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Le Parlement a voté la législation facilitant la suppression du droit de voyager sans visa vers l'UE des pays présentant des risques pour la sécurité ou ne respectant pas les droits humains.
Commission des libertés civiles, de la justice et des affaires intérieures

Source : © Union européenne, 2025 - PE

Parliament has backed legislation to make it easier to remove the right to visa-free travel to the EU from countries posing security risks or breaching human rights.
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Parliament has backed legislation to make it easier to remove the right to visa-free travel to the EU from countries posing security risks or breaching human rights.
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Headlines reflecting the release of Belarusian political prisoners. Graphic: IPS

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, Oct 7 2025 (IPS)

As Belarusian president Alexander Lukashenko continues to pardon political prisoners in an apparently increasingly successful attempt to improve diplomatic relations with the US, rights groups have warned the international community must not let itself be ‘tricked’ into thinking repressions in the country are easing.

Lukashenko, who has ruled Belarus for more than 30 years, last month (SEP) ordered the release of more than 75 prisoners, the majority of them political prisoners, after negotiations with US officials.

But critics have said while the release of any prisoners is welcome, it should not be taken as a sign that the persecution of the regime’s opponents is about to stop, and they point out that people are being jailed for their politics in Belarus at a faster rate than any are being released.

“While it is good that prisoners have been released, they should never have been in prison in the first place. There is a risk now that the attention of the international community will be diverted from the continuing repressions in the country. People are still in prison, and still being imprisoned, for exercising their human rights. While Lukashenko is releasing people, he is at the same time arresting more – it’s like a revolving door,” Maria Guryeva, Senior Campaigner at Amnesty International, told IPS.

The warnings follow the release on September 11 of 52 prisoners—the majority of whom were political prisoners—and the freeing on September 16 of a further 25 prisoners from Belarusian jails.

This came after direct negotiations with US officials and in return for an easing of sanctions on Belarus’s national airline, Belavia.

The releases were also followed by confirmation from US officials involved in the negotiations that US President Donald Trump had told Lukashenko that Washington wants to reopen its embassy in Minsk. Trump also spoke to Lukashenko on the phone earlier in the summer and has reportedly even suggested that a meeting between the two could take place in the near future.

Political experts say that much closer ties between Washington and Minsk, not to mention an easing of sanctions, would be a major PR coup for Lukashenko. It could also be attractive to President Donald Trump, as it would underscore his own touted credentials as a master conciliator and a defender of human rights who can free political prisoners.

Rights activists, though, fear that seeing such political gains from his actions will only embolden Lukashenko to use prisoners as “bargaining chips” to extract further political concessions in the future.

“It seems like this is a new tactic [by the Belarusian regime] to use political prisoners as bargaining chips, [and] it seems to be working in that Belarus is getting political favors for releasing prisoners. As long as the regime sees it can use them as bargaining chips, this policy will continue,” Anastasiia Kroupe, Assistant Researcher, Europe and Central Asia, at Human Rights Watch, told IPS.

Activists argue that ultimately, any concessions by the US, or other western nations, to the regime will do nothing to improve the dire situation with human rights violations in Belarus, especially given that there remain so many political prisoners in Belarusian jails—the rights group Viasna said that as of September 18 there were 1,184 political prisoners in Belarus—that Lukashenko could release when it is expedient.

They also point out that in some cases the individual releases in September were barely even pardons as such, given that many who were freed were just months or even weeks away from the end of their sentences anyway. The prisoners were, once ‘free,’ also forcibly deported from the country—one, opposition politician Mikalai Statkevich, refused to leave Belarus after being freed and was soon after re-arrested—to neighboring Lithuania.

“The fact that these prisoners were forcibly exiled is a further form of reprisal against them… for some it is a continuation of their punishment,” said Kroupe.

Belarusian rights activists told IPS that the mood among those who had been released was mixed.

While some were glad to be free, others were angry.

“A number of those released are extremely frustrated. Some had literally just a month left to serve and were planning to continue living in Belarus. They had almost fully served their, albeit unjustly imposed, sentences, but instead of freedom, they were punished once again,” Enira Bronitskaya, an activist with the Belarusian rights group Human Constanta, whose activities include helping exiled Belarusians, told IPS.

“They were thrown out of their country; many had their passports taken away (torn up), effectively stripped of their citizenship (deprived of documents, expelled from the country, with no intention from the state of their citizenship to provide any support). These actions are unlawful. People have been deprived of everything they had in Belarus, from property to the possibility of visiting the graves of their relatives who died while they were in prison,” she added.

