Agrégateur de flux

Parlamentarier verlangen, dass das Aussendepartement mehr gegen ausländische Spione unternimmt. Die Forderung kommt zum dümmsten Zeitpunkt – und ist doch berechtigt.

Prioritizing GDP-based targets doesn’t necessarily strengthen military capabilities, as Italy shows.

New policy approaches being conducted by the US Administration mirrors past policy in putting the interests of the United States ahead of those of its adversaries and allies, with possible outcomes remaining to be seen. While likely a result of local midterms being a possible barrier to future policy, the rapid exposure of US policy in the Americas and abroad will probably change the path of mostly failed long term policies to date.

The removal of the leader of Venezuela and head of much of the narco-terror in the region has forced the remaining Chavistas in Venezuela to play ball with the US Administration. While suffering under sanctions, Venezuela’s oil industry was unable to properly modernise their oil and gas production, many facilities once belonging to US energy companies. The US, instead of taking over as they did in Iraq, has chosen a path of self determination with outside pressure to keep the controlling systems in Venezuela in place, while edging them towards a more Western oriented position. The hope is that Venezuelans will move the country towards a healthy state, starting with free elections where Venezuela can change towards its natural path of a traditional democracy.

With Venezuelans being one of the largest refugee populations worldwide due to the Chavez/Maduro regime, many would return to rebuild and redevelop the country if given the opportunity. With an organised and well planned out opposition in Venezuela, the country has been ready for a generation to return to its natural state. Unlike many other states, the traditional structure of Venezuela existed with checks and balances and an independent judiciary, a structure that had always been in place in modern Venezuela until it was corrupted by the rise of Chavismo in the late 1990s. Step by step, we will see if Venezuela can move past the current regime, but still it is not safe to openly challenge the regime on the streets, an issue that should be addressed promptly by the United States.

Iran’s mass protests is the sixth of these kinds of movements to take to the streets in Iran since 2009. In this instance however, the US Administration has voiced its support for a Free Iran, openly supports the opposition movement, and has made it clear by past military actions and recent statements that the tolerance for regime terror is greatly reduced. The lack of support for all minority groups in the Middle East in the last two decades has lead to extreme movements and violence in the region where some of the oldest communities in the region have been targeted for extermination. During this time, with an exception in some extreme cases, Western leaders and media have worked to erase the mention of the existence of these indigenous groups to Western audiences, a move that left the 2009 protesters to be brutalised by Iran’s regime at the time.

While there has been a slight pause in recent actions, it is likely the case that actors in the region on the side of Free Iranians are unsure of the outcome as there is not a recognizable organised opposition on he ground that can take power from the regime as exists in Venezuela. Iran’s true allies will give all support, but it is important that a change in the Government comes from Iranians and goes directly to Iranians so it is a legitimate power structure that operates in the best interests of the country, and not for nations or interests abroad. It is likely the case that allies of a Free Iran are waiting on a leadership plan inside of the country, despite having a strong voice for a Free Iran externally coming from the family of the former Shah of Iran. The most important measure the West can take is to show its full support for the movement in Iran, as in every other of the five past protest movements the Iranian people, especially their women and girls, were intentionally forgotten by Western powers. It seems that the real victims of divisive policies are always the women, and always the girls, and no society can claim any legitimacy if it cannot protect their wives, daughters and children. All such regimes need to fall.

Dans le procès des assistants parlementaires européens du Front national, les avocats généraux ont requis quatre ans de prison dont trois avec sursis et surtout cinq ans d’inéligibilité contre Marine Le Pen. Si la cour d’appel suit les réquisitions du parquet, dont la décision est attendue avant l’été, Marine Le Pen risque d'être empêchée de se présenter à l'élection présidentielle de 2027. Aura-t-elle d'autres choix que de passer la main à Jordan Bardella ?

DÉCRYPTAGE - En appel, le parquet a requis l’inéligibilité de Marine Le Pen, mais sans exécution provisoire. Sur le papier, la triple candidate à la présidentielle peut espérer pouvoir se représenter une quatrième fois, mais l’hypothèse paraît à ce stade improbable.

Die parlamentarische Aufsicht kritisiert das Aussendepartement: Es wisse von ausländischen Spionen, die getarnt als Diplomaten in die Schweiz kämen. Doch es ignoriere die Empfehlungen des Nachrichtendienstes.

Insights from Yi-Ling Liu.

