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Environ 500 migrants, pour la plupart érythréens, ont été secourus dans le canal de Sicile, lundi 29 août, alors qu’ils tentaient de rejoindre l’Europe dans des bateaux délabrés.

It has become all too common for European policymakers and academics alike to obsess over the creation of norms in cyberspace. Especially the promotion of the due diligence principle, to regulate state behaviour in the fifth domain, is riddled with forlorn expectations and futile assumptions.

According to customary international law, due diligence stipulates that, “no State has the right to use or permit the use of its territory in such a manner as to cause injury […] to the territory of another or the properties or persons therein.”[1] Adapted to cyberspace, the Tallinn Manual notes that “a State shall not knowingly allow the cyber infrastructure located in its territory or under its exclusive governmental control to be used for acts that adversely and unlawfully affect other States.”[2]

Proponents of the due diligence principle naturally praise its anticipated positive impact, such as (1) helping to “protect and further an open, free, and secure global internet,” “(2) prevent regional fragmentation, (3) the threat of crime and (4) a militarization of cyberspace,” as well as (5) lowering global risks in the cyber domain to an acceptable level.[3] Cooperation rather than conflict is the overarching message.

In theory, due diligence would simply shift accountability to the nation state, thereby levelling the playing field between governments, and making already existing international law applicable to the cyber domain. In one swooping move, states could be held responsible for the actions of non-state actors, but would also gain a legal beachhead to exercises stronger regulatory control over privately held IT infrastructure on their territory.

From a legal perspective, such a move would solve a host of current problems. For example, the aperture for attribution would dumb down to the question of “who is to blame?” rather than necessitate a nuanced multi-layered-process determining “who did what, how, why, when, and where?” Expanded sovereignty would also introduce tangibility, by clearly delineating cyberspace along the geographic locations of its physical components. Even the utilization of offensive cyber capabilities could be consigned to the right of self-defence, and thereby help promote a deterrence-by resilience posture.[4]

In practice, however, the application of due diligence will most likely achieve none of its lofty goals.

First, given that cyber operations depend on identifying “specific vulnerabilities in specific systems that can be exploited in specific ways,”[5] they are by their very own nature “soaked in intelligence.”[6] Espionage however falls, apart from a few exceptions, outside the domain of jus ad bellum and jus in bello, and is woefully underdeveloped in international law.[7] The Tallinn Manual for example notes that “though highly invasive, cyber espionage does not rise to the level of a use of force due the absence of a direct prohibition in international law on espionage per se.”[8]

Consequentially, curbing cyber espionage can only occur in a domestic context, by creating prevalent civilian oversight mechanisms that will hold intelligence agencies responsible for any misconduct. However, the Snowden revelations have already shown that even a country like Germany, with all its attached history and oversight mechanisms, was unable to constrain the BND from “eavesdropp[ing] on various US government and diplomatic missions, on fellow EU members, on humanitarian nongovernmental organizations, and even on the Vatican’s mission in Berlin.”[9] There is simply no point in trying to regulate state behaviour in cyberspace without also constraining intelligence agencies from conducting the very missions they were designed to do.

Second, contrary to public perception the fifth domain is becoming more secure rather than less. According to PwC’s 2016 Global State of Information Security Survey of 10,000 IT and security practitioners, 91% now utilize a risk-based security framework within their organization, 69% leverage cloud-based security, 65% collaborate with others to improve cybersecurity, and 59% harness Big Data analytics. Overall, respondents boosted their IT security budgets by 24% in 2015.[10] Indeed, some, like Martin Casado, General Partner at Andreessen Horowitz, persuasively argue that “we have enough tools in place, if used properly, to make the weakest link me and you […].”[11] Therefore security is not necessary a technology problem but one that is user-centric.

Third, users are becoming increasingly aware that the market has failed to deliver on the promise of privacy and cybersecurity.[12]  While we have come a long way from the Crypto Wars in the 1990s, the quest for secure online communications is picking up steam again. As a result, the adoption of stronger encryption is becoming commonplace, log-free VPNs are proliferating, and the success of the Tor browser has spread across the globe. One visit to Blackhat or Defcon should make it abundantly clear that any attempt by Western governments to control internet traffic, regulate open-source software, or adopt any other bullying behaviour, will cause an immediate backlash from the community.