Others among the Belarusian community in exile told IPS there were concerns the releases could actually be used as a distraction from an even more intense crackdown on dissent.

“In our community, some are hopeful that the releases are a sign of successful negotiations, but the majority, me included, does not find the news particularly positive. Of course it is a great relief for the people released and their relatives, but we are expecting an intensification of repressions,” Maryna Morozova*, who left Belarus for Poland soon after Lukashenko launched a massive crackdown on dissent following disputed elections in 2020, told IPS.

Just days after the 52 prisoners were released, a Belarusian court sentenced prominent independent journalist Ihar Ilyash to four years in prison on charges of extremism over articles and commentaries critical of Lukashenko.

The Belarusian Association of Journalists said the verdict was a sign that the authorities had no intention of softening their clampdown on independent media, pointing out that at least 27 journalists are currently behind bars in the country.

Exiled Belarusian opposition leader Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya told international media after the September releases that “the regime’s repressions are continuing despite Trump’s pleas.”

Viasna pointed out that just on the same day the 52 prisoners were released, it had recognized eight new political prisoners.

Activists who spoke to IPS said it seemed likely that, given the apparent success of the prisoner releases in easing, to some extent, Belarus’s international isolation and sanctions, more prisoners could be freed in the near future.

“Of course we expect more releases. Lukashenko’s been doing it for many years—he did it in 2010 and 2015 when political prisoners were released. Lukashenko has a lot of experience in this ‘market,’” Nataliia Satsunkevich, an interim board member at Viasna, told IPS. “Generally, we can see that his policy [of using prisoner releases to get political concessions] works. There are goals he is trying to achieve [by using it],” she added.

Meanwhile, campaigners are urging governments to put human rights, and not politics, at the center of any future negotiations on prisoner releases.

“Every effort should be taken to free political prisoners but there needs to be a clear signal that human rights abuses are not being forgotten about and that no one is being tricked into thinking the repressions are over,” said Kroupe.

“Lukashenko is treating political prisoners like political currency, like hostages. Governments should stop this trade-off and force Lukashenko to comply with human rights law and put pressure on him to unconditionally release all political prisoners,” added Guryeva.

*NAME HAS BEEN CHANGED FOR SECURITY REASONS

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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• Struggle For Water Continues Following Israeli Attacks on Lebanon
• Roma’s Long Standing Exclusion Compounded As Ukraine War Continues

The next meeting of the Committee on Security and Defence (SEDE) is scheduled to take place on Monday, 13 October 2025 from 18.30-21.00 in Brussels (room ANTALL 4Q1).

Further information about the SEDE meeting can be found here.

_______________________

SEDE missions 2025:

• Norway - 27-30 May 2025
• Moldova and Ukraine - 14-17 April 2025
  
• Bosnia and Herzegovina - 24-27 February 2025
• Israel and Palestine - 5-8 February 2025

SEDE missions 2024:

• United Kingdom - 28-30 October 2024
• Ukraine - 25-26 October 2024

SEDE Committee meetings' calendar 2025
EP calendar 2025
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

The next meeting of the Committee on Security and Defence (SEDE) is scheduled to take place on Monday, 13 October 2025 from 18.30-21.00 in Brussels (room ANTALL 4Q1).

Further information about the SEDE meeting can be found here.

_______________________

SEDE missions 2025:

• Norway - 27-30 May 2025
• Moldova and Ukraine - 14-17 April 2025
  
• Bosnia and Herzegovina - 24-27 February 2025
• Israel and Palestine - 5-8 February 2025

SEDE missions 2024:

• United Kingdom - 28-30 October 2024
• Ukraine - 25-26 October 2024

SEDE Committee meetings' calendar 2025
EP calendar 2025
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

The deal, nearly a decade in the making, is closely connected to the broader churn in the global economy.

Der Druck auf die Entwicklungspolitik ist enorm. Bei einer Reform kommt es jetzt vor allem darauf an, die Rolle des zuständigen Ministeriums neu zu definieren.

Der Druck auf die Entwicklungspolitik ist enorm. Bei einer Reform kommt es jetzt vor allem darauf an, die Rolle des zuständigen Ministeriums neu zu definieren.

Der Druck auf die Entwicklungspolitik ist enorm. Bei einer Reform kommt es jetzt vor allem darauf an, die Rolle des zuständigen Ministeriums neu zu definieren.