Le rejet en mer des eaux traitées de la centrale nucléaire de Fukushima Daiichi s’est rapidement imposé comme un épisode marquant de la diplomatie japonaise. Au-delà des enjeux techniques et environnementaux, cette décision a mis en lumière un double impératif pour Tokyo : asseoir sa légitimité scientifique et faire face aux offensives informationnelles, notamment en provenance de Chine.

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L’article Le Japon face à la désinformation : le cas du rejet des eaux traitées de Fukushima est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

Dans la matinée de ce mercredi 4 février 2026, les membres de l'Association professionnelle des banques et établissements financiers du Burkina (APEBF-B), conduits par leur premier responsable, ont fait un don en numéraire d'un montant total de 52 500 000 FCFA à l'agence Faso Mêbo. La cérémonie de remise s'est déroulée sur le site de Faso Mêbo à Ouagadougou.

Par ce geste, l'APEBF-B témoigne de son engagement à répondre à l'appel lancé par le président du Faso, mais aussi de sa participation au développement urbain et à l'embellissement des villes du Burkina Faso.

Les membres de l'association exécutant les différents travaux sur le site

Tout en saluant les réalisations déjà faites sur le terrain par l'ensemble du personnel de Faso Mêbo, qui œuvre au quotidien pour améliorer le cadre de vie des Burkinabè, Diakarya Ouattara, directeur général de l'APEBF-B, a confié que ce geste symbolique contribue à la réalisation des travaux dans les villes du pays.

Par ailleurs, il n'a pas manqué de souligner que le développement économique et social d'un pays ne peut se faire que par la mobilisation de ses fils et filles. À cet effet, il exhorte l'ensemble des citoyens burkinabè à emboîter le pas. Il a également formulé le vœu que ce geste de l'APBEF-B inspire et serve d'élan de mobilisation des citoyens burkinabè autour de cette initiative.

Diakarya Ouattara invite l'ensemble des citoyens burkinabè à contribuer au développement du pays

« Nous souhaitons que cette action des membres de l'Association professionnelle des banques et établissements financiers puisse être un stimulant pour mobiliser davantage les Burkinabè pour cette initiative, pour qu'elle soit un succès parfait et une démonstration que la nation peut se construire avec les moyens et la contribution de tout le monde », a-t-il souhaité.

Les donateurs ont aussi marqué leur acte patriotique en participant aux différents travaux sur le site.
En rappel, l'APEBF-B est une association qui a pour but principal de promouvoir la profession bancaire et d'aider au développement de ce secteur.

Muriel Dominique Ouédraogo
Lefaso.net

Bernd Lange, chair of Parliament’s International Trade Committee and standing rapporteur for the US, has issued the following statement regarding the EU-US trade deal.
Committee on International Trade

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Bernd Lange, chair of Parliament’s International Trade Committee and standing rapporteur for the US, has issued the following statement regarding the EU-US trade deal.
Committee on International Trade

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Bernd Lange, chair of Parliament’s International Trade Committee and standing rapporteur for the US, has issued the following statement regarding the EU-US trade deal.
Committee on International Trade

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Bernd Lange, chair of Parliament’s International Trade Committee and standing rapporteur for the US, has issued the following statement regarding the EU-US trade deal.
Committee on International Trade

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Bernd Lange, chair of Parliament’s International Trade Committee and standing rapporteur for the US, has issued the following statement regarding the EU-US trade deal.
Committee on International Trade

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Dans le cadre de la campagne nationale « Dɛmɛ Sira » (en langue Bambana : chemin de la solidarité, entraide), le ministre de la Famille et de la Solidarité nationale, le Lieutenant-colonel Pélagie Kaboré, a échangé avec le président du Conseil national du Patronat du Burkina Faso (CNP-BF), Idrissa Nassa, le lundi 2 février 2026 à Ouagadougou.

Cette démarche s'inscrit dans l'action de mobilisation des forces économiques nationales autour des valeurs de solidarité, de cohésion sociale et de vivre-ensemble, à travers des actions concrètes en faveur des populations vulnérables. C'est pourquoi Mme la Ministre, Pélagie Kaboré, a saisi l'occasion pour exprimer sa profonde reconnaissance au président du CNP-BF, Idrissa Nassa, et à l'ensemble des membres de son organisation, pour leur engagement constant depuis le lancement officiel de la campagne « Dɛmɛ Sira », le 14 novembre 2025 (https://lefaso.net/spip.php?article142321).

