Delegates met at the Global Climate-Smart Agriculture Conference in Brasília before the COP30 climate talks. Credit: 2025Clim-Eat/Flickr
By Ana Maria Loboguerrero and Dhanush Dinesh
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 20 2025 (IPS)
The language of agricultural sustainability changes like the seasons—from “climate-smart” to “regenerative,” “agroecological,” and “nature-positive.” Each term reflects good intentions, but the growing list risks duplication, confusion and delays.
The recent CSA Conference in Brasília gathered leaders from policy, science and finance ahead of COP30 to focus not on buzzwords but on the shared foundations of sustainable food systems, which is all the more important in the Grave New World. For all the various theories of change, many share the same principles of soil health, crop innovation, inclusive finance and resilient livestock production.
In the midst of the COP30 climate talks, consensus will depend on recognizing that climate action and protecting livelihoods must advance together. Leaders must challenge themselves to measure success not only in emissions reduced, but also in the quality of life sustained by a thriving and resilient rural economy. With Brazil’s COP presidency determined to accelerate agreements into action, the challenge now is to accept and advance context-specific approaches in pursuit of a shared goal.
At present, fragmentation continues to divide institutions, donors, NGOs and producers, with competing ideologies slowing progress toward sustainability at the speed and scale required. For example, while a vast number of organizations are currently backing the concept of regenerative agriculture, others tread the paths of sustainable intensification or climate-smart agriculture. But some of the practices, such as agroforestry, could fall under each of these concepts.
And the Koronivia Joint Work on Agriculture (KJWA), established prior to COP26, has been succeeded by Sharm el-Sheikh Joint Work on the Implementation of Climate Action on Agriculture and Food Security and yet farmers are still waiting for clear national strategies to emerge from years of workshops and working papers. While the principles underpinning these joint work programs are sound, they have not generated action at the speed needed.
On the other hand, the six CSA Conference themes—from soil health and crop innovation to finance and policy—offer a fundamental framework around which there is already much agreement and can deliver results under whichever buzzword it is categorized. The themes also reflect the priorities of Brazil’s Action Agenda and ABC+ Plan, highlighting practical areas of consensus.
Brazil’s experience offers tangible examples of how shared priorities can move from discussion to delivery. The ABC+ Plan (2020–2030) forms the backbone of the country’s low-carbon agriculture strategy, integrating sustainable practices like no-till farming, pasture recovery and biological nitrogen fixation into a coherent national framework. It represents a direct contribution to the COP30’s Action Agenda’s agricultural pillar, transforming abstract goals on soil health and productivity into measurable outcomes.
Building on this, Brazil’s RENOVAGRO is the financing arm that enables the implementation of the ABC+ Plan, demonstrating how public policy can activate private investment to move all Action Agenda ambitions forward together. By tying credit eligibility to verified adoption of low-carbon practices, the program allows farmers to commit to transitions that would otherwise be out of reach. This realizes the ABC+ Plan’s policy objectives and shows that progress depends not necessarily on new ideas, but on acting decisively on the systems that already work.
At COP30, the challenge is not to settle on the right language but to sustain the right actions—whatever this might look like according to local circumstances and resources. Progress depends on scaling what we already agree on: sound policies, accessible finance that doesn’t exclude vulnerable populations and resilient food systems that keep production within environmental limits. The next phase must prioritize implementation over invention.
Leaders have an opportunity to move from promises to performance. The task ahead is to scale what already works—not to define new concepts, but to deliver proven solutions faster.
Brazil’s example shows that integration works better than focusing on the continued search for a universal solution. There is no single path forward, only a combination of context-specific approaches bound by diplomatic agreement and sustainable financing.
By focusing on fundamentals, we can avoid the paralysis of competing definitions and begin to act collectively by applying the policies and practices we know work in ways that fit local realities.
Ana Maria Loboguerrero, Director, Adaptive and Equitable Food Systems at Gates Foundation
Dhanush Dinesh, Chief Climate Catalyst at Clim-Eat
IPS UN Bureau
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Rising debt, geopolitical instability and declining aid flows are intensifying external pressure on African economies. In a briefing to the Africa Group of ambassadors at the United Nations headquarters last July, Claver Gatete, Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), highlighted the economic pressures facing African countries and outlined ECA’s response, from budget stabilization and strengthened data systems to advancing regional priorities. Held at the Permanent Mission of the African Union to the UN, the session came amid growing uncertainty for African economies, with many facing debt distress, inflation and trade disruptions driven by global policy shifts.
By Danny Bradlow
PRETORIA, South Africa, Nov 20 2025 (IPS)
The end of South Africa’s G20 presidency does not mean the end of its ability or responsibility to promote the issues it prioritised during 2025. It can still advocate for action on some of these issues through its further participation in the G20 and in other international and regional forums.
In this article, I argue that going forward South Africa should prioritise the financial challenges confronting Africa that it championed in 2025.
South Africa established four overarching priorities for its G20 presidency. Two of them dealt with finance. One sought to “ensure debt sustainability for low-income countries”. The other was to mobilise finance for a just energy transition.
The importance of debt, development finance and climate to Africa’s future is clear. Over half of African countries are either in debt distress or at risk of being in distress. More than half of Africa’s population live in countries that are spending more on servicing their debt than on health and/or education.
In addition, 17 African countries experienced net debt outflows in 2023. This means that they were using more foreign exchange to pay their external creditors than they received in new debts that could be used to finance their development. The continent is also experiencing extreme weather events that are adversely affecting food security and human wellbeing.
In short, African countries are caught in a vicious cycle. The impacts of climate and their struggle to meet their debt obligations are interacting in ways that undermine their ability to meet their sustainable development goals.
South Africa’s priorities
South Africa’s priorities for its G20 presidency were ambitious. Success required meaningful action at three levels:
Awareness. South Africa would need to bring the international community to a better understanding of the nature of the debt and development finance challenges confronting African countries and of the consequences of failing to address them.
Process. South Africa would need to convince the G20 to correct the shortcomings in the Common Framework it had devised to deal with low-income countries seeking debt relief.
The examples of Zambia and Ghana showed that the Common Framework was cumbersome, slow and unduly favourable to creditors. For example, the framework requires the debtor to engage separately with each group of its creditors in a sequential process. This means that it should not negotiate with its commercial creditors until it has successfully negotiated with its official creditors.
Commercial creditors can’t give debt relief until the official creditors are satisfied with their deal and are confident that the commercial creditors will not receive more favourable treatment from the debtor than they have received.
Another complication is the IMF’s multiple roles in debt restructurings as an advisor to and a creditor of the debtor countries. In addition, it does the debt sustainability analysis that determines the amount of debt relief that all other creditors are expected to provide to the debtor country in order for it to regain debt sustainability.
The more optimistic its assessment, the smaller the contributions the various creditors, including the IMF, are expected to provide. These contributions can either be in the form of new funding or new debt terms.
Substance. The current debt restructuring process treats debt as a technical financial and legal problem rather than as the complex multifaceted problem that is experienced by debtor countries. The former perspective limits the scope of debtor-creditor negotiations to the terms of the financial contracts.
The negotiations focus on the adjustments that must be made to these terms because the debtor cannot comply with its originally accepted obligations. They treat as largely outside the scope of the discussions the adverse impact the debt situation has on the sovereign debtor’s other legal obligations and on the social, political, environmental and cultural situation in the debtor country.
This approach in effect leaves the debtor to deal with these other issues on its own. This artificial distinction between the debtors’ other legal obligations and those it owes to its creditors makes it very difficult for the debtor to escape the vicious debt, development and climate cycle in which it is trapped. It forces it to choose between its commitments to its creditors and its development obligations.
Over the course of 2025, South Africa has been very effective in raising awareness of the African debt crisis and its dire impact on African countries. South Africa persuaded the G20 finance ministers and central bank governors to issue a declaration on debt sustainability at the end of their October meeting.
The declaration is the G20’s eloquent acknowledgement of the problem and of the need for more discussion of how these debt issues are managed by both debtors and creditors. Unfortunately, it does not contain any firm G20 commitments on what it will do to remedy the situation.
There has not been substantial progress at the process and substance levels. This is unlikely to change in the remaining weeks of South Africa’s G20 presidency.
But there are three actions that South Africa can take beyond the end of its term to ensure that the African debt crisis continues receiving attention.
Three actions
First, it should ask a group like the African Expert Panel that it established to advise the president to prepare a technical report that identifies and analyses all the barriers to Africa accessing affordable, sustainable and predictable flows of external development finance.
This report should be submitted to the South African president in the first half of 2026. Next year, South Africa will still be a member of the G20 Troika, which consists of the current, immediate past and the incoming G20 presidents.
Consequently, next year, it will still be able to table the report at the G20. South Africa can also use the report to promote action in other appropriate regional and global forums.
Second, South Africa and the African Union should create an African Borrower’s Club that is independent of the G20. This club should be a forum in which African sovereign debtors can share information and lessons learned about negotiating sovereign debt transactions and about responsible debt management. When appropriate, the club can work with regional African financial institutions.
The club, working with regional organisations like the African Legal Support Facility, can also sponsor workshops in which interested African sovereign debtors can share information and more critically assess their financing options. They can also work to improve their bargaining capacity in sovereign debt transactions.
The African Borrower’s Club should also be mandated to establish an African Sovereign Debt Roundtable that is modelled on the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable. This entity should be an informal forum, based on the Chatham House Rule in which the various categories of stakeholders in African debt can meet to discuss the design of a sovereign debt restructuring process that is effective, efficient and fair and that adopts an holistic approach to a sovereign debt crisis.
Third, South Africa should capitalise on the fact that the impacts of climate, inequality, unemployment and poverty on Africa’s development prospects are now acknowledged to be macro-critical, and so within the IMF’s macro-economic and financial mandate. South Africa should call for a review of the IMF’s operating principles and practices and its governance arrangements.
This call should note that the multilateral development banks have been the object of G20 review for a number of years and that this has resulted in important enhancements in their capital frameworks and operating practices.
On the other hand, the IMF has not been subject to a similar review despite the fact that its operations have had to undergo possibility even more extensive revisions.
Daniel D. Bradlow is Professor/Senior Research Fellow, Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship at the University of Pretoria.
