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Mehr Finanzkraft für Entwicklungsländer

Ende August hat der Internationale Währungsfonds (IWF) beschlossen, die Sonderziehungsrechte (SZR) um 650 Milliarden USDollar aufzustocken. Von dieser Maßnahme werden alle 189 Mitglieder des IWF profitieren und so erhebliche Finanzspritzen zur Bekämpfung der Covid-19-Pandemie erhalten. Reiche Länder bekommen anteilig mehr Mittel und sollten einen Teil davon freiwillig armen Ländern zur Verfügung stellen.

Mehr Finanzkraft für Entwicklungsländer

Ende August hat der Internationale Währungsfonds (IWF) beschlossen, die Sonderziehungsrechte (SZR) um 650 Milliarden USDollar aufzustocken. Von dieser Maßnahme werden alle 189 Mitglieder des IWF profitieren und so erhebliche Finanzspritzen zur Bekämpfung der Covid-19-Pandemie erhalten. Reiche Länder bekommen anteilig mehr Mittel und sollten einen Teil davon freiwillig armen Ländern zur Verfügung stellen.

Mehr Finanzkraft für Entwicklungsländer

Ende August hat der Internationale Währungsfonds (IWF) beschlossen, die Sonderziehungsrechte (SZR) um 650 Milliarden USDollar aufzustocken. Von dieser Maßnahme werden alle 189 Mitglieder des IWF profitieren und so erhebliche Finanzspritzen zur Bekämpfung der Covid-19-Pandemie erhalten. Reiche Länder bekommen anteilig mehr Mittel und sollten einen Teil davon freiwillig armen Ländern zur Verfügung stellen.

COVID-19: una oportunidad para alinear las contribuciones nacionales con los objetivos de desarrollo sostenible

Se suponía que en 2020 los gobiernos de todo el mundo iban a presentar su segunda propuesta de Contribuciones Determinadas Nacionales (NDCs), según los compromisos del Acuerdo de París. Las NDCs son los planes gubernamentales quinquenales para abordar el problema de las emisiones de carbono y adaptarse a la amenaza del cambio climático. Los deadline, igual que la COP26 (la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre el cambio climático), fueron aplazados a causa de la pandemia de la COVID-19. Con solamente cuatro meses de margen antes de la trascendental conferencia de Glasgow sobre el clima, solo 75 de un total de 192 estados –incluido el bloque de 27 estados miembros de la UE– han presentado revisiones a la propuesta de las NDCs hecha en 2015. El Reino Unido y la UE son solo 2 de los 18 principales emisores que han cumplido este plazo.

COVID-19: una oportunidad para alinear las contribuciones nacionales con los objetivos de desarrollo sostenible

Se suponía que en 2020 los gobiernos de todo el mundo iban a presentar su segunda propuesta de Contribuciones Determinadas Nacionales (NDCs), según los compromisos del Acuerdo de París. Las NDCs son los planes gubernamentales quinquenales para abordar el problema de las emisiones de carbono y adaptarse a la amenaza del cambio climático. Los deadline, igual que la COP26 (la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre el cambio climático), fueron aplazados a causa de la pandemia de la COVID-19. Con solamente cuatro meses de margen antes de la trascendental conferencia de Glasgow sobre el clima, solo 75 de un total de 192 estados –incluido el bloque de 27 estados miembros de la UE– han presentado revisiones a la propuesta de las NDCs hecha en 2015. El Reino Unido y la UE son solo 2 de los 18 principales emisores que han cumplido este plazo.

COVID-19: una oportunidad para alinear las contribuciones nacionales con los objetivos de desarrollo sostenible

Se suponía que en 2020 los gobiernos de todo el mundo iban a presentar su segunda propuesta de Contribuciones Determinadas Nacionales (NDCs), según los compromisos del Acuerdo de París. Las NDCs son los planes gubernamentales quinquenales para abordar el problema de las emisiones de carbono y adaptarse a la amenaza del cambio climático. Los deadline, igual que la COP26 (la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre el cambio climático), fueron aplazados a causa de la pandemia de la COVID-19. Con solamente cuatro meses de margen antes de la trascendental conferencia de Glasgow sobre el clima, solo 75 de un total de 192 estados –incluido el bloque de 27 estados miembros de la UE– han presentado revisiones a la propuesta de las NDCs hecha en 2015. El Reino Unido y la UE son solo 2 de los 18 principales emisores que han cumplido este plazo.

