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Cet article Banque centrale du Nigeria est apparu en premier sur JeuneAfrique.com.

Cet article Mainstreet Bank est apparu en premier sur JeuneAfrique.com.

Cet article Greenwich Trust Limited est apparu en premier sur JeuneAfrique.com.

Bosnie-Herzégovine : huit criminels de guerre présumés arrêtés à Prijedor
Crimes de guerre en Bosnie : douze arrestations à Prijedor
Bosnie : un nouveau charnier découvert dans le centre du pays
Crimes de guerre dans les Balkans : pour que justice soit enfin rendue à toutes les victimes
Bosnie-Herzégovine : la plus grande fosse commune jamais découverte mise à jour à Tomašica
Crimes de Guerre : en Bosnie, on tuait en silence

/ Courrier des Balkans, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Défense, police et justice, Mladic

Bosnie-Herzégovine : huit criminels de guerre présumés arrêtés à Prijedor
Crimes de guerre en Bosnie : douze arrestations à Prijedor
Bosnie : un nouveau charnier découvert dans le centre du pays
Crimes de guerre dans les Balkans : pour que justice soit enfin rendue à toutes les victimes
Bosnie-Herzégovine : la plus grande fosse commune jamais découverte mise à jour à Tomašica
Crimes de Guerre : en Bosnie, on tuait en silence

/ Courrier des Balkans, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Défense, police et justice, Mladic

A La Haye, aux Pays-Bas, se déroule la dernière semaine du procès de Ratko Mladic, l'ancien chef militaire des Serbes de Bosnie. Il est accusé d'avoir entrepris le « nettoyage ethnique » d'une partie de la Bosnie et doit répondre de onze chefs d'accusation de génocide, crimes contre l'humanité et crimes de guerre, tous commis lors de la guerre de Bosnie. La perpétuité a été requise, ce mercredi 7 décembre, contre celui qui a été surnommé « le Boucher des Balkans ».

Chaque année, les débats que suscite l’annonce des chiffres de la pauvreté éludent un aspect essentiel de son évolution : depuis le milieu des années 1980, la pauvreté s’est davantage transformée démographiquement qu’elle n’a augmenté statistiquement. À trop considérer le phénomène sous un angle comptable, les décideurs publics peinent à en appréhender les mutations profondes. […]

Cet article Julien Damon – Mesures de la pauvreté, mesure contre la pauvreté est apparu en premier sur Fondapol.

En matière de cybersécurité, il est toujours compliqué de démêler le vrai du faux. En tout cas, au cours de ces derniers mois, la Russie a régulièrement été accusée d’être à l’origine de plusieurs attaques informatiques, comme celles ayant visé l’Agence mondiale antidopage (AMA) ou bien encore le Parti démocrate aux États-Unis. Récemment, le directeur […]

Cet article La Russie se dote d’une doctrine en matière de cybersécurité est apparu en premier sur Zone Militaire.

L’un des déterminants du résultat de la présidentielle 2017 résidera dans le report des voix attribuées aux candidats du premier tour qui n’auront pas réussi à se qualifier pour le second. Afin de prendre en compte ce facteur essentiel du scrutin, la Fondapol vient de lancer un simulateur à l’approche fine et argumentée. Ce processus […]

Cet article Simulateur de vote 2017 : pourquoi il est aussi absurde de croire que toutes les surprises sont désormais possibles que d’avoir considéré que les jeux étaient faits est apparu en premier sur Fondapol.

Der Vertreter der türkischen Zyprer, Mustafa Akinci, blickt neuen Verhandlungen zur Lösung der Zypern-Frage zuversichtlich entgegen.

La réalisatrice française sort un documentaire, « Ouvrir la voix », sur la difficulté d’être femme et noire en France.

Les tensions s’accroissent entre l’Est et l’Ouest libyen pour la maîtrise du pays sur fond d’enjeux pétroliers.

Hollande and Sarkozy posing for Paris Match in order to defend the 2005 referendum on the EU constitutional treaty. At that time, they failed together.

After yet another eventful week marked by Hollande’s renouncement television address, French citizens can now be sure that neither of their two last presidents will be on their ballots for the presidential elections next spring. While the media would have loved to play a game of thrones, unfolding the ‘revenge’ narrative and ask Sam to play again his song about ‘hearts full of passion, jealousy and hate’, to many voters this comes as a relief.

