Agrégateur de flux

Ce mois-ci marque quatre années éprouvantes depuis le début de l'invasion à grande échelle, et un véritable cessez-le-feu semble encore loin d'être assuré.

Au Cameroun, les députés viennent une nouvelle fois de prolonger leur mandat, cette fois-ci jusqu’en décembre 2026. Cette prolongation intervient alors que les deux chambres du parlement camerounais ont de nouveaux responsables à leur tête et que la population attend toujours le remaniement ministériel annoncé par le Président Paul Biya.

Le 15 mars, le Mali accusait la Mauritanie d’avoir fermé les yeux sur la détention sur son territoire de deux militaires maliens enlevés par des groupes djihadistes. Nouakchott avait vigoureusement démenti. Qu’en est-il de la situation entre les deux pays ? Les précisions avec notre correspondant régional.

De la Gambie aux États-Unis, le sel marin s'infiltre de plus en plus dans les eaux douces dont les populations ont besoin pour boire et produire des aliments.

Dimanche 22 mars 2026 à 12 heures au Lieu unique (2, rue de la Biscuiterie 44000 Nantes)

- Agenda / France - Régions

Selon une note du Département d'État, l'administration Trump envisage de suspendre son aide aux personnes séropositives en Zambie si les autorités refusent un accord bilatéral sur ses minerais stratégiques. Un document qui met en lumière les méthode brutales de Washington pour tordre le bras aux pays africains.

Une attaque contre un hôpital universitaire de la capitale du Darfour-Est, El-Daein, a fait au moins 60 morts, dont 13 enfants, a rapporté samedi le directeur général de l'Organisation mondiale de la santé.

Can't keep ahead of the illegal chemists in this world. Another addictive substance? Fuck me...

 

The drug plaguing soldiers
by u/Ltcolonel-glokta in army

How a lack of justice and trust in the security forces perpetuates deadly violence in Plateau state.

20 mars 2026 | 18h30
Librairie La Géothèque | 14 Rue Racine, 44000 Nantes
Entrée libre
21 mars 2026 | 17h00-18h00
Le Lieu Unique - Salon de musique | 2 rue de la Biscuiterie, Quai Ferdinand Favre, 44000 Nantes
Entrée libre
À l'occasion de la Journée internationale de la Francophonie, deux rendez-vous littéraires mettront à l'honneur à Nantes l'œuvre d'écrivain Cristian Fulaș. Le 20 mars, en présence de ses traducteurs, Florica et Jean-Louis Courriol, il donnera la conférence « (…)

- Agenda / Roumanie, France - Régions

Le 15 mars, le Mali accusait la Mauritanie d'avoir fermé les yeux sur la détention sur son territoire de deux militaires maliens enlevés par des groupes jihadistes. Nouakchott avait de son côté vigoureusement démenti. La tension montait, elle semble désormais baisser.

Rwanda's Fanny Utagushimaninde says it was like "a dream" after becoming the youngest woman to make a T20 international century at the age of 15 years and 223 days.

/ France, Transports, Région, Ville, Urbanisme - Espace et territoire / France, Transports, Région, Ville, Urbanisme

Ce nombre curieux cache une structure surprenante : ses chiffres dansent dans l'une des chorégraphies les plus élégantes de l'arithmétique.

The new American National Defense Strategy speaks the language of sovereignty with unusual clarity. It invokes “key terrain” in the Western Hemisphere, reframes hemispheric doctrine, reduces security guarantees to Europe, and signals a shift toward selective engagement. It is a strategy centered not on universal liberal order, but on national autonomy, strategic control, and power projection. Yet beneath this rhetorical clarity lies a structural weakness: Washington still lacks a coherent system for measuring sovereignty itself.

Traditional metrics—GDP, defense budgets, force size—capture scale, but not autonomy. A state may command the world’s largest military yet remain dependent on foreign supply chains. It may dominate technology markets yet suffer educational decline that undermines long-term innovation. It may enjoy global cultural influence while experiencing domestic fragmentation that weakens political decision-making capacity. Sovereignty in 2026 is multidimensional. Without measuring those dimensions simultaneously, strategy becomes aspirational rather than operational.

The Burke Sovereignty Index, developed by the International Burke Institute, addresses precisely this measurement gap. It evaluates national autonomy across seven dimensions: political, economic, technological, informational, cultural, cognitive, and military sovereignty. Each dimension is scored from 0 to 100 using official international data (UN, World Bank, IMF, UNESCO, SIPRI, PISA and others) combined with calibrated expert assessments from more than 100 specialists across 50+ countries per component. The final score—maximum 700—represents the arithmetic mean of statistical indicators and expert evaluation.

