Agrégateur de flux

Americas Northrop Grumman Systems won a $25.7 million modification to previously awarded contract to manufacture and provide target systems for Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles (IRBM) and Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (ICBM), including the necessary execution, analysis, services and support thereof. Under this modification, this period will include the completion and execution of flight tests, planning and analysis for new test object development, and integration of the IRBM/ICBM targets and integrated logistics support. The work will be performed in Chandler, Arizona; and Redstone Arsenal, Alabama. The performance period is from Jan. 1, 2026, to Sept. 30, 2026.  Fiscal 2026 research, development, test and evaluations funds will be used on this effort. A Justification and Approval (J&A) for other than full and open competition was approved by the Head of the Contracting Agency (HCA) on July 21, 2023.  An Amended J&A for this effort was approved by the HCA on Feb. 14, 2025, that authorized this modification to contract HQ0147-11-C-0006.  The Missile Defense Agency, Redstone Arsenal, Alabama, is the contracting activity. The US Defense Logistics Agency (DLA) has awarded a $30.3-billion pharmaceutical prime vendor (PPV) contract to support medicinal supplies for warfighters. The PPV program, established in the early 1990s, covers approximately $2.6 billion […]

The continent can survive American antagonism and come out stronger.

America’s allies in the region wish they knew.

Das iranische Atomprogramm ist wieder Gegenstand internationaler Verhandlungen. Sowohl die E3 (Deutschland, Frankreich, Großbritannien) als auch die USA haben Gespräche mit Teheran aufgenommen, die zu einer neuen politischen Verständigung führen sollen. Eine solche ist dringlich, denn die Islamische Republik hat ihr Atomprogramm rasant ausgebaut und verfügt über zahlreiche Voraus­setzungen, um eigene Kernwaffen produzieren zu können. Zugleich hat sich der Atomdiskurs in Iran deutlich verschoben. Die Option, Nuklearwaffen herzustellen, wird seit 2024 offen diskutiert. Die EU sieht es als entscheidende Sicherheitspriorität an, Teheran von diesem Schritt abzuhalten. Dabei stehen Deutschland und seine Partner unter Zeitdruck. Im Oktober 2025 läuft die Resolution der Vereinten Nationen (VN) aus, durch die das internationale Atomabkommen von 2015 völkerrechtlich verbindlich wurde. Irans Nuklearprogramm wäre dann formal nicht länger den Beschränkungen und Kontrollmaßnahmen unterworfen, die das Abkommen ursprünglich vorsah. Der Atomkonflikt könnte sich gefährlich zuspitzen. Europäische Politik sollte sich darum bemühen, eine militärische Eskalation zu verhindern. Zugleich muss sie bereit sein, im Ernstfall von ihrem schärfsten Instrument gegenüber Iran Gebrauch zu machen, dem »Snapback«.

Capt Ibrahim Traoré, 37, is portraying himself as a champion of pan-Africanism.

We had the unique opportunity to interview the pilot of the E-11A Battlefield Airborne Communications Node (BACN) aircraft during its first airshow appearance at the recent Seymour Johnson Air Force Base Open House. The airshow at Seymour Johnson AFB, North Carolina, is high on the list of many airshow enthusiasts, when planning their yearly schedule […]

The post Secretive E-11A BACN Aircraft Makes First Airshow Appearance at Seymour Johnson AFB appeared first on The Aviationist.

Turkish Aerospace Industries will exhibit a full-size model of its Hurjet trainer in Spanish Air Force markings at the Feindef 2025 exhibition. Few months after Spain and Turkey signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to procure the Turkish Aerospace Industries’ (TAI) Hurjet, the Turkish manufacturer is set to showcase full-size model of the aircraft in […]

The post First Look at the Full-Size Model of the Hurjet in Spanish Air Force Markings appeared first on The Aviationist.

Pourquoi l'ex-patron de banque Tidjane Thiam a été empêché de se présenter à la présidence ivoirienne - et les retombées potentielles.

Avec les tarifs douaniers américains en jeu, l’offensive de charme de la Chine en matière de coopération économique et d’opposition au protectionnisme met à l’épreuve les stratégies de l’ASEAN : couverture, équilibrage,

Encore une fois, la campagne électorale a été marquée par le duel entre le PS d'Edi Rama, qui brigue un 4ème mandat consécutif, et le PD de Sali Berisha, qui l'accuse de dérive autoritaire et corrompue. Le vote de la diaspora et l'arrivée de nouveaux partis pourraient réserver des surprises. Analyse.