IPS UN Bureau
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Entrance to the Hangar Convention Center of the Amazonia in the northeastern Brazilian city of Belém. The climate summit, which began on November 10 and is due to conclude on Friday the 21st, is debating issues such as the phase-out of fossil fuels and adaptation goals. Credit: Emilio Godoy / IPS
By Emilio Godoy
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 20 2025 (IPS)
The heat in the Hangar Convention Center of the Amazonia, in the northeastern Brazilian city of Belém, has reached the negotiation rooms of the climate summit. Over the past 72 hours, one of the most delicate and significant discussions of this climate meeting has been taking place: the path to progressively abandon the production and use of coal, gas, and oil.
In recent hours, a global coalition of rich and developing countries, led by Colombia, has doubled down on pushing for a fossil fuel phase-out roadmap, while major producer countries resist it.
“The plan must have differentiated commitments, the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies, and the reform of the international financial system, because foreign debt payments are punishing us,” Colombian Environment Minister Irene Vélez explained to IPS.
For the official, the 30th United Nations Conference of the Parties (COP30) on climate change must result in a roadmap. “People are mobilizing, demanding climate action; we have to start now,” she urged.
In Belém, the gateway to the planet’s largest rainforest, it is no longer just about reducing emissions but about transforming the foundation of the energy system, thus acquiring a moral, political, and scientific urgency. What was initially meant to be the “Amazon COP” has mutated into the “end-of-the-fossil-era-COP,” but the roadmap to achieve it is a toss-up.“The plan must have differentiated commitments, the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies, and the reform of the international financial system, because external debt payments are punishing us” –Irene Vélez.
Two years after the world agreed at COP28, held in 2023 in Dubai, to move away from fossil fuels, Belém is the moment of truth, upon which the effort to keep global warming below the 1.5° Celsius limit largely depends—a goal considered vital to avoid devastating and inevitable effects on ecosystems and human life.
Thus, the discussion among the 197 parties to the United Nations climate convention has shifted from the “what” to the “how,” and especially to the “when,” questions that have turned potential coordinates into a geopolitical labyrinth.
In that vein, a coalition of over 80 countries emerged on Tuesday the 18th to push the roadmap, including Colombia, Chile, Guatemala, and Panama among the Latin American countries.
One challenge for the roadmap advocates is that the issue is not explicitly part of the main agenda, a resource that the Brazilian presidency of COP30 could use to shirk responsibility on the matter.
The issue appears on the thematic menu of COP30, which started on the 10th and is scheduled to conclude on the 21st, and whose official objectives include approving the Global Goal on Adaptation to climate change and securing sufficient funds for that adaptation.
Approximately 40,000 people are attending this climate summit, including government representatives, multilateral agencies, academia, and civil society organizations.
An unprecedented indigenous presence is also in attendance, with about 900 delegates from native peoples, drawn by the ancestral call of the Amazon, a symbol of the menu of solutions to the climate catastrophe and simultaneously a victim of its causes.
Also present and very active in Belém are about 1,600 lobbyists from the hydrocarbon industry, 12% more than at the 2024 COP, according to the international coalition Kick Big Polluters Out.
The clamor from civil society demands an institutional structure with governance, clear criteria, measurable objectives, and justice mechanisms.
“The roadmap has become a difficult issue to ignore; it is already at the center of these negotiations, and no country can ignore it. The breadth of support is surprising, with rich and poor countries, producers and non-producers, indicating that an agreement is about to fall,” Antonio Hill, Just Transitions advisor for the non-governmental and international Natural Resource Governance Institute, told IPS.
Activists protest on Wednesday the 19th against fossil fuel exploitation at the entrance to the venue of the Belém climate summit, in the Amazonian northeast of Brazil. Credit: Emilio Godoy / IPS
Poisoned
The push for the roadmap comes from the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty, promoted by civil society organizations, strongly adopted by Colombia, and which so far has the support of 18 nations, but no hydrocarbon-producing Latin American country, such as Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador, Mexico, or Venezuela.
Colombia, despite also being a producer and exporter of fossil fuels, has presented its Roadmap for a Just Energy Transition, with which it seeks to replace income from coal and oil with investments in tourism and renewable energy.
Colombia’s 2022-2052 National Energy Plan projects long-term reductions in fossil fuel production. The country announced US$14.5 billion for the energy transition to less polluting forms of energy production.
But for the rest of the region, the duality between maintaining fossil fuels and promoting renewable energies persists.
A prime example of this duality is the COP30 host country itself, Brazil. While the host President, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, and his Minister of Environment and Climate Change, Marina Silva, have insisted on the need to abandon fossil fuels, the government is promoting expansive oil and gas extraction plans.
In fact, just weeks before the opening of COP30, the state-owned oil group Petrobras received a permit for oil exploration in the Atlantic, just kilometers from the mouth of the Amazon River.
But Lula and his team committed that this summit in the heart of the Amazon would be “the COP of truth” and “the COP of implementation,” and the issue of fossil fuels has become central to the negotiations, which Lula joined on Wednesday the 19th to give a push to the talks and the outcomes.
In their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs)—the set of mitigation and adaptation policies countries must present to comply with the Paris Agreement on climate change signed in 2015 at COP21—Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, or Chile avoid mentioning a managed phase-out of fossil fuels.
Simply put, they argue they cannot let go of the old vine before grasping the new one. This stance also involves a delicate aspect, as nations like Ecuador depend on revenues from hydrocarbon exploitation.
Therefore, the Global South has insisted on its demand for funding from rich nations, due to their contribution to the climate disaster through fossil fuel exploitation since the 17th century.
The result of the presented policies is alarming: although many countries have increased their emission reduction targets on paper, they lack details on phasing out production. The only existing roadmap is the growing extractive one.
In fact, the Global Stocktake of the Paris Agreement process, originating from COP28, demanded that countries take measures to move towards a fossil-free era.
The argument is unequivocal: various estimates indicate that fossil fuels contribute 86% of greenhouse gas emissions, the cause of global warming.
But a key point is where to start. For Uitoto indigenous leader Fanny Kuiru Castro, the new general coordinator of the Coordinator of Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin –which brings together the more than 350 native peoples of the eight countries sharing the biome–, the starting point must precisely be at-risk regions like the Amazon.
“It is a priority. If there isn’t a clear signal that we must proceed gradually, it means the summit has failed and does not want to adopt that commitment. We will have another 30 years of speeches,” she told IPS, alluding to that number of summits without substantial results.
In the Amazon, oil blocks threaten 31 million hectares or 12% of the total area, mining threatens 9.8 million, and timber concessions threaten 2.4 million.
And in that direction, a major obstacle arises: how to finance the phase-out. The roadmap has a direct link to the financial goals aimed at the Global South, with a demand for US$1.2 trillion in funding for climate action starting in 2035.
“Can the COP deliver the financial backing that countries need to reinvent their economies in time to guarantee just and inclusive development?” Hill questioned.
The atmosphere in Belém is of a different urgency compared to Dubai or Baku, where COP29 was held a year ago. The roadmap to a world free of fossil fuel smoke remains a blurry map, drawn freehand on ground that is heating up far too quickly.
In Belém, humanity is deciding whether to brake gradually or to accelerate, with the air conditioning on and a full tank.
Negotiations take place throughout the day and now late into the night. Credit: UN Climate Change/Kiara Worth
By Joyce Chimbi
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 19 2025 (IPS)
At a Conference of the Parties, where science intersects with politics, reaching agreements is often a tricky business. What is inside the last-minute negotiations as the COP presidency tries to get the parties to agreement at the final plenary?
COP negotiators are diplomats and government officials who meet at the Conference of the Parties to negotiate and agree on how to address climate change. They are also often joined by COP delegates’ representatives from civil society, social movements and businesses.
As representatives of their respective countries that are parties to the UNFCCC treaty, they discuss, debate, and haggle over their preferred wording of texts and legally binding agreements regarding how to address climate change during closed-door sessions.
Windowless Closed-Door Meetings
These closed-door meetings are often also windowless, and negotiators often lose track of time as they work through extensive documentation and diverse national positions to form a final agreement towards the end of the COP summit schedule.
COP 30, Belém, is posting a daily photographic glimpse into the collective effort to build trust, dialogue, and cooperation to accelerate meaningful climate action and deliver its benefits to all. Many hope this message will permeate inside these rooms.
The UN climate summit has now entered its final stages. The Brazilian COP30 Presidency has extended working hours, scheduling late-night meetings for the last two nights—Monday and Tuesday, Nov 17 and 18, 2025.
Tonight might not be any different, as the COP30 Presidency pushes for a rapid compromise and conclusion of a significant part of negotiations to pave the way for a “plenary to gavel the Belém political package.”
After all, the COP is where the science of the Paris Agreement intersects with politics.
The Elusive True Mutirão
The COP30 Presidency is urging all “negotiators to join in a true mutirão—a collective mobilization of minds, hearts, and hands,” saying this approach helps “accelerate the pace, bridge divides, and focus not on what separates us, but on what unites us in purpose and humanity.”
But this is the point in the negotiations, even in a ‘COP of truth,’ as COP30 was staged to be, where the real claws come out amid accusations of protectionism, trade tensions and geopolitical dynamics as the worlds of business, politics and human survival intersect.
Even as UN officials urge parties to accelerate the pace, warning that “tactical delays and procedural obstructions are no longer tenable” and that deferring challenging issues to overtime results in collective loss, reconciling deep differences among nations is proving easier said than done even within the Global Mutirão—a concept championed by the COP30 presidency.
It calls for worldwide collective action on climate change, inspired by the Brazilian and Indigenous Tupi-Guarani tradition of mutirão, which means “collective effort.” The bone of contention at this juncture is what some parties see as weak climate commitments, insufficient financial pledges from the global North to South, and trade measures.
Protectionism
Trade measures are turning contentious and deeply debatable in Belém because of a difference of perspective—developing countries view them as protectionism, while some developed countries see them as necessary to level the playing field for their climate policies.
For developing countries, protectionism is a deliberate strategy by more developed countries to limit imports to protect their industries from foreign competition and therefore give them an undue advantage. Developing nations say this is unfair because it restricts their ability to export and gain access to larger markets.
The core of the debate at COP30 is the inclusion of issues like the EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) in climate talks. For some countries, CBAM is a direct part of climate action and belongs at COP. Others say it is an agenda best discussed at the World Trade Organization.
The EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) is a tool to put a price on the carbon emissions of certain imported goods, ensuring that the carbon price for imports is equivalent to that for domestic EU production. Its main goals are to prevent “carbon leakage,” or companies moving production to countries with weaker climate policies, encourage cleaner production globally, and protect EU businesses by creating a level playing field.
How to Go About a Just Transition?
The business of climate change is not the only thing that is complex and divisive. There are also small island states calling for rapid emissions cuts vis-à-vis the positions of major emerging economies. G77 and China are an intergovernmental coalition of 134 developing countries that work together to promote their collective economic and developmental interests within the United Nations framework.