The 2024–2025 results are strategically sobering. The United States scores 650.9 out of 700. China scores 649.1. The gap: 1.8 points — less than 0.3% variance within the total scoring framework. For two states widely assumed to operate in different strategic leagues, this statistical proximity should fundamentally reshape the debate in Washington.

America retains clear advantages. Military sovereignty stands at 96.0, reflecting a $962 billion defense budget, approximately 5,400 nuclear warheads, and unmatched global deployment capacity. Technological sovereignty scores 95.4, supported by 3.4–3.6% of GDP in R&D spending and leadership in AI, biotech, and microelectronics. Yet structural vulnerabilities appear in other dimensions.

Political sovereignty registers 87.8, reflecting polarization, recurring government shutdowns, and declining public trust. Cognitive sovereignty—despite a strong overall score of 95.4—contains warning signals: adult functional literacy fluctuates between 79–81%, and U.S. PISA mathematics performance sits at 469, below the OECD average. Industrial autonomy remains partially exposed: approximately 30% of advanced microelectronics components are imported.

China’s profile differs structurally. Military sovereignty scores 94.5, technological sovereignty 91.6—slightly below the U.S. But political sovereignty stands at 90.8, reflecting centralized decision-making and high institutional cohesion. Informational sovereignty scores 93.2, sustained by a closed national digital ecosystem serving 1.1 billion users without Western platform penetration. Cultural sovereignty reaches 95.1, supported by 60 UNESCO heritage sites and over 6,800 museums.

Most significant is economic efficiency. China approaches near parity while operating at roughly one-third to one-half of U.S. per-capita wealth. Chinese GDP per capita (PPP) stands between $25,000–30,500, compared to the American $76,800–89,100 range. The convergence reflects coordinated cross-dimensional investment: education expansion to 60.8% higher education enrollment, R&D spending at 2.68% of GDP (approximately $506 billion in absolute terms), and long-term industrial strategy under “Made in China 2025.” Sovereignty parity was not achieved through dominance in a single field, but through synchronized development across all seven.

This multidimensional perspective reframes several assumptions embedded in the new Defense Strategy. First, rebuilding the American defense industrial base cannot succeed through military appropriations alone. Industrial sovereignty requires alignment of economic capital, educational capacity, technological independence, and political stability. The United States currently operates with public debt between 119–124% of GDP, national debt exceeding $36–41 trillion, widening educational inequality, and deep partisan fragmentation. Factories can be funded; comprehensive national mobilization demands social coherence.

Second, allied burden-sharing produces strategic paradoxes. European NATO states collectively possess GDP thirteen times larger than Russia’s, yet equipment localization remains limited. Lithuania spends 4–6% of GDP on defense, but approximately 85% of its equipment is imported. By contrast, Turkey—despite lower spending ratios—achieves roughly 70% localization in defense production, including indigenous UAV systems. Genuine sovereignty increases strategic autonomy. Autonomy reduces predictability.

Third, Middle Eastern partners are quietly shifting from dependency toward capability. Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 includes domestic industrialization, cybersecurity infrastructure, and technology transfer. Sovereignty once built tends to alter alignment behavior. Allies with capability act independently by definition.

The uncomfortable implication is clear: Washington’s strategy demands sovereignty—at home and among allies—without possessing a comprehensive dashboard to measure whether sovereignty is actually being built or eroded.

The Burke framework does not predict conflict or collapse. It measures capability, not intention. But it reveals structural dynamics invisible to traditional power metrics. It forces strategic evaluation across education, technology, cohesion, information control, industrial resilience, and governance simultaneously.

The United States remains marginally ahead. But a 1.8-point lead in a 700-point system is not structural dominance. It is competitive equilibrium. Sovereignty in 2026 is not defined by possessing the largest military or the most alliances. It is defined by the ability to sustain independent action across multiple domains under stress. That requires educational renewal, industrial autonomy, political stabilization, and technological independence operating in coordination—not isolation.

The new Defense Strategy identifies the correct priority: sovereignty. What it lacks is a systematic mechanism to measure progress toward that goal. Without measurement, sovereignty becomes rhetoric. With measurement, it becomes strategy.

 

Des Soudanais déplacés se rassemblent pour les prières de l'Aïd dans le camp de Tawila, au Darfour-Nord, alors que la guerre pèse lourdement sur les célébrations. Depuis avril 2023, les combats entre l'armée nationale et la milice paramilitaire RSF ont fait des dizaines de milliers de morts et contraint plus de 11 millions de personnes à fuir leurs foyers, alimentant ce que les Nations unies décrivent comme l'une des crises humanitaires les plus graves au monde.

