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La justice a confirmé la fermeture administrative d'une mosquée d'Ecquevilly dans les Yvelines considérée comme "un lieu de référence influent de la mouvance salafiste" par le préfet, ce que contestent les responsables du lieu de culte.

Général : Ce qui rassemble les citoyens européens est plus important que ce qui les divise, ont affirmé 71% des Européens alors que 53% estiment que faire partie de l’UE est positif pour leur pays, selon le dernier sondage "Parlemètre" de l’Eurobaromètre. L’enquête, réalisée à la demande du Parlement européen, a été publiée ce vendredi.

Source : © Union européenne, 2016 - PE

General : What brings EU citizens together is more important than what separates them, say 71% of Europeans, while 53% believe that being an EU member is good for their country, according to Eurobarometer’s latest “Parlemeter” poll, commissioned by the European Parliament and published on Friday.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

General : What brings EU citizens together is more important than what separates them, say 71% of Europeans, while 53% believe that being an EU member is good for their country, according to Eurobarometer’s latest “Parlemeter” poll, commissioned by the European Parliament and published on Friday.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

General : What brings EU citizens together is more important than what separates them, say 71% of Europeans, while 53% believe that being an EU member is good for their country, according to Eurobarometer’s latest “Parlemeter” poll, commissioned by the European Parliament and published on Friday.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

General : What brings EU citizens together is more important than what separates them, say 71% of Europeans, while 53% believe that being an EU member is good for their country, according to Eurobarometer’s latest “Parlemeter” poll, commissioned by the European Parliament and published on Friday.

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

November 17, 2016 (EL-FASHER) - Three police officers were killed and others were injured in an attack on a customs police station by an unidentified armed group in Gagago area east of North Darfur capital, El-Fasher.

Speaking to reporters, North Darfur State Police Commander, Major-General Abdallah Omer, said that the police officers were taken by surprise in the early morning.

He added that the perpetrators who requested some water to perform ablution and prepare themselves for dawn prayer, suddenly opened fire on the police officers.

Also, a news bulletin issued by the Ministry of Finance confirmed the attack and indicated the attacker were riding a Land Cruiser and arrived to the customs station at around 6 am on Thursday.

The bulletin pointed that the perpetrators fled the scene after stealing the custom police vehicle, three AK-47 machine guns and a DSHK machine gun.

However, a breakdown of the stolen car prevented the criminals from driving it away.

North Darfur State governor, Abdel Wahid Youssef and the state security committee members have visited the scene after the funeral of the murdered officers.

(ST)

Aujourd'hui s‘ouvre au siège de la médiation à Porto-Novo, la session de l'année 2016 du médiateur. Elle mobilise les agents de l'institution sans oublier les ministères, les communes notamment trois et deux établissements publics. Cette session vise entre autres objectifs, à trouver des voies et moyens que les demandes d'intervention adressées par le Médiateur de la république aux ministères, communes et établissements publics, trouvent satisfaction dans une large mesure pour le bonheur des usagers de cette institution. L'établissement d'une meilleure collaboration entre le Médiateur de la République et les administrations publiques et une grande visibilité des actions de l'institution à travers l'image du médiateur, Joseph Gnonlonfoun et celle des cadres de l'administration en charge des dossiers sont aussi des préoccupations qui seront prises en compte au cours de la session qui s'ouvre ce jour. A ces priorités, il faut ajouter la recherche de solutions pour redorer l'image de l'administration publique auprès de ses usagers. Autres dossiers à l'ordre du jour concernant ladite session, ont rapport avec les affaires domaniales et foncières, la carrière des agents, les pensions de retraite, le reversement des cotisations sociales, les problèmes de facturation, la gestion des bourses des étudiants, les créances sur l'Etat ou sur les collectivités locales et les licenciements abusifs portés à la connaissance de l'institution. La tenue de cette session ouverte aux structures sélectionnées par les responsables de la médiation, s'inscrit dans le cadre de l'établissement d'un pont de bonne collaboration pour un meilleur traitement et avancé des dossiers.
Nicaise AZOMAHOU

La présidence slovaque a finalisé le budget pour 2017. Davantage de fonds seront dédiés à la sécurité et à la compétitivité, à l’accueil et à l’intégration des réfugiés, ainsi qu’à la lutte contre les causes de l’immigration.