China is not an official member and does not pay dues. It has been a partner since 1976, providing significant financial support and political backing to the G77. Developed countries such as the UK, Norway, Japan, and Australia are pushing back against their proposed global just transition, thereby prolonging the negotiations.
Developed nations are refusing the global just transition proposal by the G77 and China because they see it as a new and unnecessary mechanism and a duplication of existing structures. They refuse to accept the financial and technical support these countries are asking for to facilitate this transition. Simply put, they want a less strict framework that allows their own interpretations of existing institutions and funding structures for the just transition.
Where is the Adaptation Financing?
Finance for adaptation is similarly a sticking point. Developed nations are dragging their feet around committing sufficient funds to support developing nations to adapt to climate impacts and transition their energy systems. It is still not clear whether financial commitments will be embedded inside adaptation goals or remain as they are—separate.
Lobbyists and the Fossil Fuel Debate
Amidst growing tensions, it is also not clear whether this COP will phase out or phase down fossil fuels in the final agreement. The large delegation of fossil fuel lobbyists suggests it is too early to call. On the Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA), those who want indicators for measuring adaptation progress directly linked to financial commitments will not budge. The settlement of this matter could potentially take two years (or more).
Disagreements are ongoing about the mandate of the Mitigation Work Program, which seeks to raise ambitions on national emissions reduction. In general, insiders to the negotiations are saying general negotiation tactics are at play.
Some participants are employing delay tactics to buy time and ultimately weasel out of certain commitments; a lack of trust continues, as it has in previous COPs, along with generally slow progress on building consensus around various contentious issues.
This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.
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Isla Mujeres national park is among the most popular in Mexico, especially due to its coral reefs. But these are under threat due to rising sea temperatures. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS
By Emilio Godoy
PUERTO MORELOS, Mexico, Nov 19 2025 (IPS)
Ezequiel Sánchez, a 63-year-old Mexican fisherman, owes everything to the sea. “My life, my work, my family,” he says, pointing around his office, which is located just a block from the ocean in Puerto Morelos town, in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo, Mexico.
Sánchez, who is married and has one son and three daughters, learned to fish at the age of 12 alongside his friends in this coastal town, which is located 1,630 kilometres southeast of Mexico City and had a population of almost 27,000 in 2020.
But the environment of yesteryear has changed, and fishermen are feeling the pinch. “Years ago, we used to catch more than 300 kilograms; now, we don’t even reach 200,” lamented Sánchez, who is also the Puerto Morelos Fishermen’s Cooperative Production Society director, in an interview with Inter Press Service. The society brings together 44 fishermen and 11 coastal fishing boats.
The causes for the decreased catch vary, including overfishing, rising sea temperatures, pollution, urbanization and the loss of habitats where fish feed and reproduce.
“This year, they are catching 80% fewer fish and 50% fewer lobsters. Development comes at a price, and we are paying it,” he argues, pointing to the increasingly built-up area around the office. “Now the buildings are taller. There is no drainage. So they drill holes in the ground and dump all the waste there. That ends up in the sea and affects the reefs”, he explains.
All of the above occurred despite Mexico’s commitment to implementing the Global Biodiversity Framework, which was agreed at the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity in 2022. The framework includes 23 goals, one of which is the conservation and management of 30% of terrestrial and coastal-marine areas by 2030, and an adequate budget for this purpose.
The Mexican government’s goal is to protect 30.8 million hectares of land and 19.6 million hectares of marine zones by 2030.
Ezequiel Sánchez, a Mexican fisherman, displays a lionfish, an invasive species that has become a culinary attraction in Puerto Morelos, in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo. But fishermen complain of declining catches due to the effects of climate catastrophe, including ocean warming, and other anthropogenic impacts, such as water pollution. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS
The government has drawn a roadmap for achieving the 30×30 target with 75 measures around effective management, equitable governance, representation and connectivity; Indigenous peoples and communities contributions, and sustainable use.
However, the lack of information on the actual state of the natural protected areas (NPAs) obscures the results, despite the 2020-2024 national programme and the National Commission of Protected Natural Areas’ (Conanp) outdated evaluations. The programme established goals on conservation, effective management, and ecological restoration.
IPS confirmed the problems during a tour of three natural areas in the state: Cancún, Puerto Morelos and Isla Mujeres. Meanwhile, Conanp did not respond to the journalist’s queries.
According to IPS’s freedom of information requests, this governmental institution, responsible for conserving Mexico’s natural heritage, lacks data on changes in rainfall patterns, temperature, air humidity, habitat transformation, and the magnitude of the risk of environmental degradation in the NPAs, even though that information should be registered according to the compulsory national programme and the guide to analyse social vulnerability an climate change impacts on PNAs.
In addition, they do not have the implementation and management index, which is essential to know the condition of the natural areas. The index measures the progress of the national programme within a NPA and reflects the level of effective management.
According to Rosa Rodríguez, a biologist at the Institute of Marine Sciences and Limnology at the National Autonomous University of Mexico, conservation efforts through the creation of NPAs and their management, at least in Quintana Roo, have been unsuccessful.
“For a while, the NPAs served to improve water activities and curb the number of permits, tourists and coastal constructions. Now, the impacts are being felt everywhere along the coast. The impacts are quickly observed”, she told IPS.
In the region, ‘Cancunization’, characterised by mass tourism, accelerated urbanisation and environmental destruction, is advancing.
View of the Nichupté vehicular bridge, which is under construction over the lagoon of the same name, which connects Cancún, in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo, with the hotel zone. The construction site borders the Nichupté Mangroves Flora and Fauna Protection Area, an ecosystem threatened by urbanization and one of the city’s few green spots. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS
Puerto Morelos is home to the 9,066-hectare “Arrecifes de Puerto Morelos” National Park and the 1,103-hectare “Manglares de Puerto Morelos” Flora and Fauna Protection Area. These are the main attractions of the area, which used to be a fishing village.
The mangrove swamp and reef are among the at least 25 protected natural land and marine sites in Quintana Roo. The state has a surface area of 44,705 km² –2% of the national territory– including a 900-km littoral zone, and had 1.86 million inhabitants in 2020. The state boasts 758,428 hectares under conservation –17% of the state territory. Overall, Mexico has 232 NPAs covering 23 million hectares of land–12.76% of the national surface–and almost 75 million hectares of marine territory, which is 23.78% of the national marine area.
But less than 30% of every Mexican ecosystem is protected, according to the World Wildlife Fund-Mexico.
NPAs are the primary means of maintaining ecological integrity and conserving habitats by conserving species, cleaning air and water, and providing food and income to communities. Impacts from land use changes such as deforestation, pollution, overexploitation of water resources and habitat fragmentation can therefore cause disruption to NPAs.
However, the mangroves and reefs in Quintana Roo and other coastal regions of Mexico are at risk from urbanization, rising sea levels, poor water quality, intense storms, and the presence of plastics and sargassum. These issues constitute fundamental challenges for environmental authorities and local populations, due to their magnitude, the political and technical solutions involved and the financial requirements.
The fisherman Sánchez believes that “’what is happening to us is worse than what they are doing” for conservation.
An abandoned boat in the Nichupté Lagoon in Cancún, in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo, just a few meters from the Ministry of the Environment’s headquarters, despite the area being a conservation zone. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS
Pernicious anemiaDespite the increase in the number of NPAs since 2018, the lack of regular evaluations and budgets makes it difficult for Conanp to provide adequate care and enforcement.
The resources allocated for conservation per hectare fell by 81% between 2006 and 2024. Between 2018 and 2024, the annual average totalled 80 cents per hectare; the 2025 corresponding amount equates to 52 cents.
Conanp’s budget has fallen from $135 million in 2014 to approximately $54 million this year. The agency has indicated that it requires an overall budget of between $66 and $76 million to operate in protected areas. Conanp estimates that $197 million per year will be needed for the next six years to achieve the 30×30 goal.
At least the good news: the Mexican Congress assigned some $77.5 million for next year, a third higher than in 2025.
There are also operational problems, such as the lack of updated management programmes. Only 141 of the PNAs have an updated programme, while 91 do not.
The plan is the core regulation and planning tool providing for NPA management and stewardship activities, measures and basic guidelines. When the government creates a new protected area, they have one year to produce this plan. Every five years, the plan should be reviewed and updated—a process which has not occurred for many of the NPAs. The plan standards also specify that people living in the natural areas take part in the process.
Between 2014 and 2020, Conanp executed the Resilience project, which focused on 17 NPAs and resulted in the development of nine climate change adaptation programmes and four management programmes, with a budget of $10 million. However, there is no evidence that it has improved climate resilience, at least in Quintana Roo, and the project’s final report doesn’t cover the implementation process.
Similarly, in 2024, the Global Environment Facility approved $18.5 million for improved management of five terrestrial and four marine protected areas, but implementation has just begun.
Despite the 2016 non-binding recommendation by the government’s National Human Rights Commission regarding the lack of management programmes in NPAs and their relationship with human rights, the lack of plans persists.
This absence undermines the right to legal certainty, to a healthy environment, and to effective participation, particularly for indigenous peoples and local communities with regard to the protection, use, and benefits of their collective property.
For Julia Carabias, UNAM Faculty of Sciences academic, the problem involves a mix of lack of adequate tools and better management.
“The priorities should be science-based decisions, guarantee of efficient management, programmes elaboration and execution, enough budget, attention to the areas’ owners’ needs and collective, coordinated efforts”, she resumes.
The situation is particularly evident in states such as Quintana Roo.
Paradise lost
Fabiola Sánchez, a Puerto Morelos resident, points to the development model lacking emission reductions and the consequent advance of climate change, with local impacts.
“It’s like when your defenses are down and you get the flu, you recover and get sick again. It makes recovery longer. The environmental problem has no expiration date or political color”, she told IPS.
This is compounded by institutional limitations like staffing, budget and political will. “It’s more a lack of administrative capacity to move faster. You can see the institutional system’s failure to address environmental issues”, she adds.
Satellite pictures viewed by IPS demonstrate the advancement of the hotel sector in the coastal strip that connects with Cancun. While these constructions were scarce 20 years ago, they are now more visible.
Guadalupe Velásquez, a member of the Manos Unidas por Puerto Morelos collective, which campaigns for environmental protection in the town, questions the creation of an NPA without the necessary management tools, a situation exacerbated by the real estate boom that disrupts the flow of water between the mangroves and the coral reefs, with negative consequences for both.