Not so much really because of their relative failure with regard to the unrealistic pre-election promises and over-the-top reform announcements they were virtually forced to make by the highly antagonistic nature of French political culture. It is true that once in office, all French presidents since Mitterrand’s election in 1981 were caught in the pitfall of having to live up to the expectations they were obliged to raise with their electorate, while patently knowing that it was impossible to keep them. And none of them would have been re-elected, had it not been for the stupidity of the opposition (Mitterrand in 1988) or the need to fence off the Front National (Chirac in 2002). Which amounts, by the way, to a total of three decades of successive high hopes and disenchantments.

The real reason why Sarkozy and Hollande were considered unfit to run again by a large part of the population is in the concept of ‘embodiment’. Charles de Gaulle had a certain idea of France, and he also had a certain idea of its presidency and how to incarnate it.

For all the pompousness of protocol, the lovely oxymoron of the ‘Republican monarchy’ has become a famous and altogether fitting metaphor over the years. Both Sarkozy and Hollande were happy to use the extent of power granted to the Royal at the head of the French state. But they underestimated to what extent certain expectations with regard to conduct, behaviour and speech were inseparable from the function. Both can be said to have irremediably damaged the Gaullist ideal-type of the president. In fact, they have become the joint undertakers of French presidency.

Oh, they clearly enjoyed some of the privileges that come with the job. Like the incredibly stupid role play during press conferences in the Elysée, where follow-up questions are not permitted, which allows the president to answer totally beside the point or ridicule the defenceless journalist who spoke out an uncomfortable truth. Or the game of condescendingly putting cabinet members (including the Prime minister) in their place who implemented policies decided by the president but turning out to be unpopular or impracticable.

But neither of them understood that living up to the function would have required them to stay out of down-to-earth policy-making, delegate much more to their Prime minister, and make themselves rare. The presidential word is powerful only if it is scarce, solemn, and exceptional (and, ideally, slightly enigmatic). Sarkozy and Hollande were omnipresent, they simply talked too much. Sarkozy’s obsession with being in the limelight and show just how much he was in charge of everything, as well as his strategy of inundating the media with an uninterrupted flow of announcements to make sure they simply would not have the time and resources to follow up on them later, have earned him the nick-name of ‘hyper-president’, with all the connotation of ADHD this term implied. Towards the end of his term, he visibly tried, following the advice of his communication guru Patrick Buisson, to ‘represidentialise’ (believe me, the word exists in French) both his personality and his behaviour. To no avail, the harm was already done.

Hollande was just as effective as an undertaker. The very pre-electoral promise to be a ‘normal’ president was incompatible with the Fifth Republic’s design. A president who is normal, is useless. And a president who needs to juggle simultaneously with the hysterical (though justified) jealousy of his official partner, the presence of his ex-partner and mother of his four children in his own government, and the breakfast croissants he takes on a scooter to his second mistress is no longer an impressive womaniser (even for the permissive French who are rather tolerant in these matters), but comes closer to a clown. Even Sarkozy, who like a teenager before his parents stood before the press saying ‘with Carla, it’s serious’, looked less ridiculous in comparison.

When Hollande recently accepted the publication of the tell-all book written by two Le Monde reporters after hours and hours of interviews with the President, he probably thought that ‘A President Should Not Say That’ was a nice tongue-in-cheek title. As a matter of fact, the phrase turned out to be a 100% accurate summary of his entire misjudgement of expectations and mismanagement of his presidential function, annulling all efforts to react in a statesmanlike manner to the terrorist strikes against France.

What the ten years under Sarkozy and Hollande boil down to is the ‘desacralisation’ of the French presidency. It’s not entirely their fault. De Gaulle and Pompidou did not have to face up with a highly increased demand for transparency in decision-making, with the reactivity of social media, with fact checkers and fake news, and the overall acceleration and hysterically repetitive character of the political debate in the age of on non-stop news channels.

The next president will have to reconcile historically grown expectations, the damage done by his/her predecessors, and contemporary pressure on an office that seems increasingly out of sync with what 21st-century democracy would need. When Harris Interactive asked the French in a representative poll one month ago whether they considered ‘the capacity to embody the presidential function’ an important criterion in their choice next spring, 79% of them agreed. Unsurprisingly, younger voters seemed slightly less sensitive on this issue (still, they are 65% to agree among the 25-34 age-group). At the same time, only Alain Juppé was deemed to possess this capacity by more than half of the respondents. By over two thirds Sarkozy, Hollande and Le Pen were considered ‘poor’ embodiments of the presidency, while Fillon, Macron and Valls scored only slightly better, rated ‘poor embodiments’ for 57-59% of the respondents.