- Articles / Albanie, Courrier des Balkans, PS Albanie, Politique, Blocage UE

Le sélectionneur Aliou Cissé, vainqueur de la Coupe d'Afrique des Nations, se dit « l'homme d'un projet » alors qu'il tente d'emmener la Libye à la compétition en 2027.

Ma Zágráb-Plesón bemutatták az áprilisban teljessé (10+2) vált "kockás" Rafale flottát, melyet délnyugati szomszédunk izraeli-amerikai F-16-os fiaskója után vett használtan Franciaországtól.

A Krilja Oluje Pilatusai mellett az új, F3R változatú harcigép-sor.

Így látszott a dinamikusra elhúzott négy gép nélkül a sor a túloldalról.

Ha már vontatás! A helyiek elektromos Still LXT-250-ese munkában.

A légharc bemutató előtt, a 04-es pályára gurulva.

A vendég francia spéci festésű demógép a hátát mutatja.

A Kiowa M36E9 (AGM-114 Hellfire) gyakorló rakétája. A pár évtizedes, "alig használt" könnyű felfegyverzett helikopter 8 kilométeres durranása.

Ejeugrás a SAR képességbemutatóhoz egy Black Hawkból.

Aeronautics Orbiter 3 drón a rendszer helyi hordozójárművével. Nem mindenben kell, érdemes és értelmes a milspec.

A kecskeméti Gripen, Szentendrei Dávid százados bemutatója.

Hidden in plain sight. Kanadai Hercules Zágrábból a lengyelországi Rzeszów-ba igyekszik, nyilván Ukarajnának szánt szállítmánnyal.

A gép útvonala.

A Zágrábtól északra fekvő Medvednica-hegység csúcsához, a Sljeméhez közel található Horvátország egyik AN/FPS-117(E)1T gerincradarja és egy időjárásradar.

A zágrábi Mirogoj-temetőben található Rudolf Peresin emlékműve, aki 1991 az első jugoszláv pilóta volt, aki MiG-21-esével Ausztriába szökve átâllt a horvát oldalra. 1995-ben esett el a nyugat-krajinai Villámlás művelet során, szintén egy 21-est repülve, melyet lelőtt a szerb légvédelem.

Ez már a pilóta emlékműve szülőfalujában, Gornja Stubnicában.

A MiG-21bisz és T-33 emlékmű a Csázma melletti Grabovnica "partizán-repülőterén".

A háború után mezőgazdasági célra használt repülőtér aszfalt burkolatú pályájának maradványa.

Zord

To meet the Paris Agreement's aim of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, there is an urgent need for countries to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions by transitioning their energy sectors from fossil-based to zero‑carbon sources. Despite strong climate policies and gradual emissions reductions, Germany remains the greatest emitter in the European Union. Coal, responsible for almost 35 % of the country's CO2 emissions, is not scheduled to be phased out until 2038. Wind, one of Germany's greatest sources of renewable energy, has faced challenges due to a 1000 m federal ‘rule’ between residential buildings and wind turbines. The German coal phase-out and the onshore wind phase-in are linked to questions of procedural injustice in energy, as showcased in multiple studies. In this paper we develop a comprehensive framework that introduces the concept of political inequality as a lens to examine procedural injustice in energy transition decision-making, arguing that it offers greater nuance. We apply the framework to Germany's coal phase-out and onshore wind phase-in, asking how stakeholders in the German energy transition – i.e. the Energiewende - report political inequalities of voice, representation, treatment and influence in these decision-making processes, both at the federal level and in the state of North Rhine-Westphalia. We also explore how such inequality impacts climate mitigation in Germany's energy sector and whether it slows progress. Our findings from twenty-eight semi-structured interviews with German decision-makers, civil society and activists, highlight multiple reported inequalities in these processes that point to several procedural injustices in energy transition decision-making in Germany. However, while political inequalities can indeed slow progress on climate mitigation in the energy sector, the reverse may also materialise. Further research is needed to understand how the tension between political inequality and climate mitigation unfolds in the German energy sector and in the broader energy transition.