“Hotels block the interaction between the wetland and the lagoon. They are important, interrupted points of water discharge. As a result, the quantity and quality of water has decreased. The authorities have turned a deaf ear”, she says.
In 2024, Quintana Roo received almost 21 million visitors, the second most popular destination in the country after Mexico City. Puerto Morelos, with 27,000 permanent residents, received 968,536.
Depending on their vulnerability, infrastructure and hotels are at risk of flooding.
Gisela Maldonado, from the consulting firm Kanantic, explains the situation in Isla Mujeres, which is part of the Isla Mujeres, Punta Cancun, and Punta Nizuc West Coast National Park, in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo. It is one of Mexico’s most popular protected natural areas for diving on the coral reef. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS
A wetland acts as a filter, moving water that helps produce nutrients from seagrasses and food for fish and algae, and they keep water from storms and release it when they go away. Atolls reduce wave strength under normal conditions and during storms, thus protecting the coastline and preventing beach erosion.
The mangrove area is home to red mangroves (Rhizophora mangle), white mangroves (Laguncularia racemosa), black mangroves (Avicennia germinans), buttonwood (Conocarpus erectus), several species of iguanas and lizards, as well as jaguars (Panthera onca) and endemic plant varieties, such as the granadillo (Platymiscium yucatanum).
The reefs are home to turtle grass (Thalassia testudinum), seagrasses, corals, and turtles.
Wilberto Antele, the Mangroves of Puerto Morelos flora and fauna deputy director, underscores “the efforts made” on NPAs, like vigilance, monitoring and the work with their inhabitants, but acknowledges the need for financial resources, surveillance personnel and biological monitoring.
“The work is too much and the most important thing is to work with the park’s allies. People are well aware that their livelihoods depend on the reef. There are many economic interests, many visions of development, and those shape which sites are preserved and which are not. Everything has a limit and those limits have become visible in recent years”, he told IPS, acknowledging that the main threat is land use change (deforestation).
Puerto Morelos, a fishing village in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo, has become increasingly touristy. This has had an environmental impact, with the proliferation of apartment buildings resulting in the generation of wastewater that ends up in the sea and damages nearby reefs. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS
Puerto Morelos is already experiencing the consequences of climate change, including rising sea levels and temperatures, and coral bleaching.
Since 2018, the Mexican Caribbean has experienced multiple episodes of coral bleaching and stony coral tissue loss disease that coincided with heat spikes in 2022 and 2024, causing the corals to peel and become defenseless. In 2024, further bleaching affected corals that had survived previous incidents.
Monitoring of 70 sites in Mexico by Healthy Reefs for Healthy People, a scientific network of countries in the Mesoamerican Reef System (MAR), found in its 2024 report that 20% were in critical condition, more than a third in poor condition, a third in regular condition and only 9% in good condition. The MAR, which is the second largest coral reef system in the world, extends more than 1,000 kilometers through Mexico, Guatemala, Belize and Honduras.
Despite this situation, Mexico has not provided any updated reports on the state of these environments since 2018.
To alleviate this scenario, since 2019 the state government has contracted the Parametric Insurance for the Protection and Conservation of Reefs and Beaches of Quintana Roo, which is designed to insure reefs and beaches in the Mexican Caribbean against hurricanes with speeds greater than 185 km/hr.
In 2020, the government received $440,000 in compensation for damage caused by Hurricane Delta, and in 2024, $850,000 for damage caused by Hurricane Beryl. This year, the government invested approximately $3.6 million in the mechanism, which factors in the speed of wind, the area where the storm happens and the compensation, depending on damages in the affected area. The Quintana Roo government has earmarked the proceeds for coral restoration, but it takes some years to see the results.
As if the storms and hurricanes that hit the Caribbean coast were not enough, the region has also been facing the growing arrival of sargassum, an algae from off the Atlantic African coast, for more than 10 years. This algae feeds on the organic matter present in the water as it passes through.
According to the Ministry of the Environment, the amount of sargassum appearing between March and August in 2025 was 60% higher than in 2024.
So far, some of their ecological and social effects are known, like beach erosion, nearshore waters eutrophication, mangrove ecosystems disruptions, risks to human life, and threats to the tourism and fishing industry.
But there are still many unknown aspects of it. “Reefs are exposed to many factors of stress and harm, which are difficult to divide. The sargassum leachate kills coral larvae, affects its embryo development. In nearshore zones, there have been reports of dead corals and marine pastures. But we need a better understanding of how it’s hitting fisheries, for instance”, explains the biologist Rodriguez, an expert on marine life and one of the few Mexican specialists on sargassum.
When floating and rotting, this algae blocks the sun and takes oxygen from corals, weakening them and leaving them vulnerable to germs, the main impact so far on them.
If the sargassum affects reefs, this could imply less habitat for fish and fewer catches. But so far there is no evidence of that chain in Mexico yet.
Fantasy island
Isla Mujeres, located around 20 kilometers off the coast from Cancun, is also not immune to the effects of tourism, pollution and a warmer sea.
At first glance, everything appears spectacular: the turquoise water and seagrasses are particularly striking. Visitors arrive on the island, which had a population of 22,686 in 2020, by ferry from Cancun in a journey of about 20 minutes. The island received 284,687 visitors in 2024, since the park is one of the most visited natural areas.
Gisela Maldonado, from the environmental consulting firm Kanantic, considers the impact of environmental protection measures on phenomena like the warming ocean and sea level rise that are beyond the control of the authorities.
“There is little the municipality can do. It doesn’t matter how many instruments there are if they are not going to be applied”, said the specialist, who spends much of her working life on the island. “The place depends on tourism and fishing. But it is already facing difficulties. Fishermen complain about a drop in lobster catches”, as in Puerto Morelos, she says.
For thousands of visitors, the reef, which is part of the MAR, is a great attraction for diving. The island, which is about eight kilometers long and almost one kilometer wide, is home to species of mangrove, coral and lobster (Panulirus argus).
But that massive attraction leaves a toll on the island, since they generate trash, plastics in one form or the other, and liquid waste.
The future influence of climate catastrophe could be significant. A one-meter rise in sea level would flood 35 hectares, equivalent to 6.6% of the island’s territory, affecting 832 people. With a three-meter rise, the loss would exceed a quarter of the island’s surface area (147 hectares).
Despite the urgency, there is no specific evidence that all of the measures stipulated in the Isla Mujeres-Puerto Morelos Corridor Climate Change Adaptation Programme have been applied; one seems half-finished and only two fulfilled. This lack of action seeds doubt about the future of other existing protected areas and ones yet to be established.
Satellite images show the advance of hotel complexes on the coast of Puerto Morelos, in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo, and their consequent environmental impact. These buildings disrupt vital water flows for terrestrial and marine environments, which can lead to flooding. Credit: Google Earth
NakednessIn the heart of Cancún lies the Nichupté Lagoon, a haven nestled between urban sprawl and a row of hotels alongside the sea. The 4,257-hectare Nichupté Mangrove Flora and Fauna Protection Area plays a crucial role in coastal defense, but it faces threats due to its location within the city. Its resilience depends on legal protection and hydrological restoration.
The ecosystem, which is home to mangroves and crocodiles, is in moderate to poor condition due to disturbances, and is moderately vulnerable to the impact of storms and rising sea levels.
In the city, which had 934,189 inhabitants in 2020, only patches of mangroves remain, survivors of predatory construction. If they could speak, they would scream about how they were cut down to make room for houses, hotels and streets.
Despite the well-known situation and the fact that Conabio has issued a full alert due to the threats to the ecosystem, the federal government has been drilling the lagoon since 2022 with the piles of a vehicular bridge, which is almost nine kilometers long and affects the boundaries of the NPA, to connect the city with the hotel strip.
The environmental impact assessment recognises species migration and death, as well as loss of surface area and mangrove habitat fragmentation.
If the temperature were to increase by two degrees Celsius, coastal areas of Cancún in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo would be flooded by the end of this century.
DemandsAlthough the sources consulted disagree on the effectiveness of protection measures, they all agree that better measures are needed.
In light of the urgent situation regarding the NPAs, fisherman Sánchez is urging the authorities to be more vigilant in protected marine areas. “A comprehensive review is needed to refocus all activities,” he says.
Fabiola Sánchez, a Puerto Morelos resident, requests greater interest from the government in understanding the area’s natural phenomena and citizens’ rights. “You have to tighten the screws. The sea is not a pool; it flows and moves. What goes from point A to D of the NPA will affect areas outside the polygon. It is reductionist to assume that the NPAs are isolated islands,” she says.
Antele believes that tools such as the land use plan are useful for protecting the areas more effectively. “It will provide the legal basis to stop construction. Our efforts are geared towards ecosystem services and conservation,” he says.
For biologist Rodríguez, a prompt solution does not appear on the horizon, as determination and a larger budget are urgently needed.
“The strategies are not applied. There are a lot of meetings and nothing happens. That’s where we stay, in meetings, documents, strategies. But we fell short in the instrumentation. There are few mitigation actions,” she says..
IPS produced this article with the support of Internews’ Earth Journalism Network
Recently, President Donald Trump made an unexpected and stark reversal from his previous position of opposing the release of the Epstein files. Credit: Shutterstock
By Joseph Chamie
PORTLAND, USA, Nov 19 2025 (IPS)
With the longest shutdown of the U.S. government now over, the White House, Congress, the media, and the public have shifted their attention to the contentious and highly political issue of releasing the files related to Jeffrey Epstein.
The White House’s resistance to releasing Epstein-related documents brings to mind the famous line from Shakespeare’s Hamlet that the U.S. president “doth protest too much, methinks.”
For many, the president’s continued denials of any wrongdoing suggest the opposite is true.
According to a Marist poll conducted in October, 77% of the U.S. public support the release of all files relating to Jeffrey Epstein. Another 13% want some of the Epstein files released, while only 9% don’t want any documents released (Figure 1).
Source: Marist poll.
According to other polls, a majority of the U.S. public, 67%, believe that the government is covering up evidence and 61% think the Epstein files contain embarrassing information about the president (Figure 2).
Source: Polls of The Economist/YouGov, the Washington Post, and University of Amherst.
A similar percentage, 63%, believe the president is hiding important information, while 61% disapprove of the president’s handling of the Epstein files. Additionally, 53% believe the files are sealed because the president is named in them.
Much of the country’s population believes that the president does not want the Epstein files released because the information contained within is criminal or embarrassing. In a national poll conducted in July, a majority of the U.S. public, 61%, thought that the Epstein files contain embarrassing information about the president.