« J'ai combattu le bon combat, j'ai achevé la course, j'ai gardé la foi. »
2 Timothée 4 : 7

La grande famille YAMEOGO à Issouka, Koudougou, Bobo Dioulasso, Ouagadougou et en Allemagne
Les grandes familles PARE et KI à Kissan, Bounou, Toma, Bobo-Dioulasso et Ouagadougou
La famille de Feu Laurent YAMEOGO à Bobo-Dioulasso,
Les frères et sœurs, NANA / YAMEOGO Agnès, PARE Jean, PARE Florence, PARE Gabrielle, YOUL/PARE Caroline
Les enfants :
Julienne à Tougan,
Mamadou Jean Désiré à Bobo-Dioulasso,

Noëlla Adélaïde à Tenkodogo,
Edwige Amonoria à Ouagadougou,
Wendsomdé Evariste Sosthène, en Allemagne,
Wëndtoin Sylvianne Eléonore à Banfora,

Wendpagnangdé Serge Hermann en Allemagne,
Sombe-Winddin Estelle Stéphania à Bobo-Dioulasso,
Boinzemwendé Emery Laurentin Sylvère en Allemagne,
La sœur Marthe KI à Sabcè
La sœur Annie Gisèle SOW, à Safané

Les familles alliées : ZONGO, NANA, ZOMA, BAMBARA, OUEDRAOGO, YOUL, SANOU, MILLOGO, YAMYAOGO, TRAORE, SEELIG, TIOLE, GODERDZISHVILI, SOW, TOE, ZAN

Les petits enfants et arrières petits enfants, ont la profonde douleur de vous annoncer le décès des suites de maladie, le jeudi 02 octobre 2025 à Bobo-Dioulasso, de leur épouse, fille, sœur, mère, grand-mère, arrière-grand-mère,

Madame YAMEOGO / PARE Catherine, précédemment Conseillère pédagogique à la retraite à Bobo-Dioulasso.
Les obsèques sont prévues comme suit :

Mercredi 08 octobre 2025
20 heures : Veillée de prière au domicile familial à Yéguéré, Secteur 10, Bobo-Dioulasso
Jeudi 09 octobre 2025
9 heures : Levée du corps à la morgue du Centre hospitalier universitaire Souro Sanou de Bobo-Dioulasso
10 heures : Recueillement au domicile familial
13 heures 15 : Levée du corps au domicile pour l'Eglise
14 heures : Messe d'absoute au Sanctuaire Notre Dame de la Salette (secteur 22, Bobo-Dioulasso), suivie de l'inhumation au domicile familial.

Union de prières !

In memoriam :

Déjà un (01) an qu'il a plu au Seigneur de rappeler auprès de lui sa servante TENE GERTRUDE OUEDRAOGO/FAHO agent du MATDS à la retraite dans sa 66 ème année.

En ce premier anniversaire :

Sa majesté NAABA KIBA Roi du Yatenga

Le Baloum NAABA du Yatenga

La Grande Famille de Feu OUEDRAOGO Mamadou Michel

La Grande Famille de Feu GUESSEBEOGO

Les familles FAHO, TRAORE, TARO, YAKORO, COULIBALY, YANFONI, DAKYO, SEINI, ZOUMBARA et BASSOLET à Bourasso, Dara, Sikoro, Biron BWABA, Nouna, Lekuy, Bobo Dédougou, Réo et Ouagadougou

Les familles alliées, GUISSOU, KABORE, BOUGOUM, BOLOGO, SAWADOGO, à Ouahigouya, Béma, Bobo- Dioulassso, Sarma, Gourcy, Koudougou, Yako, Tema-Bokin, Poa, Dédougou et Ouagadougou.

Les enfants : Ben Idriss, Souleymane, Ismaël et Sourraia

Les petits enfants : Jalil, Joris, Noam et Nala

Vous renouvellent leurs sincères remerciements et leur profonde gratitude pour les nombreuses marques d'amitié, de sympathie, de compassion, et de soutiens multiformes.

Que Dieu tout puissant leur rende au centuple.

Ils vous demandent de garder une pensée pieuse envers la défunte et vous informent que des messes seront dites pour le repos de son âme à la Paroisse Saint Pierre de Gounghin.

Que l'âme de TENE GERTRUDE OUEDRAOGO/FAHO repose en paix dans la lumière du Christ.