The whack-a-mole fight against online piracy is probably the most notable example that controlling cyberspace is futile.[13] Many have tried and many have failed, but governments rarely learn from their mistakes, as Britain’s current discussion on fighting online pornography vividly shows.[14] The bottom line is that cyberspace was not designed to be secure,[15] it was not envisioned to be controllable, and international norms will not dictate how intelligence agencies operate in the fifth domain.

Cybersecurity and norms in cyberspace will be further discussed on 14 September at the Friends of Europe event : ‘CYBERSECURITY AND FOREIGN POLICY – A new role for Europe?‘

IMAGE CREDIT: Login/Bigstock.com

The post Due Diligence and the futility of creating norms in cyberspace appeared first on Europe’s World.

We would like to inform you about the key issues that will be discussed at the G20 summit in Hangzhou on 4-5 September.

1.  The G20 should continue playing a role in tackling the international refugee crisis

A comprehensive global response to share the responsibility in addressing the unprecedented refugee and migration crisis and its root causes remains a priority. We will urge the G20 to continue to support international efforts, and contribute to achieving successful outcomes at the forthcoming summit on addressing large movements of refugees and migrants at the United Nations, and the summit on refugees hosted by President Obama. We will call for scaling up humanitarian and development assistance, resettlement, support for refugees and their host communities through international financial institutions and tackling irregular migration. The G20 has the expertise to make practical contributions through trade, development cooperation and refugees' access to education and job opportunities.        

2.  Boosting jobs, growth, and investment should remain at the top of the G20 agenda

Although our economies have recovered from the crisis, the global outlook remains uncertain and many citizens still do not feel the benefits of growth. We will thus underline the importance of a credible narrative for sustainable and inclusive growth, which puts to work all available policy tools - monetary, fiscal and structural.

A key deliverable will be the G20 Hangzhou Action Plan and the updated Growth Strategies. We will call for accelerating the implementation of these strategies, keeping in mind the objective the G20 set in Brisbane to lift global growth by 2% by 2018. In this regard, the G20's “Enhanced Structural Reform Agenda”, with principles and indicators to measure progress on structural reforms, is welcome. We will seek to advance the work on growth-friendly composition and efficiency of public finances. The summit will also initiate cooperation on innovation, the new industrial revolution and digital economy.

Furthermore, we will welcome the good progress the G20 has made to promote infrastructure investment. There are strong synergies between the investment priorities of the EU and the G20. The European Fund for Strategic Investments is firmly on track to deliver the objective of mobilising at least EUR 315 billion in additional investments in the real economy by mid-2018, having already reached more than EUR 100 billion in new investments.

To ensure the benefits of economic growth are broadly shared and inequalities are reduced, the G20 will also continue implementing the Employment Plans with a particular focus on youth and women employment. We will consider actions to facilitate entrepreneurship, promote decent work, foster apprenticeships and equip workers with the right skills.

3.  Pushing forward the work on international tax transparency and combatting the financing of terrorism

The G20 should reiterate its call on all countries and jurisdictions to start exchanging information under the Global Standard on the Automatic Exchange of Information (AEOI) with all interested partners by 2018 at the latest; to adhere to the Multilateral Convention on Mutual Administrative Assistance in Tax Matters; and to join the Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS) Inclusive Framework. The Anti-Tax Avoidance Package finalised in June and the next steps prepared to respond to the problems exposed in the 'Panama Papers' put the EU at the forefront of this agenda. We need strong international criteria to identify non-cooperative jurisdictions to provide a solid basis to the broader EU common list to be adopted by end 2017. After the summit, the next milestone will be the Global Forum's proposals on beneficial ownership in cooperation with the Financial Action Task Force (FATF).

We need to stand together in combatting the financing of terrorism. The G20 has already taken important steps in this direction, and should continue on this path. We will encourage the FATF to fully implement its strategy to combat terrorism financing, and take steps to enhance the effectiveness of the network of FATF and FATF-style regional bodies.