Democratic lawmakers and some Republicans in Congress are pushing for the release of all Epstein files and actively working towards a Congressional vote to make it happen.
Furthermore, a bipartisan group of Congressional lawmakers believes that releasing the Epstein files is a moral imperative that will help bring justice to more than a thousand victims and prioritize truth over political convenience. In addition, a group of Epstein’s victims are featured in a new ad calling on Congress to pass the pending legislation.
In addition to acknowledging its widespread support among the U.S. public, the president’s reversal also seems to recognize that supporters of the measure to release the Epstein files have enough votes to pass it in the House. However, the president never truly needed the approval of Congress, as he has the power to release the files himself
Recent news reports indicate that the White House is now in panic mode. In addition to criticizing Democrats who are pushing for a Congressional vote, the president has spoken out strongly against Republican lawmakers who support the release of the Epstein files.
Further complicating matters are the newly released documents from Jeffrey Epstein’s estate that contain several messages referencing the U.S. president. Additionally, a review by the Wall Street Journal found that the U.S. president was mentioned in more than 1,600 of the 2,324 email threads.
Despite this, the president continues to object to the release of the Epstein files, claiming it is a Democrat-manufactured hoax. He further asserts that there is nothing in the Epstein files that would incriminate him. The president’s supporters argue that the issue is merely a fake narrative intended to smear and slander him.
The Epstein files refer to the extensive collection of documents related to the convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein and the pedophile ring that victimized hundreds of children.
On August 10, 2019, prison guards claimed that Epstein had apparently committed suicide in his prison cell while awaiting trial on sex trafficking charges.
Initially expressing suspicion about the suicide, the country’s attorney general described Epstein’s death as “a perfect storm of screw-ups,” Subsequently, Epstein’s death unleashed conspiracy theories online suggesting that he was killed to prevent him from incriminating others.
For example, in 2011, Epstein wrote the following to Ghislaine Maxwell, his associate and aide: “I want you to realize that the dog that hasn’t barked is trump … (victim) spent hours at my house with him.” In 2018, Epstein further wrote, “I am the one able to take him down and you see, I know how dirty donald is”.
The president’s name also appeared in Epstein’s correspondence, indicating that he was aware of Epstein’s activities. Despite previously praising Epstein as a “terrific guy”, the president now claims that they barely knew each other.
National polling data from mid-2025 shows that nearly half of the U.S. public, about 46%, believed the president was involved in Jeffrey Epstein’s crimes.
A growing number of the U.S. population support the release of the Epstein files to ensure all information is available, allowing the innocent to go free, and ensuring the guilty face judgment.
After months of attempting to delay or prevent a vote and a discharge petition by Democrats, joined by four Republicans, the House of Representatives reached the 218-signature threshold. On 18 November, the House voted on legislation to compel the Department of Justice to release all its case files tied to convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.
After the legislation passed 427 to1 in the House, the Senate considered mandating the release of the files. Similar to the House, the Senate decided to pass the bill by unanimous consent without any objections raised. The legislation is now on track to reach the president’s desk for his signature, despite his previous attempts to kill it.
Recently, the president made an unexpected and stark reversal from his previous position of opposing the release of the Epstein files. The president called on House Republicans to support a proposal to release files connected to the Jeffrey Epstein investigation, stating that “we have nothing to hide, and it’s time to move on from this Democrat Hoax”.
In addition to acknowledging its widespread support among the U.S. public, the president’s reversal also seems to recognize that supporters of the measure to release the Epstein files have enough votes to pass it in the House. However, the president never truly needed the approval of Congress, as he has the power to release the files himself.
Furthermore, the president’s reversal allows him to claim support for transparency. It is also seen as a strategic move that shifts the responsibility onto Congress, limits politically damaging defections by Republican lawmakers, and avoids a likely political setback.
This move also has the potential to use the ongoing investigation as a way for the administration to control the timing and extent of future document releases, especially those concerning the president’s ties to the sex offender. The situation is further complicated by the president’s call for the U.S. Attorney General to investigate several Democrats, with these investigations serving as a justification for withholding the files.
With both the Senate and the House having passed bills for the release of the files, the legislation is now being sent to the president for his approval or veto. However, it is unclear when the files could be released and whether they would satisfy those advocating for the complete release of the Epstein files.
In a significant change to his political strategy, the president recently announced that he would sign the Epstein files bill if Congress passed it. However, as he has done in the recent past, the president could change his mind upon reviewing the legislation and decide to veto it.
At this point, it seems unlikely that the president will veto the legislation as Congress has the power to override his veto with a two-thirds majority vote in both the House of Representatives and the Senate.
If all the files related to Jeffrey Epstein are released, the information they contain has the potential to trigger the largest scandal in the history of the United States presidency. Such a scandal could compel the president to say something similar to the line from Hamlet: “Adieu, adieu, adieu. Remember me.”
Joseph Chamie is a consulting demographer, a former director of the United Nations Population Division, and author of many publications.
Artificial intelligence is reshaping how learners, teachers, and creators engage with education across the continent. A new wave of AI innovation transforming learning across countries on the African continent — from chat-based tutors to hybrid hubs and gamified farms. Credit: UNICEF
Through initiatives such as Digital Skills for Africa, Lumo Hubs, and Luma Learn, innovators are breaking barriers of access, cost, and language to build inclusive, localized learning systems.
By Franck Kuwonu
UNITED NATIONS, Nov 19 2025 (IPS)
“Sometimes the best way to grasp a concept,” says Chris Folayan, co-founder and executive officer of Luma Learn, “is to learn it in your native language.”
Seventeen-year-old South African Simphiwe is one of more than 10,000 learners already using Luma Learn, an AI-powered tutor platform. For him, artificial intelligence isn’t an abstract idea: it is a personal tutor that is patient, consistent, and always online.
When on his phone, he’s not always chatting with a classmate or scrolling through social media. Many times, he’s studying physics with Luma Learn, that replies instantly, even in IsiZulu, his mother tongue.
Across several countries on the African continent, innovators like Folayan, Nthanda Manduwi, and Anie Akpe are reimagining what education can look like: localised, practical, and accessible to anyone with a phone or connection.
Together, they’re building a new learning ecosystem: one where AI isn’t replacing teachers but multiplying their reach.”
Nthanda Manduwi: Turning digital skills into interactive ecosystems
“I’ve always believed that technology can democratize opportunity,” says Nthanda Manduwi, founder of Digital Skills for Africa (DSA) and Q2 Corporation. “AI gives us a real chance to leapfrog the barriers that have slowed Africa’s progress, from infrastructure gaps to unequal access to training.”
Her journey began with Digital Skills for Africa, a platform designed to equip young people with practical tech competencies from AI and automation to no-code tools and digital marketing.
“Our courses like ‘Effective Use of AI’ or ‘AI and the Future of Digital Marketing’ were created to help learners not only understand AI but actually apply it,” she explains. “You leave with real, marketable skills you can use to build something or get hired.”
But scaling that vision revealed a challenge many edtech startups face. “We realised enthusiasm alone doesn’t pay the bills,” she says. “There was low willingness to pay for courses, even from institutions. So, we had to rethink how to make digital learning sustainable.”
That rethink led to Q2 Corporation, her new venture linking learning with livelihood. Under Q2’s umbrella sits Kwathu Farms—an innovative gamified agricultural simulator where users learn how to manage farms, predict supply chain issues, and test business models before investing real money.
“AI makes the learning immersive,” Ms. Manduwi explains. “Through simulations, learners can see how weather or market shocks affect yield, and how small decisions impact entire value chains. It turns agriculture into a classroom. And a business lab.”
Behind these simulations run Q2’s proprietary engines, NoxTrax and AgroTrax, which apply AI to real-time logistics and resource management. “It’s about showing that AI isn’t just for coders,” she says. “It’s for farmers, small businesses, anyone who wants to think and plan more intelligently.”
Ms. Manduwi’s mission remains rooted in access. “For Africa to truly benefit from AI, it can’t be an elite tool. It must live where people already are: on their phones, in their communities, in local languages.”
Anie Akpe: Creating spaces where AI meets human creativity
Where Ms. Manduwi builds ecosystems, Anie Akpe builds spaces. Through her work with African Women in Technology (AWIT)and Lumo Hubs, Ms. Akpe has spent over a decade helping innovators, especially women, turn curiosity into competence.
“With AWIT, I started by organising conferences across the continent,” she recalls. “We created safe spaces where women could connect with mentors and learn skills that weren’t taught in schools: digital literacy, entrepreneurship, coding, design.”
Soon, even male students began asking to participate. “That’s when I realized it wasn’t just about women in technology. It was about us (Africans) finding a place in a digital world that was changing fast.”
The next step came naturally. “When AI began to disrupt industries, I saw that we couldn’t just talk about skills. We had to create environments where people could use those skills,” she says. “That’s how Lumo Hubs was born.”
Each hub combines education, creativity, and entrepreneurship. “In one space, you might find a student learning AI-assisted graphic design, a seamstress using AI to plan production, and a young podcaster recording a show in a studio powered by the hub,” Ms. Akpe explains. “The model is hybrid, physical and digital, so even small towns can host a Lumo Hub.”
She is also deliberate about sustainability. “Community members pay; students pay less. It’s important that we don’t depend only on grants,” she says. “That balance keeps the hubs alive and the learning continuous.”
At the heart of Lumo Hubs lies mentorship. “You can’t separate technology from human guidance,” Akpe insists. “AI helps scale learning, but mentorship builds confidence.” Her approach remains rooted in empowerment. “AI can level the playing field if used right. A young person in Lagos or Uyo doesn’t have to wait for opportunity. They can create it.”
Chris Folayan: A tutor that never sleeps
For Chris Folayan, the idea behind Luma Learn came from a simple observation: “The continent doesn’t just have an access problem. It has a teaching gap too.”
According to UNESCO, Sub-Saharan Africa will need 15 million new teachers in the next five years to meet demand. “With classrooms that sometimes have over 100 students per teacher, no one can give every child the help they need,” Mr. Folayan says. “That’s where Luma Learn steps in.”
Luma Learn is an AI tutor that runs on WhatsApp, not a separate app.
“We chose WhatsApp for a reason,” he explains. “It’s already on most phones, it’s free to message, works on low bandwidth, and keeps data safe through encryption. That means a child in a rural area can learn without worrying about internet costs or app installations.”
The platform adapts to the learner’s grade level, curriculum, and preferred language. “Whether you need algebra in English or history in Swahili, Luma Learn can teach, quiz, and explain at your level,” he says. “It learns how you learn.”
