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne (CJUE) d’examiner la légalité de l’accord numérique conclu entre l’UE et Singapour. Ils craignent qu’il ne compromette la protection des données et les droits fondamentaux des citoyens européens.

The post Des eurodéputés tentent de bloquer l’accord sur le commerce numérique UE-Singapour appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Le Parti populaire européen (PPE) d’Ursula von der Leyen est contraint de s’allier avec l’extrême droite pour faire passer une réforme visant à simplifier les formalités administratives entourant les chaînes d’approvisionnement. Une alliance embarrassante, que l’extrême droite veut rendre « publique ».

The post Dans sa quête de simplification, Ursula von der Leyen poussée à rendre publique son alliance avec l’extrême droite appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Les membres de la commission des Droits de la femme du Parlement européen ont voté mercredi 5 novembre en faveur d’un fonds européen visant à aider les femmes à se rendre à l’étranger pour des avortements lorsque la procédure leur est refusée dans leur pays.

The post L’UE fait un pas vers un fonds pour aider les femmes privées d’avortement dans leur pays à avorter ailleurs appeared first on Euractiv FR.

The presidency of the Council and European Parliament negotiators reached a provisional agreement on the proposal to incentivise defence-related investments in the EU budget to implement the so-called ReArm Europe plan.

The Council of the EU and the European Parliament reached a provisional agreement aimed at ensuring that transport services can use a single method for calculating their greenhouse gas emissions.

Council agrees position on the ‘stop-the-clock’ mechanism on requirements and procedures for chemical products.

The Council has agreed to amend climate law to set a 90% emissions reduction target for 2040, with flexibility and conditions to support member states in the transition.

The Council approved the submission of the EU's updated nationally determined contribution ahead of COP30, reaffirming the EU's commitment to the Paris Agreement and its ambitious climate action goals.

On 4 November 2025, European Council President António Costa gave a speech at the Euronews EU Enlargement Summit. In his speech, he emphasised that in an age of geopolitical uncertainty and economic instability, an enlarged European Union means a safer, stronger and more peaceful Europe, at home and in the world.