Whoever will be the successor of the two ‘undertakers’ Sarkozy and Hollande, her/she is likely to have a very hard time to live up to the legacy of de Gaulle and the tacit, but persistent expectations of the citizens.

Albrecht Sonntag
@albrechtsonntag

This is post # 6 on the French 2017 election marathon.
Post # 5 here.
Post # 4 here.
Post # 3 here.
Post # 2 here.
Post # 1 here.

The post France 2017: The Undertakers appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

Lundi 5 décembre 2016, l’alerte SAR (Search and Rescue) a été déclenchée. La mission a été réalisée par l’escadron d’hélicoptères (EH) 1/67 « Pyrénées » de la base aérienne (BA) 120 de Cazaux.

On Wednesday, December 7th, IPI together with the Permanent Mission of Norway to the United Nations, the Permanent Mission of the Somali Republic to the United Nations, and the United Nations Development Programme cohosted a policy forum event to discuss the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in fragile situations. Introductory remarks were delivered by H.R.H. Crown Prince Haakon, Crown Prince of Norway and UNDP Goodwill Ambassador.

In September 2015, member states of the United Nations adopted a new framework entitled: “Transforming Our World: 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.” This global agenda recognizes that, while its goals are universal, the pathways and pace of progress will vary from country to country and depend on different national realities and challenges. Addressing fragility is essential to laying the foundation for inclusive and peaceful societies and achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

To build peaceful and inclusive societies, as well as effective institutions, the root causes of fragility must be addressed. The 2030 Agenda provides a global framework that seeks to end poverty, reduce inequality, and combat climate change. For countries facing fragility, implementing the 2030 Agenda is an opportunity to overcome structural challenges and build resilience. Moreover, as recognized in the three recent peace and security reviews—on peace operations, peacebuilding, and Security Council resolution 1325—investment in prevention is a key priority.

Through the Commitment to Action, The World Humanitarian Summit set in motion the development of a “new way of working” that aims to meet immediate humanitarian needs, while reducing risk and vulnerability. In order for this to be achieved, and for fragility to be tackled effectively, the development, humanitarian and peace communities must work together to ensure no one is left behind, and to reach the furthest behind first.

Fragility was arguably a key impediment to the advancement of the Millennium Development Goals, and continues to be a major challenge for the 2030 Agenda. The number of people living in fragile situations has risen considerably and extreme poverty is becoming increasingly concentrated in fragile situations. As noted by the Secretary-General’s High-Level Panel on Humanitarian Financing, “success or failure to achieve the [Sustainable Development Goals] will depend upon whether or not we are up to the challenge of managing fragility and risks.”

Welcoming Remarks:
H.R.H. Crown Prince Haakon, Crown Prince of Norway and UNDP Goodwill Ambassador

Speakers:
H.E. Mr. Yusuf‑Garaad Omar, Permanent Representative of Somalia to the United Nations
Mr. Magdy Martínez-Solimán, Assistant Administrator and Director Bureau for Policy and Programme, United Nations Development Programme
H.E. Mr. Geir O. Pedersen, Permanent Representative of Norway to the United Nations
Ms. Gwi-Yeop Son, Director, United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Ms. Jimena Leiva Roesch, Senior Policy Analyst, International Peace Institute

Moderator:
Dr. Adam Lupel, Vice President, International Peace Institute

Le spécialiste allemand des huiles et additifs LIQUI MOLY profite de la pause hivernale pour lancer deux nouvelles huiles pour bateaux : Marine Single Grade SAE 30 et Marine ATF. « Ces huiles nous permettent de poursuivre le développement de notre gamme Marine », déclare Jan Volk, le responsable du secteur nautique chez LIQUI MOLY. 

• Lire la suite de Liqui Moly lance deux nouvelles huiles marines

Three people from Kosovo and Serbia are among a group of eight people arrested in Belgium and suspected of links to the outlawed terror group ISIS.

VIDÉO - La nièce de Marine Le Pen, «seule» et «isolée» sur le dossier de l'IVG selon le vice-président du parti, fait l'objet d'une campagne de soutien sur les réseaux sociaux.

Liberal democracy is in a parlous state. In America, Donald Trump is making his mark even before he enters the Oval Office. In Europe – despite heartening news from Austria – demagogues have the wind in their sails.