Mr. Folayan shares two powerful testimonies. In Durban, a mother named Happyness wrote that her son, after years of illness, seizures, and missed schooling, caught up with the rest of the class with help from Luma Learn.
“Every time Vuyo wants to know something about school, we just ask Luma! What’s great is that Luma explains in our native language, IsiZulu.”
In another case, Simphiwe, a Grade 11 student from KwaZulu-Natal, sent over 1,200 messages to Luma. “Luma Learn wasn’t just another study resource,” he said. “It became the personal teaching assistant I desperately needed.”
Shared goals: One vision, many pathways
Three innovators. Three different models. One shared purpose: to make AI work for Africa’s learners, not the other way around. Across their stories, several threads stand out.
First, access—from WhatsApp tutors to open learning hubs to gamified ecosystems that teach real-world problem-solving.
Second, localisation—learning in local languages, within familiar tools, and around community realities.
Third, empowerment—every model links knowledge directly to opportunity.
From Ms. Manduwi’s gamified farms to Ms. Akpe’s creative hubs, to Mr. Folayan’s WhatsApp tutor, future classrooms are already here — decentralised, digital, and deeply human.
As Ms. Manduwi puts it, “We must stop treating AI as something imported. It’s a tool we can mold to fit our own systems.”
Ms. Akpe echoes that sentiment: “Africa doesn’t lack talent. It lacks platforms that meet learners where they are.”
And Mr. Folayan completes the picture: “No teacher wants their student left behind. With AI, we can make sure no one is.”
At the end of the day, a student in Durban learns physics through Luma. A young designer in Uyo experiments with AI tools at a Lumo Hub. A farmer in Lilongwe tests market scenarios on Kwathu Farms. Each represents a different face of the same revolution — a continent using intelligence, both human and artificial, to learn without limits.
As Ms. Akpe says: “The vision is simple: a generation that doesn’t just survive AI disruption but thrives because of it.” And as Ms. Manduwi concludes: “AI is not a threat to Africa. It’s our greatest chance to catch up. And lead.”
Anie Akpe and Chris Folayan were participants at the Global Africa Business Initiative (GABI): Unstoppable Africa2025, held in New York City on the margins of the UN General Assembly in September. The platform helps foster networking, exposure to potential business partners, and garner support for their initiatives.
Source: Africa Renewal, United Nations
IPS UN Bureau
Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
Kumi Naidoo with Brazilian First Lady Janja Lula da Silva and Brazilian Cultural Minister Margareth Menezes and others at a panel called “Narratives and Storytelling to Face the Climate Crisis” during the 30th Conference of the Parties (COP30). Credit: Aline Massuda/COP30
By Joyce Chimbi
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 18 2025 (IPS)
Decades ago, a little girl was born in a place called Cleveland, Ohio, in the heart of the United States of America. Born to a woman from the deep South, the place of Martin Luther King, her mother left her ancestral lands for the economic opportunities in the north.
“Off she went, making it all the way to the east side of Cleveland,” says Rev. Dr. Angelique Walker-Smith. “To the place where most people who look like me lived, and still live, and are subjected to policies of injustice, race and gender.”
Here, she found a more pressing issue.
“I couldn’t breathe, my mother couldn’t breathe, and we all couldn’t breathe,” she narrates.
This urbanization, driven by fossil fuels, occurred in Cleveland, Ohio, where her mother relocated and where her relatives still live today. During the Great Migration, over six million people of African descent traveled from the South, believing that economic opportunities would be better in the North.
Rev. Dr Angelique Walker-Smith, regional president of the World Council of Churches, speaks at an event titled ‘Faith for Fossil Free Future.’ Credit: IPS
“Upon our arrival, we discovered that we just couldn’t breathe.”
As one of eight regional presidents representing the World Council of Churches, Walker-Smith says for the World Council of Churches in over 105 countries, over 350 million adherents, and over 350 national churches all over the world, supporting the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty “is all about the issue of injustice, life and life more abundantly.”
“We are saying yes to the transition from fossil fuels to renewable life-giving energy.”
Kumi Naidoo, a prominent South African human rights and environmental justice activist and the President of the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty, says if the goal is renewable life-giving energy, the world has been going the wrong way for the past 30 years.
“If you come home from work and see water coming from the bathroom, you pick up the mop. But then you realized you left the tap running and the sink stopper on. What will you do first? Of course! You’ll turn off the water and pull the stopper. You will not start mopping the floor first.”
“For 30 years since the time science told us we need to change our energy system and many of our other systems, what we’ve been doing is mopping up the floor. If fossil fuels—oil, coal, and gas—account for 86 percent of what drives climate change, then we must turn off the tap.”
Masahiro Yokoyama was speaking at an event titled Faith for a Fossil-Free Future co-sponsored by Soka Gakkai International. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS
Naidoo was speaking at an event titled ‘Faith for Fossil Free Future’ co-sponsored by several organizations, including Soka Gakkai International (SGI), Laudato Si’ Movement, GreenFaith—a global interfaith environmental coalition and EcoJudaism, a Jewish charity leading the UK Jewish Community’s response to the climate and nature crisis.
He spoke about the contradiction of the climate talks at the doorsteps of the Amazon, while licensing for drilling is still ongoing in the Amazon even as the people in the Amazon protest, calling for a fossil-free Amazon.
Continuing with the thread of contradictions, Naidoo said, “Some of you might be shocked that even though fossil fuels are 86 percent of the cause of climate change, it took 28 years before the words ‘fossil fuels’ could even be mentioned in the COP document. It is as absurd as Alcoholics Anonymous holding 28 years of conferences before they get the backbone to mention alcohol in an outcome document. If we continue on this path, we'll warm up the planet to the point where we destroy our soil and water, and it becomes so hot we can't plant food. The end result is that we'll be gone. The planet will still be here. And the good news is, once we become extinct as a species, the forests will grow back, and the oceans will recover.
“And actually, staying with that analogy, can you imagine how absurd it is that the largest delegation to this COP this year, last year, and every year is not even the host country?
“It’s not even Brazil—for every 25 delegates that are attending the COP, one of them is from the fossil fuel industry. That’s the equivalent of Alcoholics Anonymous having the largest delegation to its conference annually from the alcohol industry.”
People, groups and movements of different faiths and consciousness are increasingly raising their voices in robust support of a rapid fossil fuel phase-out, a massive and equitable upsurge in renewable energy, and the resources to make it happen—in the form of a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty.
Naidoo says the treaty is “a critical success ingredient for us not (only) to save the planet, but to secure our children and their children’s future, reminding ourselves that the planet does not need any saving.
“If we continue on this path, we warm up the planet to the point where we destroy our soil and water, and it becomes so hot we can’t plant food. The end result is that we’ll be gone. The planet will still be here. And the good news is, once we become extinct as a species, the forests will grow back, and the oceans will recover.”
This treaty is a proposed global agreement to halt the expansion of new fossil fuel exploration and production and to phase out existing sources like coal, oil, and gas in a just and equitable manner.
The initiative seeks to provide a legal framework to complement the Paris Agreement by directly addressing the supply side of fossil fuels.
Its ultimate goal is to support a global transition to renewable energy and is supported by a growing coalition of countries, cities, organizations, scientists, and activists. More importantly, it has multi-faith support.
Masahiro Yokoyama of the SGI, which is a diverse global community of individuals in 192 countries and territories who practice Nichiren Buddhism, spoke about the intersection between faith and energy transition and why the fossil fuel phase-out cannot wait.
“The just transition is also about how young people in faith can be the driving force to transformations.”
“So, a fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty, in my view, is not only about phasing out other fossil fuels but it also represents an ethical framework.”
“It’s a way to move forward while protecting people’s livelihoods and dignity within the context of the environment and also the local business and economies. So, a just transition is not merely a technical issue but a question of ethics, inclusion and solidarity,” Masahiro Yokoyama said.
The most pressing issue at hand is how to implement the treaty in the current environmental context.
“The pathway that we are following is a pathway that has been followed before. We are not going to negotiate this treaty within the COP or within the United Nations system. We’re going to do what the Landmine Treaty did.
“The landmine treaty was negotiated by 44 countries outside of the UN system and then brought to the UN General Assembly for ratification. The second question that people ask, justifiably, is, what about the powerful exporting countries, for example?” Naidoo asked.
“They’re not going to sign it. And to that we find answers in the landmine treaty. Up to today, the United States, Russia and China have not signed the Landmine treaty. But once the treaty was signed, the social license to continue as business as usual was taken away. And you saw a drastic change.”
Note: This article is brought to you by IPS Noram in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.
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By External Source
Nov 18 2025 (IPS-Partners)
I greet the particular Churches of the Global South gathered at the Amazonian Museum of Belém, joining the prophetic voice of my brother Cardinals who have taken part in COP 30, telling the world with words and gestures that the Amazon region remains a living symbol of creation with an urgent need for care.
You chose hope and action over despair, building a global community that works together. This has delivered progress, but not enough. Hope and determination must be renewed, not only in words and aspirations, but also in concrete actions.
The creation is crying out in floods, droughts, storms and relentless heat. One in three people live in great vulnerability because of these climate changes. To them, climate change is not a distant threat, and to ignore these people is to deny our shared humanity. There is still time to keep the rise in global temperature below 1.5°C, but the window is closing. As stewards of God’s creation, we are called to act swiftly, with faith and prophecy, to protect the gift He entrusted to us.
The Paris Agreement has driven real progress and remains our strongest tool for protecting people and the planet. But we must be honest: it is not the Agreement that is failing, we are failing in our response. What is failing is the political will of some. True leadership means service, and support at a scale that will truly make a difference. Stronger climate actions will create stronger and fairer economic systems. Strong climate actions and policies, both are an investment in a more just and stable world.
We walk alongside scientists, leaders and pastors of every nation and creed. We are guardians of creation, not rivals for its spoils. Let us send a clear global signal together: nations standing in unwavering solidarity behind the Paris Agreement and behind climate cooperation.
Let this Amazonic Museum be remembered as the space where humanity chose cooperation over division and denial.
And may God bless all of you in your efforts to continue caring for God’s creation. In the name of the father, the son, and the holy spirit. Amen.
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Philippe Lazzarini, Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), briefs reporters on UNRWA's services across the occupied Palestinian territories and UNRWA' s ongoing operations. Credit: UN Photo/Mark Garten
By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Nov 18 2025 (IPS)
After nearly two years of conflict between Hamas and Israel, displaced Palestinians in Gaza have begun returning home as humanitarian organizations work to restore essential, life-saving services. Despite recent progress, the United Nations (UN) and its partners continue to face major obstacles in reaching the most vulnerable populations due to ongoing insecurity and heightened restrictions. With winter fast approaching—and expected to further worsen living conditions—sustained aid operations remain critical.
