Théo Bongonda est le premier joueur de l’équipe nationale de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC) à confirmer sa disponibilité pour le stage prévu du 9 au 18 décembre en Espagne, conformément au programme initial du sélectionneur Sébastien Desabre. Ce regroupement intervient à moins de deux semaines du coup d’envoi de la Coupe d’Afrique des Nations 2025, qui se déroulera du 21 décembre 2025 au 23 janvier 2026 au Maroc.
How do e-government tools that enable direct online communication with the executive affect citizens’ support for autocracy? On the one hand, such centralised digital government tools may sway public opinion in favour of strongman rule at the expense of autocratic institutions; on the other hand, such participation and responsiveness may unintentionally unveil a wide range of issues in the country, undermining trust in the regime. We examine an electronic platform in Turkey, CIMER, that allows citizens to submit petitions and complaints, send messages to the president, and propose policies and programmes. We conducted a well-powered online survey experiment with a nationally representative sample (N≈4,600) that estimates the effects of different types of regime propaganda around this e-portal on attitudinal and quasi-behavioural outcomes. The results suggest that propaganda through CIMER improves diffuse support for the regime and generates behavioural compliance, even among opposition voters. However, these positive effects accrue to regime institutions rather than to Erdoğan personally as the executive’s personalistic leader. On certain dimensions, the propaganda backfires among the regime’s core support groups, eroding their perceptions of Erdoğan’s popularity as a leader. These results have major implications for the expected downstream effects of these types of digital tools on regime stability and legitimacy, and they add to the growing warnings about holding overly optimistic views concerning the effects of digitalisation on democracy.
How do e-government tools that enable direct online communication with the executive affect citizens’ support for autocracy? On the one hand, such centralised digital government tools may sway public opinion in favour of strongman rule at the expense of autocratic institutions; on the other hand, such participation and responsiveness may unintentionally unveil a wide range of issues in the country, undermining trust in the regime. We examine an electronic platform in Turkey, CIMER, that allows citizens to submit petitions and complaints, send messages to the president, and propose policies and programmes. We conducted a well-powered online survey experiment with a nationally representative sample (N≈4,600) that estimates the effects of different types of regime propaganda around this e-portal on attitudinal and quasi-behavioural outcomes. The results suggest that propaganda through CIMER improves diffuse support for the regime and generates behavioural compliance, even among opposition voters. However, these positive effects accrue to regime institutions rather than to Erdoğan personally as the executive’s personalistic leader. On certain dimensions, the propaganda backfires among the regime’s core support groups, eroding their perceptions of Erdoğan’s popularity as a leader. These results have major implications for the expected downstream effects of these types of digital tools on regime stability and legitimacy, and they add to the growing warnings about holding overly optimistic views concerning the effects of digitalisation on democracy.
How do e-government tools that enable direct online communication with the executive affect citizens’ support for autocracy? On the one hand, such centralised digital government tools may sway public opinion in favour of strongman rule at the expense of autocratic institutions; on the other hand, such participation and responsiveness may unintentionally unveil a wide range of issues in the country, undermining trust in the regime. We examine an electronic platform in Turkey, CIMER, that allows citizens to submit petitions and complaints, send messages to the president, and propose policies and programmes. We conducted a well-powered online survey experiment with a nationally representative sample (N≈4,600) that estimates the effects of different types of regime propaganda around this e-portal on attitudinal and quasi-behavioural outcomes. The results suggest that propaganda through CIMER improves diffuse support for the regime and generates behavioural compliance, even among opposition voters. However, these positive effects accrue to regime institutions rather than to Erdoğan personally as the executive’s personalistic leader. On certain dimensions, the propaganda backfires among the regime’s core support groups, eroding their perceptions of Erdoğan’s popularity as a leader. These results have major implications for the expected downstream effects of these types of digital tools on regime stability and legitimacy, and they add to the growing warnings about holding overly optimistic views concerning the effects of digitalisation on democracy.
En République démocratique du Congo, une flambée de choléra sans précédent depuis 25 ans met en danger des milliers de familles. Dans un communiqué rendu public lundi 8 décembre, l’UNICEF tire la sonnette d’alarme face à une situation qui touche un enfant congolais sur quatre.
« La République démocratique du Congo n’est plus qu’à 90 minutes d’une qualification historique pour la Coupe du monde, 52 ans après notre unique participation », a déclaré le Président Félix Tshisekedi, lundi 8 décembre 2025, devant le Parlement.
La cité de Luvungi dans la plaine de la Ruzizi (Sud-Kivu) est désormais entre les mains de l’AFC-M23 depuis le week end dernier. Un des notables de Luvungi, contacté par Radio Okapi, affirme que les rebelles ont procédé lundi 8 décembre à la désignation d’un nouveau chef de la cité.
L’ancienne équipe dirigeante de Luvungi ayant fui, le chef de la cité voisine de Kamanyola a été désigné pour administrer les deux entités.
Longtemps étouffé par un Parquet docile, le Tribunal pour le crime organisé (TOK) multiplie les enquêtes touchant les cercles du pouvoir. La convocation du ministre de la Culture Nikola Selaković dans le dossier du Generalštab a déclenché une offensive contre une institution devenue trop indépendante au goût du régime Vučić.
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