Meanwhile, free-thinking, liberal Muslim thought leaders and reformers are struggling to live and work in peace at home. Muslim-majority nations are either ruled by nasty autocrats, military strongmen or flawed and fragile democrats. In many places, to speak up is to find yourself dead or in prison. If you are lucky, you can go into exile – but perhaps not for long.

Escape routes to the West are closing fast. Islam-bashing has become the favourite sport not just of Trump but also of populist parties across Europe. Rants against Islam unite members of the ‘populist international’ on both sides of the Atlantic. As the far right looks set to perform well in elections in many Western countries in the coming months, expect the anti-Islam vitriol to get nastier.

Europe should indeed focus on keeping out Muslim extremists. But it must not ignore the plight of Muslim reformers who are caught between the devil and the deep blue sea. Speak up at home, and they are likely to be branded ‘kafir’ (unbeliever). Head for shelter abroad, and they turn into potential troublemakers or even terrorists.

“Space for freedom of expression has been shrinking in the Muslim world,” says Surin Pitsuwan, Thailand’s former foreign minister and a much-respected former secretary-general of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN).

“Speak up at home, and you are branded ‘kafir’. Head for shelter abroad, and you turn into a potential troublemaker or even a terrorist”

“Muslim intellectuals cannot pursue their examination of laws and principles at home… they have to do that outside the Muslim world,” he told a World Forum for Muslim Democrats meeting in Tokyo last month. “Academics have to migrate in order to do their job. Muslim democrats feel the space for exercising their role is being limited… they cannot visualise their future.”

The Muslim world is suffering from a severe democratic deficit. Muslims long for freedom, the rule of law and representative government, said Nurul Izzah Anwar. She is Vice-President of the People’s Justice Party of Malaysia, which was set up by her father, Malaysian opposition politician Anwar Ibrahim (who is still in jail).

“There is confusion about how Muslims relate to democracy and to the challenge of facing extremism,” said Nurul Izzah. Muslims have to deal simultaneously with “fanatic ideologies and kleptocratic regimes”.

For many Muslims also, the struggle centres on efforts to reclaim their religion from the stranglehold of Saudi-based Wahhabist interpretations of Islam.

“It’s a fight that is long and difficult. Wahhabism is a dirty word in Indonesia. It is considered to be primitive,” said Indonesian scholar of Islam Azyumardi Azra. Unlike other countries, Indonesia is not dependent on money from Saudi Arabia, he said. “Our flowery Islam is embedded in our local culture.”

Yet for all its traditional tolerance and openness, Indonesia faces the challenge of protecting its minorities. Indonesian police has opened a criminal investigation into Jakarta Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, better known as ‘Ahok’, for alleged blasphemy.

Ahok, a Christian, is the first member of Indonesia’s ethnic Chinese community to be elected as the capital’s governor. The investigation shows the authorities are “more worried about hardline religious groups than respecting and protecting human rights for all,” according to Rafendi Djamin, Amnesty International’s Director for Southeast Asia and the Pacific.

“As the extremists gain traction, the welcome for Muslims will wear even thinner in Europe.”

What happens in Indonesia is particularly relevant given the country’s reputation as a role-model for other Muslim countries.

Muslim reformers and intellectuals could once find shelter and asylum in the West. And while many have benefited from such protection and continue to do so, extremists in the United States and Europe are making clear that Islam is their new enemy.

As the extremists gain traction, the welcome for Muslims will wear even thinner in Europe. As former Egyptian member of parliament Abdul Mawgoud Dardery told the conference, “We feel betrayed by the US and Europe”.

Tragically, such betrayals are likely to become the norm. The US President-elect is likely to side with fellow ‘strongmen’ in the Muslim world. Europe’s populists can be expected to be just as indifferent to the plight of Muslim human rights defenders and democrats.

But Europe must keep its doors open to those in the Muslim world who want change, reform and democracy. As Surin underlined, “Muslim democrats have to face a dual challenge: we have to fight extremism in our midst and Islamophobia outside”.

Related content

• Friends of Europe: European Young Leaders Marseille summit – innovative ideas to solve the refugee crisis
• Europe’s World: Making a success of integration and diversity, by Muhterem Aras
• Debating Europe: Should the burkini be banned?

IMAGE CREDIT: CC / FLICKR – Friends of Europe

The post Europe must remain a safe place for Muslim reformers appeared first on Europe’s World.