« Au-delà des civilités, les échanges ont permis de réaffirmer le rôle stratégique du secteur privé dans la consolidation de la paix sociale et la résilience nationale. Pour le ministre, la solidarité constitue un pilier fondamental de la cohésion sociale. Héritée des pratiques endogènes burkinabè, elle s'est historiquement traduite par l'assistance aux veuves, orphelins, personnes en situation de handicap et autres couches vulnérables. Face aux défis sécuritaires et humanitaires actuels, cette solidarité doit aujourd'hui être renforcée et structurée », relaie la direction de la communication et des relations presse du ministère de la Famille et de la Solidarité nationale (DCRP/MFS).

• Lien utile : Burkina/Solidarité : Adja Amsétou de Komsilga se mobilise pour soutenir les femmes atteintes de cancer

Les contributions au Fonds d'Assistance sociale et de solidarité nationale (FASSN) permettent notamment, explique-t-on, la prise en charge des orphelins, le soutien aux services sociaux hospitaliers et la réponse à diverses urgences sociales. D'où l'invite de Mme la ministre au patronat burkinabè, à intensifier son appui audit Fonds, afin d'en faire un véritable levier de protection sociale. « La grandeur d'une nation se mesure à sa capacité à prendre en charge les plus faibles. Vous êtes des relais essentiels pour porter ce message auprès de l'ensemble des acteurs économiques », peut-on lire des propos de la ministre Pélagie Kaboré.

Un message acquiescé par le président du CNP-BF, Idrissa Nassa, qui a réaffirmé l'engagement de l'organisation en faveur de la solidarité nationale. « Nous prenons bonne note de votre message. Soyez rassurée de notre soutien. La solidarité n'est pas un discours, c'est un engagement permanent », a rassuré M. Nassa, promettant que l'appel sera largement relayé auprès des opérateurs économiques lors de la prochaine rencontre du patronat, les 5 et 6 février 2026.

La campagne nationale « Dɛmɛ Sira » connaîtra son apothéose le 13 février 2026, à l'occasion du Gala national de la Solidarité, informe la DCRP. Un rendez-vous majeur qui vise à célébrer les initiatives solidaires exemplaires et à mobiliser davantage de ressources au profit des actions sociales.

• Lire aussi : Burkina Faso : Le Premier ministre lance la campagne « Dɛmɛ Sira » pour renforcer la cohésion sociale

Lefaso.net

Source : DCRP/MFS

Officially, New Zealand is “assessing” membership. But key government documents suggest many of the practical steps Pillar II of AUKUS would involve are already underway.

Depuis 1955, une même formation dirige le Japon (presque) sans discontinuer. L'essor économique du pays, quatrième puissance mondiale ? C'est elle. L'alignement sur la croisade anticommuniste des États-Unis dans la région ? C'est elle. Et le retour à une logique de guerre froide ouvrant la (…) / Japon, Parti politique, Élections

Topic: Foreign Leaders Blog Brand: Middle East Watch Region: Middle East Tags: Ali Khamenei, Iran, Iraq, ISIS, Kurds, Nuri al-Maliki, Shia, and United States What Nuri al-Maliki’s Iraqi Comeback Means for the US February 4, 2026 By: Charbel Antoun Share

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The revival of Iraq’s most polarizing Shia leader signals Iran’s intent to set the terms of engagement with the Donald Trump administration.

Iraq’s dominant Shia bloc has reached into the past to choose a face for the future: former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki. His nomination is being marketed as the return of an “experienced” strongman capable of restoring order and finally bringing Iran-aligned militias under state control. But this narrative is political theater. Maliki’s comeback is not a technocratic reset—it is a strategic message from Tehran to Washington that Iran intends to defend its primacy in Iraq through its most loyal and battle-tested operator.

Maliki’s record is not one of restraining armed groups. His tenure between 2006 and 2014 saw Iraq descend into its worst sectarian bloodshed since 2003, the loss of three provinces to ISIS, and the deepening entrenchment of Shia militias inside the state. Yet the same Iran-aligned coalition dominating parliament is reviving him now—precisely as Washington pressures Baghdad to curb militia influence and as the US facilitates the transfer of up to 7,000 ISIS detainees from Syria into Iraqi custody. There is more choreography to this decision than coincidence.

The Myth of Nuri al-Maliki the “Fixer”

A new narrative is taking shape: Maliki as the only figure strong enough to centralize power and impose order. Former US diplomat Zalmay Khalilzad has echoed this framing, and some regional commentators have embraced it as well. Saudi anchor Malek Alrougui argued that Maliki could “put the militias back in the bottle,” though even he conceded that the task is to “limit their power, not eliminate them.” He also noted that Iraq’s political elite seeks to construct an “Iraq under Maliki” to counterbalance a “Syria under al-Shara.” But this reading ignores the historical record. Maliki did not put the militias in the bottle; he shattered the bottle and built a political system that depended on them.