Programme des messes - Paroisse Saint Pierre de Gounghin

Mercredi 08 octobre 2025 : 5h45 et 9h00

Dimanche 02 novembre 2025 : 9h00

Dimanche 07 décembre 2025 : 9h00

Dimanche 04 janvier 2026 : 9h00

Dimanche 01 février 2026 : 9h00

Dimanche 01 mars 2026 : 9h00

Dimanche 12 avril 2026 : 9h00

Dimanche 03 mai 2026 : 9h00

Dimanche 07 juin 2026 : 9h00

Dimanche 05 juillet 2026 : 9h00

Dimanche 02 août 2026 : 9h00

Dimanche 06 septembre 2026 : 9h00

Dimanche 04 octobre 2026 : 9h00

Samedi 10 octobre 2026 : 5h45 et 9h00

Dimanche 08 novembre 2026 : 9h00

Dimanche 06 décembre 2026 : 9h00

La grande famille Diallo, Boly, Barry à Ouagadougou, Diabo, Fada N'Gourma et Bobo Dioulasso,

Les familles alliées Doumbia, Garba, Ide, Maiga, Levallois, Sankara, Seck, et Sidibé au Burkina, Mali, Niger, Sénégal, Abidjan, Paris, Canada et Etats Unis d'Amérique.

Les amis et connaissances au Burkina et ailleurs, ont la profonde douleur de vous annoncer le décès de leur père, oncle, frère, beau-père et grand père, DIALLO Abdoulaye, ancien instituteur au Groupe Scolaire le Plateau et lycée Internationale Amitié. Décès survenu le 05 Octobre 2025 à Ouagadougou de suite de maladie.

Les obsèques auront lieu le jeudi 09/10/2025

– La levée du corps : 09H00 à la morgue du CHU de Bogodogo suivi d'une prière à domicile à Bendogo.
– Départ pour l'inhumation au cimetière de Gounghin à partir de 11H

En cette douloureuse circonstance, les familles ainsi que leurs alliées invitent tous ceux qui ont côtoyé le défunt à s'unir à eux dans la prière et la compassion.

Que son âme repose en paix.

Union de prière !

By CIVICUS
Oct 7 2025 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses recent protests that led to a change of government in Nepal with Dikpal Khatri Chhetri, co-founder of Youth in Federal Discourse (YFD). YFD is a youth-led organisation that advocates for democracy, civic engagement and young people’s empowerment.

Dikpal Khatri Chhetri

In September, Nepal’s government blocked 26 social media platforms, sparking mass protests led by people from Generation Z. Police responded with live ammunition, rubber bullets teargas and water cannons, killing over 70 people. Despite the swift lifting of the social media ban, protests continued in anger at the killings and corruption concerns. Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak resigned, and an interim government has taken over, with a new election scheduled within six months.

What triggered the protests?

When the government asked social media companies to register and they failed to comply, it blocked 26 platforms, including Discord, Facebook, Instagram, Reddit, Signal, WhatsApp, X/Twitter and YouTube. A similar situation happened in 2023, when TikTok was banned and later reinstated once the company registered.

The government said the goal was to create a legal point of contact for content moderation and ensure platforms complied with national regulations. For them, the ban was just a matter of enforcing rules. But people saw it differently, and for Gen Z this was an attempt to silence them. Young people don’t just use social media for entertainment; it’s also where they discuss politics, expose corruption and organise themselves. By banning these platforms, the government was cutting them off from one of the few spaces where they felt they could hold leaders accountable.

However, the ban was the final factor after years of frustration with corruption, lack of accountability and a political elite that seems out of touch with ordinary people. Young people see politicians’ children living in luxury while they struggle to get by. On TikTok, this anger became visible in the ‘NepoKids’ trend that exposed the privileges of political families and tied them directly to corruption.

That’s why the response was so strong and immediate. What began as anger over a restriction on freedom of expression grew into a nationwide call for transparency, accountability and an end to the culture of corruption. Protests became a way for young people who refuse to accept the status quo to show their voices can’t be silenced.

How did the government react to the protests?

Instead of dialogue, the government chose repression. Police used rubber bullets, teargas and water cannon to try to disperse crowds. In many places they also fired live ammunition. By the end of the first day, 19 people had been killed.

The use of live ammunition against unarmed protesters is a serious violation of human rights. Authorities claimed protesters had entered restricted zones around key government buildings, including Parliament House, and argued this justified their response. But evidence tells a different story: footage and post-mortem reports show many of the victims were shot in the head, indicating an intent to inflict severe harm rather than simply disperse crowds. Police also failed to fully use non-lethal methods before turning to live bullets.