Grèce : « la menace du Grexit a ouvert la voie au Brexit »
Austérité : « le FMI confesse avoir immolé la Grèce au nom de l'UE »
Grèce : un an après le référendum, « il n'y a plus d'espoir »
Législatives anticipées en Grèce : Syriza et les jeunes, le divorce
Grèce : un mois après la victoire de Syriza, des lendemains qui déchantent ?

/ Courrier des Balkans, Grèce, Politique intérieure, Syriza

In much the same way that many Western countries look set to abandon decades-old liberal consensus by electing populist parties or xenophobic leaders à la Trump in a raft of upcoming elections, Eastern European nations appear to be pivoting away from Brussels. Earlier this week, the media trumpeted that both Moldova and Bulgaria voted pro-Russian populist presidents into power, just weeks after Moscow’s shadow loomed large over Montenegro’s own elections. But is that really the case?

According to the narrative, in Bulgaria, center-right Prime Minister Boyko Borisov resigned this week after pro-Russian socialist candidate Rumen Radev romped to victory. Things played out in a similar vein in the second round of Moldova’s presidential election, which saw another Russia-friendly socialist, Igor Dodon, take the majority of the popular vote.

Both candidates ostensibly ran on a pro-Kremlin ticket, promising to seek closer ties with Moscow at the expense of the EU. These results came after Milo Djukanovic’s Montenegrin Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) was last month left severely weakened after a mixed coalition of pro-Russian and pro-Serbian parties destroyed his majority, prompting Djukanovic to stand down after more than 25 years in power.

Moldova’s Dodon campaigned on an anti-EU platform, intent on scrapping Chisinau’s Association Agreement with the EU, just four months after it came into force. After the win, Dodon promised to push for early parliamentary elections next year to force out the current government, which is in favor of closer EU integration. Radev too promised to prevent Bulgaria from becoming a dumping ground for refugees. He vowed to push for an end to international sanctions against Russia.

Both candidates framed their campaigns around a rejection of NATO, and both expressed their delight at the election of Donald Trump in the US, suggesting that the businessman’s win could help bring about a rapprochement with Moscow.

While these events appear to confirm Russia’s growing influence along Europe’s periphery, evidence suggests that this so-called pro-Moscow stance adopted by candidates in Moldova and Bulgaria is not what it seems. Despite heavy use of the EU versus Russia antinomy in both countries’ presidential races, the elections in both Moldova and Bulgaria were largely focused on national politics, not international affairs.

In Moldova, a state run by powerful oligarchs, political candidates serve their interests, not geopolitical preferences. As was the case during Montenegro’s October election, the Russia-EU debate was used in both Bulgaria and Moldova to distract voters tired of the widespread institutionalized corruption that has plagued their governments for years.

The fact remains that both Radev and Dodon tiptoed a fine line by never explicitly settling on one option and remaining sufficiently ambiguous in order to play the debate for political gain. Radev, for instance, opined at times that there was “no alternative” to the EU and NATO but that this didn’t preclude good relations with Moscow. And soon after his election, Dodon said he won’t scrap the country’s Association Agreement, insisting he only wants better ties to Russia.

The reasoning behind these about-faces is simple: Bulgaria is the EU’s poorest country in per capita output, and Moldova has long been ranked as the poorest country in Europe. Both state are aware that turning their back on the EU means the end for financial injections from Brussels. After all, Moldova received €561 million from 2007-2013 and will be receiving even more in 2014-2017. And back in September, Bulgaria was awarded €108 million in emergency funding to stem the influx of migrants.

It thus appears that their anti-EU stance amounts to little more than a cynical ploy designed to coax the EU into delivering more financial aid, while at the same time winning the approval of voters who would like to see closer relations with Russia.

In Montenegro, Djukanovic pursed a similar strategy to stay in power, positioning himself as the only candidate in the country’s recent election that could deliver closer EU integration and full NATO membership, all the while avoiding discussion of his checkered record of alleged corruption and shady dealings. As well as being a useful propaganda tool, playing the anti-Russia card might help Djukanovic extract financial or procedural advantages from EU institutions. Djukanovic has even been accused of staging a clumsy coup during the country’s elections – which his administration chose to blame on “pro-Russian nationalists”—as a way to swing international opinion in his favor.