4.  We need a resilient international monetary and financial system

Financial regulatory reform needs to remain high on the G20 agenda. The intended refinements of the Basel III framework need to be subject to a thorough impact analysis and capital requirements must not be significantly increased in any of the major regions of the world. The work of the Basel Committee, which has our support, should conclude by the end of 2016 to ensure regulatory certainty. On central counterparties we now need to push forward on the resolution framework. The G20 should also make a sound analysis of the combined effects of the agreed financial reforms to ensure their consistency with G20's overall objectives. The consistent implementation of Total Loss Absorption Capacity, effective cooperation in the event of cross-border resolution and the finalisation of the over-the-counter derivatives reforms remain priorities.

As regards the international financial architecture, it is particularly important that Leaders reaffirm their commitment to maintaining a strong and adequately resourced International Monetary Fund equipped with an effective toolbox. 

5.   The G20 must make the case for open trade and investment

The G20 will discuss how to reverse the slowdown in the growth of trade and foreign investment. This means reinvigorating efforts to open markets and level the playing field, and to communicate the benefits of trade to citizens while addressing their concerns. The G20 has a particular responsibility to buttress the multilateral trading system. It should therefore provide genuine guidance for the future global trade and investment agenda. The pledge to resist protectionism should not only be renewed but reinforced in practice. Urgent and effective action is needed to cut overcapacity in the steel and other sectors, including by tackling subsidies and other market-distorting measures that have contributed to it. The World Trade Organisation (WTO) Trade Facilitation Agreement should be ratified this year and fully implemented. It is also time to open up discussions in the WTO to new issues such as digital trade, investment or export restrictions. As a first step towards greater policy coherence in the area of investment, we will endorse the G20 Guiding Principles for Global Investment Policy-making.

Moreover, the G20 should recognize the valuable contribution to trade liberalisation and rule-making of WTO-consistent plurilateral, regional and bilateral trade agreements. We expect the G20 to give a strong push for concluding the Environmental Goods Agreement in 2016, which will be good not only for global economic growth but also for the environment.

6.   Taking forward the implementation of 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement on climate change

The summit will endorse a G20 Action Plan on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development outlining the collective contributions of the G20 to poverty reduction and sustainable development. It is also an important occasion to sustain momentum for swift ratification and implementation of the Paris Agreement. The G20 should continue work on green and climate finance, sustainable energy, and phase out of inefficient fossil fuels subsidies. It should also support reaching agreements this year on an effective global market-based mechanism to stabilise international aviation emissions in the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and to phase down hydrofluorocarbon emissions under the Montreal Protocol.

We are resolved to ensure that the Hangzhou summit will be another important milestone in strengthening the global economic recovery. The EU looks forward to discussing key international challenges with its G20 partners in Hangzhou.

SWP in den Medien

»Die Gefahr ist groß, dass am Schluss nur ein Papierfrieden steht«

 

52 Jahre herrschte Krieg in Kolumbien – jetzt legen Regierung und Farc-Rebellen den Konflikt bei. Doch die Hälfte der Bevölkerung lehnt das ab. Günther Maihold erklärt im Interview mit der Süddeutschen Zeitung, warum. mehr

HANVA. A Szlovákiai Magyar Pedagógusok Szövetsége augusztus 29-én tartotta a Szlovákiai Magyar Iskolák Országos Tanévnyitó Ünnepségét a Tornaljához közeli Hanván, ahol Tompa Mihály költő, református lelkész, a népi-nemzeti irodalmi irányzat egyik legjelentősebb képviselője a falu református lelkésze volt. Az ökumenikus istentiszteletet Nagy Ákos Róbert a gömöri református egyházmegye esperese, valamint Balázs Patrik csoltói római katolikus plébános végezte.

Du 15 au 28 août 2016, l’armée de l’air a participé à l’exercice « Bison Counter » en Suède. Un entraînement explosif d’envergure, qui a réuni 21 pays.  

Le gouvernement d'union tunisien dirigé par Youssef Chahed a pris officiellement ses fonctions lundi. Chômage, terrorisme, retour des investisseurs, conflits sociaux... Les défis qui attendent la nouvelle équipe sont nombreux.

Les échanges commerciaux entre les deux voisins reposent à 80 % sur le secteur informel. Le président béninois s’est engagé à lutter contre la fraude.

Africa50 is a specialized international Financial institution created at the initiative of the African Development Bank and capitalized so far by th AfDB, 23 African countries and two African Central Banks.

Cet article Director Investor Relations est apparu en premier sur JeuneAfrique.com.