Roughly one month into the ceasefire, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has reported ongoing daily bombardments of residential areas in zones where Israeli forces remain deployed, particularly in eastern Khan Younis and eastern Gaza City. The agency has also documented multiple ceasefire violations along the “Yellow Line,” leading to numerous civilian casualties.
According to Gaza’s Ministry of Health, between October 29 and November 5, bombardments resulted in 15 Palestinian deaths and 24 injuries. An additional 31 bodies were recovered from the rubble of collapsed buildings. The Ministry further reports that since the start of the ceasefire, 241 Palestinians have been killed and 609 injured.
Philippe Lazzarini, the Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), observed that the humanitarian situation in Gaza firmly hinges on the stability of the ceasefire. “A ceasefire that merely prolongs the absence of war without charting a viable path to peace would only repeat the disastrous mistakes of the past,” Lazzarini wrote in a Guardian op-ed on November 10. “A truly peaceful future requires a genuine investment in a definitive political solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict.”
Additionally, Lazzarini underscored the urgent need for an international stabilization force to protect key civilian infrastructures and facilitate a smooth flow of humanitarian operations, as well as increased accountability measures to acquire justice for victims of violations of international humanitarian law. On November 12, Lazzarini informed reporters at the UN headquarters that accountability is crucial in establishing a sustainable end to violence and a path to recovery for Palestine as a whole.
“The starting point could at least be a board of inquiry,” said Lazzarini, “More broadly, if we want to promote any lasting peace, I don’t think we would succeed if we aren’t going for the delivery of justice and healing, and recognizing the scope of atrocities that have been committed.”
Despite the UN recording considerable improvement in the humanitarian situation of Gaza, conditions remain dire, with famine and disease remaining imminent threats for most Gazans. The UN and its partners continue to face significant access constraints imposed by Israeli authorities. UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres informed reporters that the UN is far from having “what is necessary to eliminate famine quickly and create conditions for the people in Gaza to have the very, very minimum that is necessary for dignity in life”.
Philippe Lazzarini (right), the Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) briefing on UNRWA’s operations in the occupied Palestinian territory. Credit: Oritro Karim/IPS
OCHA further notes that access to humanitarian aid and agricultural fields beyond the Yellow Line remains prohibited, with yellow-painted concrete blocks being set up to demarcate prohibited areas, as ordered by the Israeli Minister of Defence. Access to the sea also remains barred, with Israeli forces detaining at least five fishers since November 4.
According to OCHA, several essential aid items remain barred from entering Gaza—including humanitarian vehicles, solar panels, mobile latrines, x-ray machines, food and educational supplies, and generators—many of which Israeli authorities classify as outside the scope of humanitarian assistance. OCHA also reports continued restrictions on maintenance tools needed for water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) systems. Dozens of UNRWA vehicles and equipment, including water tankers and jetting trucks, have yet to be cleared for entry.
UNRWA and its partners have expressed alarm over the continued imposition of such restrictions during the ceasefire, particularly with the approaching winter season projected to exacerbate living conditions for Palestinians in displacement shelters. The Shelter Cluster estimates that at least 259,000 Palestinian families, or more than 1.45 million Gazans, will be adversely affected by the winter if adequate protection services are not put in place soon.
In a November 5 joint statement from several UN agencies, including UNRWA, UNICEF and the World Health Organization (WHO), the UN and its partners have been collaborating with Gaza’s Ministry of Health to prepare an “integrated catch-up campaign” for immunization and nutritional support, aiming to reach approximately 44,000 children who have been cut off from lifesaving services since the beginning of this conflict.
An estimated one in five children under age three are zero-dose or under-vaccinated due to the conflict, leaving them highly vulnerable to preventable disease outbreaks. The campaign will be carried out in three rounds to provide children with missed routine vaccinations, including Pentavalent, Polio, Rota, Pneumococcal, and two doses of the MMR vaccine.
Vaccination services will be available at 149 health facilities and 10 mobile vehicles across the enclave, with the first round scheduled for November 9-18. The second and third rounds of the vaccine campaign are planned for December 2025 and January 2026, respectively.
Alongside vaccinations, UNICEF and partners will screen children for malnutrition, provide treatment and follow-up for those affected, and refer severe cases to WHO-supported stabilization centers. UNICEF is also rehabilitating 15 health centers, while WHO is restoring an additional 20 facilities that were partially or fully destroyed.
On 14 October 2025 in Gaza’s Middle Area, State of Palestine, 4-year-old Abd Al Kareem eats from a sachet of Lipid-Based Nutrient Supplements (LNS) during a malnutrition screening. Credit: Rawan Eleyan/UNICEF
“This immunization campaign is a lifeline, protecting children’s health and restoring hope for the future,” said Dr Richard Peeperkorn, WHO Representative in the occupied Palestinian territory. “It’s a crucial step in strengthening essential health services and protecting vulnerable children in Gaza who have been cut off for far too long. Yet this is only one piece of the puzzle. Much more is needed, and WHO is working to rebuild Gaza’s fragile health system so every child, every community, can access the care they deserve.”
Additionally, Lazzarini informed reporters on November 12 that UNRWA has been a lifeline for Gaza since the beginning of this crisis. Over the past two years, UNRWA has supported over 15 million primary health consultations, providing over 14,000 consultations on average on a daily basis.
UNRWA has also been instrumental in keeping the water system in the enclave from collapsing, with Lazzarini stating that roughly “40 percent of clean water is thanks to the work of (UNRWA’s) engineer(s) on the ground.” Furthermore, UNRWA has supported more than 48,000 children across 96 UNRWA schools five days a week, alongside bringing online education back to about 300,000 children.
“I do believe that we are and remain an extraordinary asset at the disposal of the international community, especially for securing critical services for the population of Gaza and any effort in stabilization and success,” said Lazzarini. “The main challenge is that we need to safeguard the operational space of the agency in Gaza. That’s challenge number one, to acknowledge that the agency is a vital key partner and an invaluable asset to the international community to help consolidate the ceasefire and ensure a successful recovery.”
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Even as their rights are under attack, women across the world are leading the charge to expand access to justice. Credit: UNDP Somalia
By Revai Makanje Aalbaek and Sarah Douglas
NEW YORK, Nov 18 2025 (IPS)
Even as their rights face growing threats, women across the globe are driving progress. From courtrooms to communities, women’s leadership is shaping peace, justice and development—often against the odds. In the face of conflict, exclusion and inequality, we continue to see powerful stories of hope, resilience and change. We are inspired by women who mediate local disputes, push for new laws and champion the rights of survivors, holding communities together.
These stories remind us that we achieve our best results when working together, especially when the task ahead is the elimination of deeply rooted and widespread barriers. The UNDP and UN Women Gender Justice Platform – made possible thanks to generous support from Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom—continues to support access to justice and women’s leadership in rule of law institutions in over 45 countries globally, proving that cross border solidarity can dismantle even the most entrenched inequality.
1. Women at the forefront of transitional justice in South Sudan
In the context of the 2018 Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (R-ARCSS) and its 2022 Roadmap Agreement, peacebuilding in South Sudan is ongoing, including efforts to deliver transitional justice and community reconciliation.
To safeguard women’s participation in decision-making in these processes, the Gender Justice Platform has supported key legal advancements. In 2024, South Sudan’s parliament adopted two laws guaranteeing that women have a seat and a voice in the Commission for Truth, Reconciliation and Healing and the Compensation and Reparations Authority.
The laws explicitly recognize the distinct impacts of conflict on women, offering special protection for victims and witnesses, particularly for women, children and persons with disabilities.
The laws were informed by recommendations put forward by South Sudanese women as a result of a consultation on gender-responsive and survivor-centred transitional justice, co-hosted in June 2023 by the Gender Justice Platform.
These laws mark a major step toward ensuring that women, including survivors of conflict-related sexual violence, shape how truth-telling occurs and reparations are delivered, and that women’s leadership is woven into South Sudan’s journey toward justice, reconciliation and peace.
Through the Gender Justice Platform, UNDP and UN Women have empowered women to participate in transitional justice processes in more than 20 countries, including Colombia, Ethiopia, Liberia and Mali.
2. Expanding access to justice in Tanzania
In Tanzania, women and underrepresented groups, including women with disabilities, often face deep-rooted barriers to justice. To address them, UN Women worked closely with the Ministry of Constitution and Legal Affairs, boosting its legal aid and awareness campaign to reach more than 56,000 people, half of them women and girls. Critical issues were on the agenda, including land and property disputes, inheritance, family matters and gender-based violence.
In Tanzania, paralegals and social workers deliver legal aid and raise awareness on women’s rights. Credit: UN Women/Hanna Mtango
For lasting impact, the Gender Justice Platform empowered local champions – paralegals, aid providers and community social workers – to deliver legal aid and raise awareness on women’s rights, justice and social norms.
Complementing this, strategic training for judges on gender responsive sentencing ensures that women’s needs are considered when cases reach court. Together, these efforts show that sustainable justice must integrate both formal and informal systems to be effective and trusted.
3. Women mediators in Yemen help women resolve legal disputes
The space for women’s rights is restricted in Yemen. As around 80 percent of disputes in the country are resolved through community-based mechanisms, UNDP supported women mediators and paralegals to provide services though these customary and informal networks.
In 2024 alone, women mediators and paralegals resolved over 1,200 local disputes, primarily family-related, in partnership with local civil society organizations such as the Youth Horizon Foundation, making this initiative a critical lifeline for those most in need.
Women paralegals are working as insider-mediators to build peace in a bottom-up manner, contributing to the overall stabilization of the country.
Through the Gender Justice Platform, UNDP assisted about 300 women held in a prison, many of whom are there with their children. With UNICEF and civil society, UNDP advocated to facilitate the release and reintegration of wrongfully detained women, restoring dignity and family connections.
One woman, for example, spent an additional seven years in the prison after completing her sentence, as no one from her family would come for her. With UNDP support, Yemen Women Union (YWU) reconciled the woman with her family, and she was released.
4. Championing women’s leadership in South East Asia
In courtrooms across Southeast Asia, women judges are reshaping justice. In Indonesia, Lao People’s Democratic Republic and Thailand, they are building mentoring networks to ensure the law reflects women’s lived realities.