This is just another of example of Eastern European leaders being more than wise to the fact that using Moscow and the EU as boons in their political strategies is useful politically and financially alike. Far from having strong ideological persuasions one way or the other, Eastern Europe’s leaders are more than happy to exploit the cultural divide inside their countries for short-term political gain.

While headlines paint a picture that suggests half of Eastern Europe is embracing Moscow while the other half prepares to defend itself in the face of Russian aggression, the reality is different. Instead of moving their countries either closer to the EU or Russia, the region’s leaders will likely continue to do what suits them best—walk the fine line between Europe and Russia without burning bridges, allowing them to ultimately benefit from relations with both powers.

The post Eastern Europe’s Duplicitous Tango with Moscow and Brussels appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

Élections en Serbie : un grand bond en arrière sous les applaudissements de l'UE
Élections en Serbie : Vučić veut son plébiscite, l'UE donne déjà sa bénédiction
Serbie-UE : un petit pas en avant, deux grands pas en arrière
Les Balkans et la faillite de l'élargissement : l'Union européenne doit prendre ses responsabilités

/ Radio Slobodna Evropa, Serbie, Questions européennes, Politique intérieure

Élections en Serbie : un grand bond en arrière sous les applaudissements de l'UE
Élections en Serbie : Vučić veut son plébiscite, l'UE donne déjà sa bénédiction
Serbie-UE : un petit pas en avant, deux grands pas en arrière
Les Balkans et la faillite de l'élargissement : l'Union européenne doit prendre ses responsabilités

/ Radio Slobodna Evropa, Serbie, Questions européennes, Politique intérieure

A csíkszeredai Spider Drone Security nevű, drónokat gyártó cég két alapítója, Lénárd András és Bustya Attila neve is felkerült arra a listára, amely a legjelentősebb közép- és kelet-európai újítókat tömöríti.
Kategória: Aktuális/Csíkszék

Obwohl Thailand und Indien zu den weltgrößten Produzenten und Exporteuren von Obst und Gemüse gehören, haben beide Länder mit gravierenden Lebensmittelsicherheits- und Qualitätsproblemen zu kämpfen. Gemäß der Konferenz der Vereinten Nationen für Handel und Entwicklung (UNCTAD) wiesen die EU und die USA 2002-2010 durchgängig landwirtschaftliche Erzeugnisse aus diesen Ländern zurück, was auf eine unzureichende Einhaltung der internationalen Standards und eine mangelnde Umsetzung guter Agrarpraktiken (Good Agricultural Practices, GAP) schließen lässt. Beide Staaten sind sich bewusst, dass freiwillige GAP-Standards der Schlüssel sind, um die Lebensmittelsicherheit zu erhöhen. Die Annahme von Standards ist jedoch kostenintensiv, was insbesondere die Existenz kleiner landwirtschaftlicher Betriebe bedroht. Deshalb müssen Standards und deren Einführung sorgfältig durchdacht sein. Aber welche der zahlreichen GAP Standards sind eigentlich am wichtigsten?
In dieser Analyse und Stellungnahme unterscheiden wir zwischen GAP-Standards der Stufe 1 für wertschöpfungsstarke Exportmärkte und lokale GAP-Standards der Stufe 2 für nationale Märkte und Exportmärkte mit geringerer Wertschöpfung. Wir bieten einen Überblick über die Chancen und Herausforderungen bei der Einführung verschiedener Standards und nutzen das fünf ländliche Welten (5LW) Modell der Organisation für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung (OECD), um aufzuzeigen, wie Standards verschiedene Typen landwirtschaftlicher Erzeuger beeinflussen. Die Haupterkenntnisse dieser Analyse sind:

• GAP-Standards der Stufe 1, wie der gemeinsame Standard GlobalGAP, sind zwar freiwillig, setzen sich jedoch zunehmend als Pflichtanforderung in wertschöpfungsstarken Märkte durch, da sie von großen Supermärkten weltweit eingefordert werden. Aufgrund hoher Anforderungen und Kosten können sie nur von einer Minderheit der Erzeuger in LW1 und LW2 (große gewerbliche und traditionelle Betriebe) übernommen werden.
• Bei den GAP-Standards der Stufe 2 handelt es sich um freiwillige lokale Standards (z. B. ThaiGAP, IndiaGAP), die von öffentlichen oder privaten Stellen mit dem Ziel eingeführt werden, die Lebensmittelsicherheit in der inländischen Versorgungskette zu erhöhen und eine schrittweise Annäherung an Stufe 1 zu ermöglichen. Die Standards der Stufe 2 sind einfacher zu erfüllen und können den vielen traditionellen landwirtschaftlichen Haushalten und Subsistenzbauern in LW2 und LW3 dienlich sein.