Rather than containing the protests, this violence further fuelled public anger. Protests, now focused on corruption and the killings, continued even after the government lifted the social media ban. Many realised the government was both corrupt and willing to kill its own people to stay in power. In response, authorities imposed strict curfews in big cities.

The political fallout was immediate. Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak resigned the next day, taking responsibility for the bloodshed. Within a day, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli also stepped down. An interim government led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki took over, parliament was dissolved and a new election is scheduled to take place in the next six months.

What changes do protesters demand and what comes next?

We are demanding systemic change. Corruption has spread through every level of government and we are tired of politicians who have ruled for decades without improving our lives. While they grow richer, everyday people face unemployment, rising living costs and no real opportunities. We refuse to accept this any longer.

We want a government that works transparently and efficiently, free from bribery, favouritism and political interference. Leaders must understand that sovereignty belongs to the people and their duty is to serve citizens, not themselves.

We need more than just some small reforms. Nepal needs serious discussions about holding to the essence of its constitution, finding ways to amend it when dissatisfaction occurs instead of uprooting it entirely. Its implementation has to be strengthened to truly include diverse voices, reflect our history and be able to respond to future challenges. We are calling for new, younger and more competent leaders who can break the cycle of past failures.

The upcoming election will be a crucial test. Gen Z must turn out in numbers, articulate clear demands to the wider public and ensure the changes we strive for in the streets are carried into parliament.

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SEE ALSO
Nepal: Anti-corruption protests force political change despite violent crackdown CIVICUS Monitor 23.Sep.2025
Nepal: ‘The Social Network Bill is part of a broader strategy to tighten control over digital communication’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Dikshya Khadgi 28.Feb.2025
Nepal: ‘The TikTok ban signals efforts to control the digital space in the name of national sovereignty’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Anisha 11.Dec.2023

 

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Tuesday 7 October

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Tuesday 7 October

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

More women must have a role in shaping peace agreements, security reforms and post-conflict recovery plans, UN Secretary-General António Guterres told the Security Council October 6. Credit: UN News

By Sima Bahous
UNITED NATIONS, Oct 7 2025 (IPS)

We meet on the eve of the twenty-fifth anniversary of UN Security Council resolution 1325—a milestone born of the multilateral system’s conviction that peace is more robust, security more enduring, when women are at the table.

Yet the record of the last 25 years is mixed: bold, admirable commitments have been followed too often by weak implementation and chronic under-investment. Today, 676 million women and girls live within reach of deadly conflict, the highest [number] since the 1990s.

It is lamentable, then, that we see today rising military spending and renewed pushback against gender equality and multilateralism. These threaten the very foundations of global peace and security.

This anniversary must be more than a commemoration. Women and girls who live amidst conflict deserve more than commemoration. It must instead be a moment to refocus, recommit, and ensure that the next 25 years deliver much more than the last.

A belief in the core principles of resolution 1325 is shared by women and men everywhere. Whether through our work at country level, including in conflicts, or in the recent Member State commitments for the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, we know that our women, peace and security agenda, our conviction for equality, enjoys the support of an overwhelming majority of women and men, and also of Member States.

Even in Afghanistan, UN Women’s ongoing monitoring shows that 92 per cent of Afghans, men and women both, think that girls must be able to attend secondary education. It is also striking that a majority of Afghan women say they remain hopeful that they will one day achieve their aspirations.

This, despite everything they endure under Taliban oppression. Their hope is not an idle wish, and it is more than a coping mechanism. It is a political statement. A conviction. An inspiration.

As we meet to discuss the women, peace and security agenda, the painful situation in the Middle East, especially for women and girls, remains on our minds and in our hearts. Two years into the devastating Gaza war, amid the killing, the pain and the loss, a glimmer of hope emerges.

I join the Secretary-General in welcoming the positive responses to President Donald Trump’s proposal to end the Gaza war, to implement an immediate and lasting ceasefire to secure the unconditional release of all hostages, and to ensure unhindered humanitarian access.

We hope that this will lead to a just and lasting peace for Palestinians and Israelis alike, where all women and girls live with dignity, security, and opportunity.

The trends documented in the Secretary-General’s report should alarm us. It is understandable that some might conclude that the rise and normalization of misogyny currently poisoning our politics and fuelling conflict is unstoppable. It is not. Those who oppose equality do not own the future, we do.