To meet the Paris Agreement's aim of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, there is an urgent need for countries to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions by transitioning their energy sectors from fossil-based to zero‑carbon sources. Despite strong climate policies and gradual emissions reductions, Germany remains the greatest emitter in the European Union. Coal, responsible for almost 35 % of the country's CO2 emissions, is not scheduled to be phased out until 2038. Wind, one of Germany's greatest sources of renewable energy, has faced challenges due to a 1000 m federal ‘rule’ between residential buildings and wind turbines. The German coal phase-out and the onshore wind phase-in are linked to questions of procedural injustice in energy, as showcased in multiple studies. In this paper we develop a comprehensive framework that introduces the concept of political inequality as a lens to examine procedural injustice in energy transition decision-making, arguing that it offers greater nuance. We apply the framework to Germany's coal phase-out and onshore wind phase-in, asking how stakeholders in the German energy transition – i.e. the Energiewende - report political inequalities of voice, representation, treatment and influence in these decision-making processes, both at the federal level and in the state of North Rhine-Westphalia. We also explore how such inequality impacts climate mitigation in Germany's energy sector and whether it slows progress. Our findings from twenty-eight semi-structured interviews with German decision-makers, civil society and activists, highlight multiple reported inequalities in these processes that point to several procedural injustices in energy transition decision-making in Germany. However, while political inequalities can indeed slow progress on climate mitigation in the energy sector, the reverse may also materialise. Further research is needed to understand how the tension between political inequality and climate mitigation unfolds in the German energy sector and in the broader energy transition.

To meet the Paris Agreement's aim of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, there is an urgent need for countries to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions by transitioning their energy sectors from fossil-based to zero‑carbon sources. Despite strong climate policies and gradual emissions reductions, Germany remains the greatest emitter in the European Union. Coal, responsible for almost 35 % of the country's CO2 emissions, is not scheduled to be phased out until 2038. Wind, one of Germany's greatest sources of renewable energy, has faced challenges due to a 1000 m federal ‘rule’ between residential buildings and wind turbines. The German coal phase-out and the onshore wind phase-in are linked to questions of procedural injustice in energy, as showcased in multiple studies. In this paper we develop a comprehensive framework that introduces the concept of political inequality as a lens to examine procedural injustice in energy transition decision-making, arguing that it offers greater nuance. We apply the framework to Germany's coal phase-out and onshore wind phase-in, asking how stakeholders in the German energy transition – i.e. the Energiewende - report political inequalities of voice, representation, treatment and influence in these decision-making processes, both at the federal level and in the state of North Rhine-Westphalia. We also explore how such inequality impacts climate mitigation in Germany's energy sector and whether it slows progress. Our findings from twenty-eight semi-structured interviews with German decision-makers, civil society and activists, highlight multiple reported inequalities in these processes that point to several procedural injustices in energy transition decision-making in Germany. However, while political inequalities can indeed slow progress on climate mitigation in the energy sector, the reverse may also materialise. Further research is needed to understand how the tension between political inequality and climate mitigation unfolds in the German energy sector and in the broader energy transition.

L'exposition est organisée par le Musée des victimes du génocide de Belgrade, en partenariat avec le Centre culturel de Serbie. Les auteurs de l'exposition sont les historiens Bojan Arbutina, directeur par intérim du Musée des victimes du génocide, Marina Ljubičić Bogunović, conservatrice principale du Musée mémorial de Mrakovica, et Boris Radaković, conservateur du Musée mémorial de Mrakovica.
L'exposition est complétée par un catalogue bilingue serbo-français. Trente-sept photographies (…)

- Agenda / Serbie, Région parisienne

L'exposition est organisée par le Musée des victimes du génocide de Belgrade, en partenariat avec le Centre culturel de Serbie. Les auteurs de l'exposition sont les historiens Bojan Arbutina, directeur par intérim du Musée des victimes du génocide, Marina Ljubičić Bogunović, conservatrice principale du Musée mémorial de Mrakovica, et Boris Radaković, conservateur du Musée mémorial de Mrakovica.
L'exposition est complétée par un catalogue bilingue serbo-français. Trente-sept photographies (…)

- Agenda / Serbie, Région parisienne

- Agenda / Grèce, Dans les Balkans