Their enthusiasm and professionalism sparked the Women’s Leadership in the Judiciary initiative, along with a storytelling campaign through which women judges share their personal stories.
“To ensure gender justice,” explains Sapana Pradhan Malla of Nepal, “our first step was to make sure that the law reflects women’s experience and perspective, without exclusion or discrimination against women.”
By amplifying women’s voices, the Gender Justice Platform is nurturing a new generation of women leaders who are supporting the transformation of the judiciary from within.
5. Civil society advancing gender justice in Colombia
The Gender Justice Platform supports women’s civil society organizations that translate global commitments into local, feminist action, ensuring survivors’ voices shape every step of the justice process. In Colombia, the Alliance Initiative of Women for Peace brings together 248 organizations of survivors, activists and lawyers.
In 2024, with support from the Gender Justice Platform, the Alliance worked alongside survivors of sexual violence and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, Colombia’s transitional justice tribunal, to ensure full and restorative participation.
As Alliance Director Angela Cerón Lasprilla explains, “Knowing I was not the only survivor, that what happened was not my fault and that I am a human being, that I matter—it’s only possible to acknowledge that if you have the support.”
Advancing women’s rights benefits everyone. Evidence shows that the advancement of women’s rights fosters equality, economic growth and opportunities for all. When women have unimpeded access to their rights, including justice and security, societies have a better chance to prosper, live in peace and enjoy development.
Explore the 2024 annual report of the Gender Justice Platform to see and celebrate what we achieved together. Along with our partners, we will continue to foster change for women and their active participation in justice efforts, guided by the Women, Peace and Security agenda.
Revai Makanje Aalbaek is Senior Advisor on Justice and Security, UNDP Crisis Bureau;
Sarah Douglas is Deputy Chief, Peace, Security and Resilience Section, UN Women
The Gender Justice Platform is implemented under the framework of UNDP’s Global Programme for Strengthening the Rule of Law, Human Rights, Justice and Security for Sustainable Peace and Development.
Source: UNDP
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COP30 Belém Amazônia (DAY 03) - PCOP Daily Press Briefing. Credit: Rafa Neddermeyer/COP30 Brasil Amazônia
By Joyce Chimbi
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 17 2025 (IPS)
COP30 negotiations are midway. So far, talks about historic agreements are moving forward, backward, or stalling, depending on who you ask. The most pressing issues on the table are finances, adaptation, fossil fuel phase-outs, and climate justice.
Wide-ranging and ambitious promises across these issues are not translating smoothly into action. On the first day of COP30, the Fund for Responding to Loss and Damage [established at COP27 and operationalized at COP28] launched the call for funding requests for its startup phase.
From December 15, 2025, developing countries will have six months to request funding for projects and programs of between USD 5 and 20 million. The entire kitty has USD 250 million, which compares poorly to what is needed. On matters of loss and damage, developing countries needed USD 395 billion in 2025 alone.
The issue of finance is not a sticking point in itself at COP30, but has been identified as the thread that connects all other thematic areas as encapsulated in the ‘Baku to Belém Roadmap.’ When COP29 in Baku failed to deliver an ambitious climate finance package deal, this roadmap was added on at the last minute to build on the USD300 billion per year in financing agreed upon in Baku.
But this roadmap is not a singular goal to be achieved; it is about coming together to ‘scale up climate finance in the short and long term to ensure that annual climate financing climbs from USD 300 billion to at least USD 1.3 trillion a year by 2035. The roadmap is about increasing finance across all climate funds, be it for preventing, reducing or adapting to climate change.
Climate finance discussions have focused on mobilizing new funding sources, including innovative mechanisms like the proposed Tropical Forests Forever Facility (TFFF). Brazil has defined oceans and forests as the twin priority areas for discussion at COP30.
TFFF is a Brazil-led initiative that aims to mobilize nearly USD 125 billion for tropical forest conservation. It is a radical new solution to combat deforestation.
Brazil has, however, been left ‘surprised’ the UK would not be joining Germany, Norway and other nations towards contributing to the TFFF funds, despite the UK having helped design the tropical forest conservation initiative.
COP30 is determined to build a bridge between promises and performance, words and actions, and there are multiple sticking points in the development of this bridge. In other words, it’s a ‘COP of implementation.’
Unlike the emotive issues of fossil fuel phase-outs and finances that defined recent COPs, COP30 seems to be where the rubber meets the road. After all is said and done, with the agreements to move away from fossil fuels, the Loss and Damage Fund, and the calls for climate adaptation financing, the technical details of how these promises become actions are the sticking point.
For fossil fuels, those whose economies are not dependent on oil, gas, or coal want an immediate transition. Those that depend on fossil fuels are asking for time to find a pathway that helps the transition as they seek alternatives to cushion their economies. This is one of the most contentious climate mitigation issues.
But still all is not lost; there seems to be notable movement in this direction, in 2024 alone, more than USD 2.2 trillion was put into renewable energy—which is more than the GDP of over 180 countries.
Amidst fragile and fragmented geopolitics, COP30 is multilateralism under test. Leaders of China, the US, Russia and India are absent. Some say this is symbolic and could derail climate talks, but many observers say taking this as a sign that political support for international climate initiatives is waning is misleading.
Some observers from the natural-resource-rich African continent say the developing world simply needs to start conducting the climate business differently, particularly in how they trade with the global North over their natural resources.
To be clear, what defines this COP is not necessarily finance, adaptation, fossil fuels or even climate justice; for many, this is a COP implementation. The ongoing negotiations face challenges in translating ambitious promises into action.
Brazil has already launched the COP30 Circle of Finance Ministers—a key initiative under the COP30 presidency to support the development of the Baku to Belém roadmap. This circle will be a platform for regular consultations throughout 2025.
Another first in the history of COPs is that the Asset Owners Summit is included in the official COP agenda. Asset owners representing approximately USD 10 trillion met in Belém in the first week of the COP to work with climate scientists, multilateral development banks, and governments to meet the climate’s financial needs.
A major point of discussion is how to shift from loans to other forms of finance, with a focus on increasing funding for adaptation and ensuring transparency. Climate finance loans remain an unresolved issue.
For developing nations, developed nations whose industrial revolution is responsible for altering the climate system have a moral obligation to climate finance on terms and conditions that take into account that developing nations are the victims. Developed nations, on the other hand, see climate finance loans as a business opportunity—for every five dollars received in climate finance loans, they repay seven dollars.
Activism has been a defining issue at COP30, as has been the increased participation and visibility of indigenous people. It is a step in the right direction when 15 national governments, including Brazil, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, Tanzania, the United Kingdom and Germany, and one sub-national government have formally announced their support for the Intergovernmental Land Tenure Commitment, a landmark global agreement to secure and strengthen the land tenure rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities on 160 million hectares in tropical forest countries.
As to how COP30 pans out, the next few days will be critical as the UN Climate Summit nears its conclusion.
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Brazilian Indigenous leader and environmentalist Cacique Raoni Metuktire (center) during the closing ceremony of the Peoples’ Summit in Belem on November 16, 2025. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
By Tanka Dhakal
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 17 2025 (IPS)
Brazilian Indigenous leader and environmentalist Cacique Raoni Metuktire appealed for support for Indigenous peoples and their land. From the podium of the Peoples’ Summit, Cacique Raoni warned negotiators at the UN climate conference in Belém that without recognizing Indigenous peoples’ land rights, there will be no climate justice.
“It is getting warmer and warmer. And a big change is going on with the earth. Air is harder to breathe; this is only the beginning,” he said on Sunday while addressing representatives of the global climate justice movement at the Peoples’ Summit. “If we don’t act now, there will be very big consequences for everyone.”
Indigenous people and civil activists from around the world took part in the Peoples’ Summit. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
While Belém city is hosting world leaders, government officials, scientists, policymakers, activists, and more than 1,600 fossil fuel lobbyists to decide the future course of global climate action, the Peoples’ Summit gathered frontline voices.
About nine kilometers from the COP30 venue, at the grounds of the Universidade Federal do Pará (UFPA-Federal University of Pará), activists engaged in diverse dialogue for five days and issued the “Declaration of the Peoples’ Summit Towards COP30” in the presence of Indigenous leaders like Raoni, which was handed over to the COP presidency.
The Declaration states that the capitalist mode of production is the main cause of the growing climate crisis. It claims that today’s environmental problems are “a consequence of the relations of production, circulation, and disposal of goods, under the logic and domination of financial capital and large capitalist corporations.” It demands the participation and leadership of people in constructing climate solutions, recognizing ancestral knowledge.
Artists performing indigenous folklore during the closing event of the Peoples’ summit. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
Sebastián Ordoñez Muñoz, associated with War on Want, a UK-based organization and part of the political commission of the Peoples’ Summit, said the political declaration constructed through the summit process reflects peoples’ demands and proposals. “It has our solutions, people’s solutions,” he said. He explained that crafting the declaration was a convergence of diverse voices, uniting around clarity on what needs to happen to address the climate crisis.
“It is an expression of the autonomy of people’s movements coming together, converging to develop clear proposals that are based on the real solutions happening on the ground-in the territories, in the forests, in the seas, in the rivers, and so on,” he added. “It’s important to hand it over because we need to make sure that our voices are represented there [at COP]. Any space that we have inside the COP has always been through struggle.”
As a space for community members to come together and deliver the public’s point of view, Peoples’ Summits have been organized as parallel conferences of the COP. It did not take place during the last three COPs. But in Brazil, civil society is actively making its case.
The Peoples’ Summit attracted a large number of Indigenous leaders and community members, whereas at COP their access is limited. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
“We need to continue making our voices heard there, but also not to beg-to state that we have the solutions and that we must be listened to, because none of these answers, none of these solutions are possible without the communities themselves,” Ordoñez Muñoz told IPS News from the Peoples’ Summit ground. “I think it’s a statement and a road map. Where do we go from here?”
Unlike COP30, the Peoples’ Summit attracted diverse groups of community members and civil society leaders. The COP venue follows the process of negotiations, while the summit emphasizes collaboration to find solutions and celebrate unity. It blends discussion with Indigenous folklore and music to bring stories of community.
“If you go into the COP summit, it’s so stale. It’s so sterile. It’s so monotonous. So homogeneous. So corporate,” Ordoñez Muñoz said. “Over here, what we have is the complete opposite. We have such diversity-differences in voice, vocabulary, language, and struggles.”
He added that the COP process is moving in one direction, unjust in nature, and reproducing many of the dynamics that led to the crisis in the first place.
“Over here, we’re all moving together. We have unity.”
This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.
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