Mechanisms for governing the Water-Land-Food Nexus in the Lower Awash River Basin, Ethiopia: ensuring policy coherence in the implementation of the 2030 Agenda

Interdependencies among the goals and targets make the 2030 Agenda indivisible and their integrated implementation requires coherent policies. Coordination across different sectors and levels is deemed as crucial for avoiding trade-offs and achieving synergies among multiple, interlinked policy goals, which depend on natural resources. However, there is insufficient evidence regarding the conditions under which coordination for integrated achievement of different water- and land-based Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) functions effectively. The paper investigates the land and water governance in the Ethiopian lower Awash River basin and identifies key interdependencies among related SDGs. It assesses in how far the interactions and coordination among various decision-making centres are effective in managing the interdependencies among different goals. Systems for using and managing water and land exhibit features of polycentric governance as this process involves decision-making centres across different sectors and at various levels. Key action situations for land and water governance in operational, collective and constitutional choice levels are interlinked/networked. Each action situation constitutes actions that deliver one of the functions of polycentric governance, such as production, provision, monitoring etc. as an outcome, which affects the choices of actors in an adjacent action situation. The study shows that the existing institutions and governance mechanisms for water and land in Ethiopia are not effective in managing the interdependencies. Non-recognition of traditional communal rights of pastoralists over land and water and ineffective policy instruments for ensuring environmental and social safeguards are leading to major trade-offs among goals of local food security and economic growth. The autocratic regime of Ethiopia has coordination mechanisms in place, which fulfil the role of dissemination of policies and raising awareness. However, they are not designed to build consensus and political will for designing and implementing national plans, by including the interests and aspirations of the local communities and local governments. The study recommends efforts to achieve SDGs in the Ethiopian Awash River basin to focus on strengthening the capacities of relevant actors, especially the district and river basin authorities in delivering the key governance functions such as water infrastructure maintenance, efficient use of water, and effective implementation of Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA). Further, urgent efforts for scaling up of recognition, certification and protection of communal land rights of pastoralists and clear definition of rules for awarding compensation upon expropriation, are required.

Mechanisms for governing the Water-Land-Food Nexus in the Lower Awash River Basin, Ethiopia: ensuring policy coherence in the implementation of the 2030 Agenda

Interdependencies among the goals and targets make the 2030 Agenda indivisible and their integrated implementation requires coherent policies. Coordination across different sectors and levels is deemed as crucial for avoiding trade-offs and achieving synergies among multiple, interlinked policy goals, which depend on natural resources. However, there is insufficient evidence regarding the conditions under which coordination for integrated achievement of different water- and land-based Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) functions effectively. The paper investigates the land and water governance in the Ethiopian lower Awash River basin and identifies key interdependencies among related SDGs. It assesses in how far the interactions and coordination among various decision-making centres are effective in managing the interdependencies among different goals. Systems for using and managing water and land exhibit features of polycentric governance as this process involves decision-making centres across different sectors and at various levels. Key action situations for land and water governance in operational, collective and constitutional choice levels are interlinked/networked. Each action situation constitutes actions that deliver one of the functions of polycentric governance, such as production, provision, monitoring etc. as an outcome, which affects the choices of actors in an adjacent action situation. The study shows that the existing institutions and governance mechanisms for water and land in Ethiopia are not effective in managing the interdependencies. Non-recognition of traditional communal rights of pastoralists over land and water and ineffective policy instruments for ensuring environmental and social safeguards are leading to major trade-offs among goals of local food security and economic growth. The autocratic regime of Ethiopia has coordination mechanisms in place, which fulfil the role of dissemination of policies and raising awareness. However, they are not designed to build consensus and political will for designing and implementing national plans, by including the interests and aspirations of the local communities and local governments. The study recommends efforts to achieve SDGs in the Ethiopian Awash River basin to focus on strengthening the capacities of relevant actors, especially the district and river basin authorities in delivering the key governance functions such as water infrastructure maintenance, efficient use of water, and effective implementation of Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA). Further, urgent efforts for scaling up of recognition, certification and protection of communal land rights of pastoralists and clear definition of rules for awarding compensation upon expropriation, are required.