Allgemeines : Der Untersuchungsausschuss zu Emissionsmessungen in der Automobilindustrie (EMIS) setzt seine Untersuchungen fort und befasst sich mit den politischen Aspekten des VW-Abgas-Skandals. Am Dienstag (30.8.) erscheint der ehemalige EU-Kommissar Günter Verheugen, der von 2004 bis 2010 für die Bereiche Industrie und Unternehmertum zuständig war, zu einer Anhörung vor dem Ausschuss. Das Parlament arbeitet an Vorschriften für bessere Autoabgastests. Weitere Informationen finden Sie in unserer Infografik.

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2016 - EP

BUDAPEST. Schneider Zoltán színművész nem számított rá, hogy idén ő kapja a Kaszás Attila-díjat.

Africa50 is a specialized international Financial institution created at the initiative of the African Development Bank and capitalized so far by th AfDB, 23 African countries and two African Central Banks.

Cet article DIRECTOR PROJECT FINANCE est apparu en premier sur JeuneAfrique.com.

Africa50 is a specialized international Financial institution created at the initiative of the African Development Bank and capitalized so far by th AfDB, 23 African countries and two African Central Banks.

Cet article Director HR an Administration est apparu en premier sur JeuneAfrique.com.

Dans sa chronique hebdomadaire, notre journaliste revient sur les malheurs de Mario Balotelli et la belle performance de Julio Tavares, samedi contre Lyon.

The Subcommittee on Human Rights will hold a public hearing on corruption and human rights on 31 August, with the participation of several international experts. This will provide a timely follow-up to Parliament's own initiative report on the same subject adopted in 2013 and it will also feed into a new own initiative report, to be drafted by rapporteur Petras Austrevicius (ALDE).
Location : ASP A1G-3 BRUSSELS
Programme
Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

En 2007, l’Iran commanda, auprès de la Russie, le système de défense aérienne S-300. Seulement, trois ans plus tard, le président russe, qui était alors Dmitri Medvedev, décida de suspendre le contrat en invoquant la résolution 1929 du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies, laquelle interdisait alors de vendre à l’Iran des missiles et des […]

Cet article L’Iran déploie ses batteries de défense aérienne S-300 sur le site nucléaire de Fordo est apparu en premier sur Zone Militaire.

Székesfehérvár 2016-ban ünnepli repüléstörténetének 100. évfordulóját.

POZSONY. Szeptembertől kezdődően 6 százalékkal emelkedik az alap-, közép- és főiskolai oktatók bérezése – derül ki a köztisztviselők jutalmazásáról szóló törvény a parlament által megszavazott módosító javaslatából.

Dans Le Monde daté du 26 août

Cela fait bien longtemps, en réalité, que la relation entre Ankara et l’Occident – pris ici au sens de l’OTAN et de l’Union européenne (UE) – a cessé d’être simple. L’espoir initial d’un dialogue serein avec un gouvernement « islamiste modéré » respectueux du jeu démocratique et des accords stratégiques s’est étiolé au fil des crispations politiques et des brouilles diplomatiques d’Erdogan.
En moins d’un an, cet éloignement s’est transformé en crise, jusqu’à poser la question de l’avenir de la Turquie dans l’Alliance atlantique. La stabilité du pays, l’évolution de son armée et les orientations internationales de son exécutif constituent trois inconnues de taille face auxquelles il est pour l’heure difficile de manœuvrer, tant que la réflexion opposera intérêts stratégiques et valeurs politiques.
Un constat s’impose : la Turquie traverse des heures difficiles, et ce n’est une bonne chose pour personne. Le tableau est sombre : une tentative de putsch militaire ayant fait plusieurs centaines de victimes civiles ; une réaction gouvernementale, avec la mise en garde à vue de plus de 18 000 personnes au 3 août 2016 ; un coût indéniable pour l’économie du pays (chiffré à 90 milliards d’euros par les autorités) et pour son image ; un conflit kurde (avec le PKK) qui s’intensifie ; une population victime de plusieurs actes terroristes majeurs (comme l’attentat du 28 juin à l’aéroport d’Istanbul) ; une diplomatie en délicatesse avec les principaux partenaires et voisins...

Lire la suite sur Lemonde.fr