The idea that Maliki will dismantle or meaningfully weaken the militias is a structural fantasy. These groups are Iran’s primary lever of influence in Iraq. Tehran does not empower a loyalist to dismantle its own leverage.

Maliki’s likely role is to rebrand and centralize militia influence by integrating them deeper into state institutions; shield them from international scrutiny under the guise of “state control”; manage sensitive issues—including the transfer of thousands of ISIS detainees—within a security ecosystem aligned with Iran. This is not a plan to tame the militias. It is a plan to cement their position and present the arrangement to Washington as a fait accompli.

Iraqi political life often moves in circles rather than forward. As Iraqi academic Ayad Anbar notes, the system “reproduces itself without any circular or spiral development.” Maliki’s nomination fits this pattern.

Lebanese analyst Mustapha Fahs argues that the move reflects a new phase in which the Shia right and the Shia mainstream face an unprecedented challenge in maintaining their power amid regional realignment and rising domestic pressure. He also highlights the significance of Masoud Barzani’s support for Maliki—an alignment between the Shia right and the Kurdish right that exposes the depth of political bargaining required to manage Iraq’s next chapter.

Why Ali Khamenei Chose Nuri al-Maliki

Iran’s supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, has clearly blessed Maliki’s return over more consensus-oriented Shia figures. By elevating a polarizing veteran, Tehran signals that it values ideological loyalty over domestic legitimacy or Western approval. As Omar Abdulsattar Mahmoud—a leader in the Iraqi National Opposition Council and former member of parliament—put it, Iran is “dealing a painful blow to Trump and seizing complete control of all aspects of the Iraqi state and government.”

This sort of messaging indicates that Maliki’s return is not about governing Iraq. It is about shaping the terms of engagement with the Donald Trump administration. If Washington intends to revive elements of “maximum pressure,” Tehran is preparing to answer with “maximum resistance” through a Baghdad leadership fully aligned with its strategic worldview.

US Options: Punish Nuri al-Maliki, Don’t Just Protest

The timing of Maliki’s nomination was not lost on Washington. Just hours after the news broke, the State Department released a readout of Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s call with Prime Minister Mohammed Shiaa al-Sudani, warning that “a government controlled by Iran cannot successfully put Iraq’s own interests first, keep Iraq out of regional conflicts, or advance the mutually beneficial partnership between the United States and Iraq.” The United States evidently views Iraq’s government formation process as a strategic red line, not an internal matter, and is prepared to recalibrate its approach if Baghdad tilts decisively toward Tehran.

Then came a direct and unusually blunt intervention from President Donald Trump on Truth Social, delivering a political body blow to Maliki’s bid. ​Trump warned: “Last time Maliki was in power, the Country descended into poverty and total chaos. That should not be allowed to happen again.” He added that “because of his insane policies and ideologies, if elected, the United States of America will no longer help Iraq and, if we are not there to help, Iraq has ZERO chance of Success, Prosperity, or Freedom.” Together, these statements transform Washington’s discomfort with Maliki into a clear threat of consequences for any Iraqi faction backing his return.

In 2014, the Obama administration helped push Maliki aside to prevent total state collapse. Today, the United States faces a far more entrenched reality. Washington cannot veto Iraqi internal politics, but it can shape the cost of political choices. The question is not whether the United States can stop Maliki’s appointment; it cannot. The question is how much it will make Maliki and his backers pay for it. Realistic means to impose costs on Maliki include targeted sanctions, financial pressure, conditional security cooperation, tighter oversight of US assistance, and diplomatic isolation of militia-aligned ministries. These are the levers that remain.

The West risks comforting itself with the illusion that a “strongman” can solve Iraq’s militia problem. Maliki’s return does the opposite: it entrenches the very forces that hollowed out the Iraqi state and paved the way for ISIS’ rise. If policymakers accept the myth of the “experienced fixer,” they are simply waiting for the next collapse.

About the Author: Charbel Antoun

Charbel A. Antoun is a Washington-based journalist and writer specializing in US foreign policy, with a focus on the Middle East and North Africa. He is passionate about global affairs, conflict resolution, human rights, and democratic governance, and explores the world’s complexities through in-depth reporting and analysis.

Image: 360b / Shutterstock.com.

The post What Nuri al-Maliki’s Iraqi Comeback Means for the US appeared first on The National Interest.

Once sacrosanct, the enormous aid package is now in doubt.

The Karachaganak precedent is likely to shape Kazakhstan’s approach to energy governance, production-sharing agreement renegotiations, and investor relations in the years ahead.