Mechanisms for governing the Water-Land-Food Nexus in the Lower Awash River Basin, Ethiopia: ensuring policy coherence in the implementation of the 2030 Agenda

Interdependencies among the goals and targets make the 2030 Agenda indivisible and their integrated implementation requires coherent policies. Coordination across different sectors and levels is deemed as crucial for avoiding trade-offs and achieving synergies among multiple, interlinked policy goals, which depend on natural resources. However, there is insufficient evidence regarding the conditions under which coordination for integrated achievement of different water- and land-based Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) functions effectively. The paper investigates the land and water governance in the Ethiopian lower Awash River basin and identifies key interdependencies among related SDGs. It assesses in how far the interactions and coordination among various decision-making centres are effective in managing the interdependencies among different goals. Systems for using and managing water and land exhibit features of polycentric governance as this process involves decision-making centres across different sectors and at various levels. Key action situations for land and water governance in operational, collective and constitutional choice levels are interlinked/networked. Each action situation constitutes actions that deliver one of the functions of polycentric governance, such as production, provision, monitoring etc. as an outcome, which affects the choices of actors in an adjacent action situation. The study shows that the existing institutions and governance mechanisms for water and land in Ethiopia are not effective in managing the interdependencies. Non-recognition of traditional communal rights of pastoralists over land and water and ineffective policy instruments for ensuring environmental and social safeguards are leading to major trade-offs among goals of local food security and economic growth. The autocratic regime of Ethiopia has coordination mechanisms in place, which fulfil the role of dissemination of policies and raising awareness. However, they are not designed to build consensus and political will for designing and implementing national plans, by including the interests and aspirations of the local communities and local governments. The study recommends efforts to achieve SDGs in the Ethiopian Awash River basin to focus on strengthening the capacities of relevant actors, especially the district and river basin authorities in delivering the key governance functions such as water infrastructure maintenance, efficient use of water, and effective implementation of Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA). Further, urgent efforts for scaling up of recognition, certification and protection of communal land rights of pastoralists and clear definition of rules for awarding compensation upon expropriation, are required.

MitarbeiterIn Drittmittelverwaltung (w/m/div)

Die Serviceabteilung Finanzen vereint die Bereiche Rechnungswesen, Beschaffung, Drittmittel und Controlling und bietet interne Dienstleistungen für den Vorstand, die MitarbeiterInnen sowie die Gäste des Instituts an. Die Abteilung entwickelt innovative Instrumente zur Unterstützung der wissenschaftlichen Arbeit des DIW Berlin und setzt sie um. Dabei sorgt der Bereich Rechnungswesen für den reibungslosen Ablauf aller finanztechnischen Prozesse. Der Bereich Beschaffung kümmert sich um alle Beschaffungs- und Vergabevorgänge des Instituts. Der Drittmittelbereich betreut die Drittmittelprojekte von der Antragsphase bis zur Endabrechnung. Der Bereich Controlling verantwortet die Budgetplanung und das interne Berichtswesen, berät bei operativen Maßnahmen und bereitet strategische Entscheidungen vor. Die Abteilung verwaltete im Geschäftsjahr 2020 ein Budget von 33,8 Mio €, davon wurden 14,3 Mio € durch Drittmittelprojekte erwirtschaftet.

Die Serviceabteilung Finanzen sucht zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt eine/n

MitarbeiterIn Drittmittelverwaltung (w/m/div)

(39 h/Woche), Teilzeit möglich

für die Abwicklung aller mit nationalen und internationalen Drittmittelprojekten verbundenen administrativen Aufgaben und Prozesse von der Antragsphase bis zur Abrechnung.


