Hinweis: Gegenüber der ursprünglichen Version des Statements musste folgender Satz korrigiert werden (frühere Version in Klammern): "Zwar sind im aktuellen Haushaltsentwurf 37 (statt zuvor: 36) Milliarden Euro für dieses Jahr und über 55 Milliarden Euro für 2026 (statt zuvor: 2025) vorgesehen, doch die Erfahrung zeigt, dass das sehr ambitioniert ist." Wir bitten, den Fehler zu entschuldigen.
Das Statistische Bundesamt hat heute bekannt gegeben, dass das Bruttoinlandsprodukt in Deutschland im zweiten Quartal 2025 um 0,1 Prozent gegenüber dem ersten Quartal gesunken ist. Dazu eine Einschätzung von Geraldine Dany-Knedlik, Konjunkturchefin des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin):
Die deutsche Wirtschaft hat nach starkem Jahresauftakt leicht an Tempo verloren, der Aufschwung ist damit aber nicht abgeblasen. Jetzt ist Geduld gefragt. Produktion und Geschäftsklima im Verarbeitenden Gewerbe entwickeln sich positiv. Auch die Einigung im Zollstreit zwischen der EU und den USA sorgt für mehr Planungssicherheit, wenngleich – nach allem, was man bisher weiß – keine Entlastung bei den Zöllen zu erwarten ist. Im Gegenteil, die Belastungen werden wohl leicht steigen. Einen entscheidenden Beitrag zu einem stärkeren Aufschwung werden die geplanten Investitionen aus dem Sondervermögen für Infrastruktur und Klimaschutz leisten. Zwar sind im aktuellen Haushaltsentwurf 37 Milliarden Euro für dieses Jahr und über 55 Milliarden Euro für 2026 vorgesehen, doch die Erfahrung zeigt, dass das sehr ambitioniert ist. Es wäre schon eine Erfolgsgeschichte, wenn die Hälfte der geplanten Mittel abfließen würde. Die Umsetzung der Projekte braucht Zeit. Planung, Vergabe und Umsetzungsphase verzögern die Wirkung, sodass spürbare Impulse erst ab 2026 zu erwarten sind.
La Croatie est plus que jamais décidée à stocker les déchets radioactifs de la centrale nucléaire de Krško à Čerkezovac, dans une zone naturelle protégée, qui connait aussi un fort risque sismique. En Bosnie-Herzégovine voisine, les scientifiques dénoncent un « racisme écologique ».
- Articles / Relations régionales, Courrier des Balkans, Environnement dans les Balkans, Croatie, EnvironnementVous avez construit une cabane de jardin ou un hôtel de luxe sans permis ? L'un et l'autre vont être éligibles aux procédures de légalisation, aux mêmes conditions. Les ONG dénoncent un projet de loi qui s'apparente à une capitulation de l'État face au fléau des constructions illégales.
- Articles / Radio Slobodna Evropa, Monténégro, Environnement, Société, Economie, Littoral MonténégroWatch Full event on UN Web TV>>
IPI President Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein addressed the UN High-Level Conference on “The Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution” on July 28th, urging the international community to focus on moving past diplomatic gestures and vague visions. He stressed that short of clear and collective action with specific policy commitments based on a recognised sovereign and contiguous Palestinian state, the two-state solution will remain an abstraction.
Read his remarks in full:
Thank you, Your Highness, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, friends.
I am grateful to be joining Presidents Mary Robinson and Juan Manuel Santos, as the third external speaker to this morning’s session; and would like to begin by thanking our Co-chairs France and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia – not only for their leadership on this topic, but also for their insistence this conference centres on the specific actions needed to realise a two-state solution.
Our Co-Chairs are also right to think the greatest threat to the viability of a two-state solution is a staggering international community that lacks an understanding of either what a workable two-state solution actually entails, or of the path we must all take to get there, once the terrible atrocities in Gaza stop. In other words, how can we transition from rubble to renewal without a compelling and credible vision for what renewal means?
Others may argue this differently, claiming the main obstacle to peace is not so much the violent extremists on both sides who demand the complete removal or destruction of the other – that is perhaps too obvious a point – rather it is the filing down in both societies of those who believe peace is possible. Such is the depth of fear, anger, and fatalism that now marks the prevailing mood.
After all, virtually all Palestinians, Arabs, Muslims, and many others accuse the Israeli leadership of committing acts of genocide in Gaza, this on top of a long and cruel military occupation of Palestine. The Israeli government, the US Administration, and some European leaders see Israel as fighting a violent enemy which threatens it existentially, an enemy that murdered Israeli civilians cold-bloodedly almost two years ago, and took hostages. Many people around the world see truth in both views.