Die Lebensmittelsicherheit wird weiter ein Problem darstellen, solange die GAP-Grundsätze nicht auf breiter Basis umgesetzt werden. Aufgrund komplexer Anforderungen und hoher Kosten, stellen Standards der Stufe 1 für die Mehrzahl der Bauern in Entwicklungsländern in naher Zukunft keine Option dar. Für Standards der Stufe 2 bestehen bessere Aussichten. Allerdings haben unsere Fallstudien gezeigt, dass es diesen Standards, wenn sie von öffentlichen Stellen eingeführt werden, aufgrund mangelnder Kapazität und Ressourcen oft an Glaubwürdigkeit mangelt. Es ist den Regierungen schlicht nicht möglich, Millionen kleiner Landeigentümer zu zertifizieren und die Einhaltung der Vorschriften zu überwachen, solange die Zertifizierung nicht von der Privatwirtschaft gefordert und unterstützt wird. Daher sollten öffentliche und private Stellen ihre Standards harmonisieren und Kleinbauern durch institutionelle Arrangements, Schulungen und Beratungsprogramme sowie Medienkampagnen gemeinsam darin unterstützen, Standards anzunehmen.

A new documentary series about the Cold War called Cold War Armageddon is currently being broadcast at a time when a new Cold War may emerge between the United States and Russia. The Clinton campaign pulled no punches in linking hacks to the DNC and within the U.S. Government to Russia, even claiming that President-elect Trump is directly tied to Putin himself.

While the claims about Mr.Trump’s Russia connection have quieted down since the end of the election, the espionage era of the 1980s seems to have reasserted itself to some degree in recent years. With Edward Snowden taking refuge in Russia and the Obama administration being linked to hacking even close allies, including Chancellor Merkel’s private phone, Cold War era politics seem to be familiar once again, but with a lot better gadgets.

In the series Cold War Armageddon, the evolution of the conflict between Americans and Soviets are described in great detail, with a keen focus on the effects the Cold War had on allies of the two superpowers. Intense competition in a global chess match, marked by deadly neutron bombs and mutual assured destruction also showed how leaders were measured and deliberate in their responses to their opponents. SALT I and SALT II treaty talks enabled a reduction in the most deadly of human weaponry in the late Cold War period. These treaty agreements gave rise to further agreements, capping the nuclear threat up until recently.

At the end of October 2016, news reports of the new Satan rocket, the next generation of rockets was revealed. The RS-28 Sarmat, or the Satan II is able to wipe out an area the size of France or Texas and is a further development of the multiple warhead systems that pushed logical minds to the peace table at the time. An accident with such a weapon was likely to happen, evidence of which has come out since the Cold War of several close calls during that era.

While the new Cold War may be more present as a cyber-threat as opposed to a tank melee in the near future, the goals and desired results of U.S. and Russian foreign policy abroad in places like Syria have more commonalities than differences it seems. While Ukraine remains a tense standoff that receives a lot less attention than it deserves, the fight against a common enemy may likely take place initially before the resumption of any Cold War rhetoric in 2017. Measured responses by leaders is extremely important, even more so, the decision to mire a country in a foreign conflict zone must be taken with great contemplation.

Using US-Russia relations as a way to push votes in one or another direction or simply trying to prove who the biggest kid on the block is will likely increase the chances of a more intense Cold War, but will also hinder any agreed upon solutions to other international problems.

The pre-Cold War era may be a better lesson for great powers in 2017, as the Americans, British and Soviets liberated millions of people from genocide and fought against tyranny in Europe. In 2016, that act of simple humanity is difficult to achieve. That is a good place to start new talks between the U.S. and Russia.

The post Are Cold War Politics Back? appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.

Le secrétaire général des Nations unies Ban Ki-moon a reçu jeudi la Légion d’honneur des mains de François Hollande pour sa contribution à la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique.

L'initiative RE100 qui regroupe des entreprises comme Google, Unilever et Ikea, appelle à un meilleur soutien des renouvelables dans la future législation européenne, qui ne prévoit pas  pour l'instant   d'en faire une priorité.