Marcel Fratzscher: „Bei der Regierungsbildung brauchen wir jetzt Tempo und Mut“

Die Wahl zum 20. Deutschen Bundestag kommentiert Marcel Fratzscher, Präsident des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin), wie folgt:

Noch nie war die Bundesrepublik Deutschland politisch so vielfältig und so gespalten. Keine mögliche Regierungskoalition hat ein klares Mandat erhalten; jede Koalition muss sich erst Legitimität erarbeiten. Ich hoffe, dass sich die neuen Regierungsparteien nicht auf den kleinsten gemeinsamen Nenner einigen, sondern die Aufgaben klug und mutig untereinander aufteilen und die notwendige Entschlossenheit zur Veränderung haben. Deutschland steht vor den schwierigsten Herausforderung seit langer Zeit. Die neue Bundesregierung muss schnell wegweisende Entscheidungen zum Klimaschutz, zur digitalen Transformation und zur sozialen Erneuerung treffen. Wenn ihr dies nicht gelingt, wird Deutschlands wirtschaftlicher Wohlstand auf dem Spiel stehen und Europa Gefahr laufen im Systemwettbewerb mit China und den USA ins Hintertreffen zu geraten. Die neue Bundesregierung sollte sich daher schnell finden und in den ersten 100 Tagen ein überzeugendes Programm mit Schwerpunkt Zukunftsinvestitionen, Entbürokratisierung und einer stärkeren Integration Europas angehen. Wir brauchen endlich mehr Mut zur Veränderung. Dazu gehört, den mächtigen Interessensgruppen die Stirn zu bieten und die größte Hürde für Reformen – die Besitzstandswahrung in Deutschland – zu überwinden.

Change or crumble! Germany needs to reposition its international cooperation

As Angela Merkel’s 16 years at the helm of the German government come to a close, Germany’s international cooperation for sustainable development seems, at first sight, to be in good shape. During her tenure, German official development assistance (ODA) more than tripled, reaching $28 billion in 2020 and putting Germany second only to the United States ($34 billion) and well ahead of the United Kingdom ($19 billion) and the EU Institutions ($17 billion). Germany boasts an independent cabinet-level Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) that steers 75 percent of the federal government’s ODA. The remainder sits primarily with the Foreign Office (15 percent) followed way behind by the Ministry for the Environment (2.5 percent) and some others. It might seem, then, that the outlook is sanguine for Germany’s development cooperation. But is it?

Change or crumble! Germany needs to reposition its international cooperation

As Angela Merkel’s 16 years at the helm of the German government come to a close, Germany’s international cooperation for sustainable development seems, at first sight, to be in good shape. During her tenure, German official development assistance (ODA) more than tripled, reaching $28 billion in 2020 and putting Germany second only to the United States ($34 billion) and well ahead of the United Kingdom ($19 billion) and the EU Institutions ($17 billion). Germany boasts an independent cabinet-level Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) that steers 75 percent of the federal government’s ODA. The remainder sits primarily with the Foreign Office (15 percent) followed way behind by the Ministry for the Environment (2.5 percent) and some others. It might seem, then, that the outlook is sanguine for Germany’s development cooperation. But is it?

Change or crumble! Germany needs to reposition its international cooperation

As Angela Merkel’s 16 years at the helm of the German government come to a close, Germany’s international cooperation for sustainable development seems, at first sight, to be in good shape. During her tenure, German official development assistance (ODA) more than tripled, reaching $28 billion in 2020 and putting Germany second only to the United States ($34 billion) and well ahead of the United Kingdom ($19 billion) and the EU Institutions ($17 billion). Germany boasts an independent cabinet-level Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) that steers 75 percent of the federal government’s ODA. The remainder sits primarily with the Foreign Office (15 percent) followed way behind by the Ministry for the Environment (2.5 percent) and some others. It might seem, then, that the outlook is sanguine for Germany’s development cooperation. But is it?

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