Despite conceding the reality of the present moods and hatreds swirling within the two populations, what is fortunate about a vision of two states is that, like any other vision, it need not correspond exactly with the current psychology of Israelis and Palestinians. A vision is not for today’s emotional audit, but for a tomorrow when new imperatives have inspired both populations, and not because the vision would be something utterly fanciful; quite the opposite, a two-state solution would have to be practical to gain support.
This is why one of the first lessons to draw on from decades of failed efforts to resolve this conflict is that wholesale vagueness about the endgame is not strategic— it is dangerous. It empowers rejectionists and weakens those who believe peace is still attainable.
Today, as we have heard many speakers say, leading figures in Israel’s far-right government are openly articulating a vision of permanent occupation, territorial annexation, and forced displacement. And they are acting accordingly, taking steps every day to implement their vision through concrete policies and actions on the ground. The international community cannot counter this with carefully worded platitudes. What is needed is a clear, collective affirmation of the two-state solution—not as an abstraction, but with specific policy commitments: a full end to the occupation, borders based on the 4 June 1967 lines, and a sovereign, contiguous Palestinian state. Short of this, recognition of Palestine will remain symbolic and will do little to transform the lives of Palestinians on the ground and effect meaningful progress towards Palestinian self-determination.
Now this is not a fantasy.
Palestinians and Israelis, working together, have developed a vision for a two-state solution that can work, and they have devised elegant and symmetrical solutions to issues like settlements, refugees, and Jerusalem; core issues that have divided them in the past.
The first point this vision articulates is this: a viable peace must address the emotional and deep connection felt by both Israelis and Palestinians to all the land, from the river to the sea. The vision also addresses the need for two distinct and sovereign states as a means of facilitating self-determination for two peoples and ensures a complete end of the military occupation. And it also overcomes past obstacles to the achievement of a two-state settlement, proposing a just solution for the Palestinian refugee population and a framework for Jerusalem while guaranteeing access to it. And it achieves all of this in a way that ensures Israel can maintain a Jewish voting majority.
So how can this be done?
There would be two states, but one homeland. The path to reach it entails, as a starting poin,t an acceptance of the Armistice Line as it was prior to 4 June 1967 as the border between the two states — with, at most, minor territorial adjustments, rather than more significant swaps or the sweeping annexation contemplated by other proposals. Israeli settlers who wish to remain in their homes would have the option of becoming permanent residents of the State of Palestine. They would pay their taxes, abide by local law, and enjoy full protection of their rights, as is the case with permanent residents in almost all countries. All Palestinian refugees will, in turn, have the right to become citizens of Palestine, but they would also have the option of becoming permanent residents of Israel, creating a path for return. Israeli Arabs would remain Israeli citizens and would be guaranteed full equality. Over time, there will be freedom of movement for all throughout and across both states. Jerusalem would be given special status. There will be some confederal institutions, including a human rights court as an appellate body.
A mechanism will need to be devised to bind the two states together—possibly through a cleverly designed, regionally anchored security arrangement—to prevent unilateral abrogation. As a first urgent transitional step, a reconstruction and rehabilitation mission should be established with an international mandate and based on a regional partnership. To succeed, this mission must prioritise restoring political and economic links between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, which Israel and the PLO have recognized as constituting a single territorial unit.
Finally, Israel’s approach of achieving security through domination and fragmentation of Palestinian life— by imposing a stranglehold on Palestinian territory, institutions, and leadership, and by the undermining of UNRWA over the years — has hitherto produced only a notion of security for Israel. It has deepened Palestinian dispossession, inflicted great harm and degraded the Palestinian civilian population and threatened regional stability. Years of these measures, and the expensive fortified fences and sensor arrays surrounding Gaza, did not prevent the atrocious attacks of October 7. The lesson for Israel is not to double down on fortification, separation, and militarisation — after all, there will always be new ways to inflict harm on Israeli citizens in the absence of a just peace. What has worked has been mutuality —a sense of equality in status and obligation–and cooperation. This is why Israel’s peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan have been so durable. They were born not out of dominance, but respect for sovereign equality and territorial inviolability.
It is on these foundations that this vision of meaningful and durable renewal, this vision of Two-States One Homeland, was conceived — not in abstraction, but grounded in law, shaped by pragmatism, and sustained by a shared attachment to the land that both Israelis and Palestinians call home.
I thank you for your attention.
The post Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein: The Two-State Solution Needs A Credible Path Forward appeared first on International Peace Institute.