The reality is that globally, suffering and displacement will likely rise in the face of seemingly intractable conflicts and growing instability. And it is a painful fact that we must be prepared for the situation to become worse before it becomes better for women and girls.

This will continue to be exacerbated by short-sighted funding cuts that already undermine education opportunities for Afghan girls; curtail life-saving medical attention for tens of thousands of survivors of rape and sexual violence in Sudan, Haiti and beyond; shutter health clinics across conflict zones; limit access to food for malnourished and starving mothers and their children in Gaza, Mali, Somalia and elsewhere; and fundamentally will erode the chance for peace.

Yet despite the horrors of wars and conflicts, women continue to build peace.

• Women are reducing community violence in Abyei and the Central African Republic, and mobilizing for peace in Yemen, in Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

• In Haiti, women have managed to achieve near parity in the new provisional electoral council and increased the quota for women in the draft constitution.

• In Chad, women’s representation in the National Assembly has doubled.

• In Syria, the interim Constitution ratified this March mandates the Government to guarantee the social, economic, and political rights of women, and protect them from all forms of oppression, injustice, and violence.

• In Ukraine, women have achieved the codification into law of gender-responsive budgeting, including across national relief efforts.

Whether mediating, brokering access to services, driving reconstruction, and more, women’s leadership is the face of resilience—a force for peace.

The Secretary-General has just spoken to UN Women’s recent survey findings, which highlight how current financing trends are endangering the viability and safety of women-led organizations in conflict-affected countries.

We believe there is no alternative but to change course and to invest significantly in women’s organizations on the frontlines of conflict.

The last 25 years have seen an emphasis on investing in transnational security and international legal institutions. This has not been matched by attention to investing in national capacities and social movements.

And while attention to the women, peace and security agenda has been focused in global capitals and in major cities of conflict-affected countries, it must also become localized and reach the remote areas that are worst affected and where it makes the biggest difference. This is true for information, funding, policy implementation, services, and more.

Recent years have seen a much-needed increased level of attention to conflict-related sexual violence than ever before. We have taken huge strides in ending the silence, chipping away at the impunity that emboldens and enables perpetrators.

These efforts must be redoubled, giving greater attention to reproductive violence, gender-based persecution in accountability initiatives, and a more comprehensive understanding of atrocities disproportionately affecting women and girls in conflict.

In the next 25 years of the critical women, peace and security agenda, it is crucial that we see funding earmarked, robust quotas implemented, clear instructions and mandates, and accountability measures in place that make failures visible and have consequences.

So, allow me to leave you with five calls to action that need full attention in the coming years:

• First: Affirmative action to ensure women take their rightful place at the peace-making table and consistent support to them as peacekeepers, peacebuilders, and human rights defenders. This must become a hardwired feature of the way we conduct the business of peace.

• Second: Measure the impact of this agenda by the number of women that participate directly in peace and security processes, and by the relief women receive in the form of justice, reparations, services, or asylum.

• Third: End violence against women and girls, address emerging forms of technology-facilitated gender-based violence, and challenge harmful narratives both online and offline.

• Fourth: End impunity for atrocities and crimes against women and girls, respect and uphold international law, silence the guns, and ensure peace is always in the ascendency.

• Fifth: Embed the women, peace and security agenda ever-deeper in the hearts and minds of ordinary people, particularly young people, both boys and girls. It is they who will determine the future of our ambitions, ambitions that must ultimately become theirs too.

Above all, the coming few years should see Security Council resolution 1325 implemented fully, across all contexts.

When women lead, peace follows. We made a promise to them 25 years ago. It is past time to deliver.

This article is based on remarks by UN Under-Secretary General and UN Women Executive Director Sima Bahous at the Security Council meeting on “Women and peace and security” on 6 October 2025.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

Sima Bahous is UN Under Secretary-General and Executive Director UN Women

Pristina est au cœur de la bataille pour les élections municipales au Kosovo le 12 octobre. Alors que le pays est plongé dans une interminable crise politique depuis les législatives de février dernier, le scrutin prend figure de test politique.

- Articles / Kosovo, Politique, Kosovo 2.0, Kosovo Vetëvendosje

Pristina est au cœur de la bataille pour les élections municipales au Kosovo le 12 octobre. Alors que le pays est plongé dans une interminable crise politique depuis les législatives de février dernier, le scrutin prend figure de test politique.

- Articles / Kosovo, Politique, Kosovo 2.0, Kosovo Vetëvendosje