US-Präsident Donald Trump und EU-Kommissionspräsidentin Ursula von der Leyen haben sich gestern auf einen Handelsdeal geeinigt. Dazu eine Einschätzung von Ruben Staffa, Außenhandelsexperte und wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter der Abteilung Makroökonomie im Deutschen Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin):
Ein Handelskrieg zwischen den USA und der EU konnte abgewendet werden. Das ist angesichts der vorherigen Drohgebärden von US-Präsident Trump erstmal eine gute Nachricht. Doch die Einigung hat es in sich: 15 Prozent Einfuhrzölle auf europäische Warenausfuhren in die USA bedeuten knapp eine Verzehnfachung der durchschnittlichen Zölle, die vor Trumps zweiter Amtszeit galten. Hinzu kommen Zusagen Europas, im dreistelligen Milliardenbereich fossile Brennstoffe und Militärausrüstung in den USA einzukaufen. Hoffnungsvoll stimmt, dass für einige ausgewählte Gütergruppen gegenseitig keine Zölle erhoben werden sollen, darunter Halbleiterprodukte, die die USA dringend für die Chip-Herstellung benötigen. Vielleicht kommen auf diese Ausnahmeliste demnächst noch weitere Produkte. Vertragsdetails sind bisher nicht bekannt. Das gilt auch für viele der anderen Abkommen, die die USA in den vergangenen Wochen und Monaten geschlossen haben. Als regelbasierte Handelspolitik lässt sich dieses Vorgehen kaum bezeichnen. Es ist zu hoffen, dass die derzeit laufenden Untersuchungen zu Einfuhren von Pharmaprodukten nicht in produktspezifischen neuen Zöllen münden, denn diese würden Europa besonders treffen und den Wert der Einigung deutlich schmälern.
Greta Thunberg était samedi dans la montagne de Kožuf pour prendre part à une manifestation contre la construction de petites centrales hydroélectriques sur la rivière Došnica. Alors que le gouvernement a prolongé d'un an le délai de construction accordé au concessionnaire, ce projet menace l'un des derniers écosystèmes intacts du pays.
- Articles / Radio Slobodna Evropa, Environnement dans les Balkans, Barrages Balkans, Macédoine du Nord, EnvironnementFebruár közepén az Új-zélandi Királyi Haditengerészet egyik SH-2G(I) Seasprite helikopteréről első ízben indítottak hajó elleni Penguin rakétát. A fegyver kezelésének, függesztésének és indításának begyakorlása azért vált sürgetővé, mert az új-zélandi haditengerészet egy hadihajóval és a fedélzetére települt SH-2-essel a közel-keleti vizeken operáló többnemzeti harccsoporthoz csatlakozott.
Az SH-2-es Seasprite helikoptert a Kaman Aircraft Corporation még az ötvenes évek végén fejlesztette ki. A gépek a US Navynél 1962 és 2001 között álltak szolgálatban, de hadihajókról a kilencvenes évek közepe után már csak ritkán üzemeltek. Az Egyesült Államokon kívül Ausztrália, Egyiptom, Lengyelország, Peru és Új-Zéland is rendszeresítette a típust, használt és új példányokkal erősítve fegyveres erejét. Az új-zélandi helikopterek története még akkor kezdődött, amikor a munkáspárti Helen Clark miniszterelnöksége idején a légierőnél leépítési hullám futott végig. Feloszlattak két A-4 Skyhawk és egy MB339-es századot és törölték az F-16-os beszerzést is, a forgószárnyas közösség azonban négyéves előkészítés után 2001-ben szolgálatba állíthatta az SH-2-es típust. Az öt új helikopter beszerzéséről még az előző kormány idején, 1997-ben döntöttek, hogy a hasonlóan rút kiskacsát, a Westland Wasp helikoptert leváltsák velük. A gépek megérkezéséig négy használt SH-2F-et vettek át az amerikaiaktól, majd ezeket a régebbi példányokat az új SH-2G(NZ) Super Seasprite-ok érkezésekor kivonták az aktív szolgálatból és a továbbiakban alkatrészbázisként használták.
Au cœur du parc national de la Sutjeska, en Bosnie-Herzégovine, le festival Jelen OK Fest a réuni des milliers de festivaliers venus des Balkans, entre nature spectaculaire, musique éclectique et engagement. Trois jours de fête et de réflexion dans un lieu marqué par la geste des partisans de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
- Articles / Courrier des Balkans, Tourisme balkans, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Culture et éducationPerché sur les hauteurs du Kosovo, le village de Kukaj a accueilli, du 6 au 12 juillet, la 15e édition du festival Etnofest. Théâtre, musique, expositions, gastronomie et créations contemporaines venues d'ailleurs ont exploré cette année encore le thème de l'« identiteti ». Reportage.
- Articles / Courrier des Balkans, Kosovo, Culture et éducation, GratuitSeo Sam-seok, National Assembly member for Sinan: a stark reminder that elected officials who assume public responsibility should bear public humiliation—not the powerless
In April 2025, the U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) issued a Withhold Release Order (WRO) barring imports of salt produced by Taepyung Salt Farm in Sinan, citing credible evidence of forced labor. This marked the first WRO imposed on a South Korean product, following a 2022 petition by advocacy groups. The CBP identified nine indicators of forced labor, as defined by the International Labour Organization (ILO), including the exploitation of vulnerable workers, movement restrictions, confiscation of identification documents, debt bondage, unpaid wages, and physical abuse. The WRO effectively halts imports unless the company can conclusively demonstrate that its supply chain is free from forced labor. This move represents a significant escalation in U.S. efforts to hold South Korea accountable on labor rights, reigniting scrutiny of a case long emblematic of systemic failures.
The Sinan salt farm slavery scandal first drew international attention in 2014, when media and police investigations exposed widespread abuse, particularly of people with disabilities. Since then, the U.S. Department of State’s annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report has consistently cited labor exploitation concerns in South Korea, frequently referencing Sinan as a representative case. In 2021, a fresh incident of forced labor and wage theft triggered on-site investigations by the U.S. State Department and the U.S. Embassy in Seoul, which relayed detailed findings to Washington. Although South Korea has maintained its Tier 1 ranking in the TIP Report, the U.S. has repeatedly urged stronger enforcement, framing Sinan as a litmus test for Seoul’s commitment to international human rights norms. Even after the high-profile 2014 investigation, further cases emerged. In 2021 and 2022, new abuses were exposed, with reports that local police at times ignored victims’ pleas or returned escapees to their exploiters. Notably, in 2019, South Korea’s Supreme Court ruled that the government and police bore responsibility for failing to prevent such abuses, underscoring the systemic nature of the problem.
The Sinan case illustrates how entrenched local power structures and economic dependencies perpetuate exploitation. In isolated regions like Sinan, local elites—including landowners, law enforcement, and religious figures—often maintain overlapping interests, blurring the boundaries between governance and personal gain. Victims were not hidden; their suffering was an open secret sustained by collective silence and complicity. This points to a broader systemic problem: a feudal mindset that allows abuses to persist under the pretext of “community cohesion” and loyalty to entrenched power brokers. Such corruption not only obstructs justice but also undermines public trust in national protections.
No evidence to date implicates leaders of specific religious organizations or denominations directly in the Sinan forced labor case. However, media reports and NGO investigations have documented instances where salt farm owners leveraged their status as church elders or maintained close ties with local pastors to bolster their social standing. This influence sometimes discouraged whistleblowing or helped maintain a code of silence within the community. While isolated cases have seen individual pastors or church officials investigated for alleged complicity or negligence, there is no indication of formal involvement by religious institutions. The dominant pattern remains one of collusion among salt farm owners, politicians, and police, rather than coordinated action by religious groups.
Democratic Party politicians—many of whom represent constituencies in Jeollanam-do—have faced criticism for their muted response. Analysts point to a combination of regionalist loyalty, fear of alienating influential local actors, and a political culture averse to intra-regional critique as reasons for the inertia. Despite promoting human rights and labor reforms on the national stage, these politicians have often downplayed or sidestepped the Sinan scandal, wary of unsettling their rural support base.
The persistence of forced labor on Sinan’s salt farms galvanized artists and documentarians, who sought to confront public apathy. The UK-based Channel 4 documentary series Unreported World, produced by one of Britain’s leading public service broadcasters, aired a detailed episode in 2018 that investigated the Sinan salt farm forced labor case through firsthand testimonies and on-the-ground reporting. The program exposed how disabled and vulnerable individuals were lured under false pretenses, forced to work without pay, and subjected to violence and threats, all enabled by systemic failures in welfare protections and local complicity.
Although government crackdowns and rescues followed these media exposés, a 2023 investigation by Jeollanam-do authorities confirmed that exploitative labor practices persisted. Most perpetrators received only lenient sentences, such as probation, and many local elites avoided prosecution entirely. As a result, survivors continue to face daunting challenges in rehabilitation and reintegration.
The Sinan salt farm forced labor scandal is not a closed chapter of history; it remains an ongoing human rights challenge demanding vigilance, comprehensive reform, and above all, sustained commitment from all levels of governance and civil society. But such commitment must not be distorted or diluted by shifting narratives. A case in point is recent coverage by Maeil Business Newspaper, which highlights a media framing pattern that deserves scrutiny. While quoting workers, employers, and officials, the reporting tends to emphasize incremental improvements while downplaying systemic issues. The narrative often pivots to external trade concerns—such as U.S. misunderstandings or diplomatic repercussions—rather than keeping human rights violations at the center. Heavy reliance on government data without deeper investigation, and sympathetic space for employer grievances, may reflect subtle media bias aligning with official narratives. This framing risks diluting accountability and diverting focus from the structural reforms still urgently needed.