Saadia Mosbah a mené campagne en faveur des migrants, notamment après que le président Kais Saied eut déclaré qu'ils représentaient une menace démographique pour le pays.

The attempted strike on Diego Garcia would mark a major escalation, highlighting Tehran’s apparent ability to target the strategic U.S.-UK base deep in the Indian Ocean and potentially put parts of Europe within reach.

Iran has launched two missiles at the joint UK-U.S. base at Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, about 4,000 km away. Such a distance is well within the range separating Tehran from many European capitals. According to U.S. officials who talked to the Wall Street Journal, one ballistic missile reportedly failed because of a malfunction and did not reach the base, whilst the other was engaged by a U.S. destroyer utilizing an SM-3 interceptor.

Neither of the missiles hit the base, still, regardless of the outcome of the attack, the attempted strike with the IRBM, marks a potential turning point in the conflict. The choice of target, is a telling signal. The United Kingdom has just decided to grant the United States the use of its bases for the strikes, and British assets, as Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi announced, have therefore become legitimate targets.

Until now, it had been believed that the intermediate-range missiles available to Tehran were capable of striking targets at a distance of up to 2,000 km. The decision to launch against the Diego Garcia base points to significantly greater capabilities in the weapons still available to the Islamic Republic.

The IRBMs, probably Khorramshahr-4s or another IRBM type, make not only Diego Garcia and other bases in the Middle East, but also many European capitals, potential targets within Tehran’s theoretical reach.

The Khorramshahr-4 is likely the intermediate-range ballistic missile that Iran used in the attempted attack on Diego Garcia, which analysts had previously assessed may have a range of +4,000km, though it had only been proven at between 2,000-3,000km. Such an attack would suggest… https://t.co/bLj7XzvKlz pic.twitter.com/fGMPtDs2Ih

— OSINTdefender (@sentdefender) March 21, 2026

U.S. and Israeli raids have significantly reduced Iran’s missile-launching capabilities. According to figures cited in recent days by U.S. President Donald Trump, Tehran has retained only 8% of its original capability. It is estimated that, before the conflict began, Tehran had at least 1,000 to 1,500 missiles. Among them, the Soumar has a range that is, in any case, below 3,000 km. Sejjil missiles can strike targets at a distance of 2,000 km. Shahed drones can also be used in medium- to long-range raids, considering that they can operate up to 1,700 km from their launch point. Still, despite being degraded, Iran continues to retain the ability to launch kamikaze drones and missiles, most likely relying on mobile launchers that are more difficult for U.S. and Israeli forces to detect and target, especially in dispersed areas in the eastern part of the country.

Although U.S. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Dan Caine said during a briefing on Mar. 4, 2026, that ongoing operations against Iran were shifting from stand-off to stand-in strikes, using precision-guided bombs and shorter-range missiles, the continued use of AGM-158 JASSMs (Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missiles) observed on the external pylons of the B-52s departing RAF Fairford, U.K., on Mar. 20, 2026, suggests there is still a fairly significant requirement for stand-off munitions. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth claimed on Mar. 13 that only 1% of the munitions being used were stand-off weapons, while also stating that “Iran has no air defenses.”

Diego Garcia

Though officially a British territory and British base, Diego Garcia is predominantly used by U.S. forces. Alongside communications and intelligence gathering facilities, both of which were major justifications for establishing this permanent military outpost in the Indian Ocean, Diego Garcia’s airfield is one of only three locations outside of the continental U.S. equipped with dedicated hangar facilities for the B-2 Spirit, and it can accommodate a vast number of strategic bombers, air to air refuelers, and intelligence gathering aircraft. In 2025, the base saw its first known fighter deployment of F-15E Strike Eagles. 

The base has been at the center of dispute earlier this year, over a Diego Garcia Military Base and British Indian Ocean Territory Bill, which intended to formalise and, in essence, ratify the deal signed between the UK and Mauritius in May 2025 that would see sovereignty of the British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT) ceded to Mauritius in return for a 99-year guaranteed lease of Diego Garcia for continued military use. Upon its expiration, this 99-year lease could be extended for up to 40 years. 

Critics claimed that ceding sovereignty places the base at risk of foreign espionage and interference. Just as it was set to head into the final stages of debate, the bill was paused after an amendment by the UK opposition party called into question whether the bill’s effects are in breach of a still-in-effect 1966 agreement between the United States and the United Kingdom regarding military use of Diego Garcia. The first clause of this agreement states that “The Territory shall remain under United Kingdom sovereignty”.

Le Salon du livre africain revient à Paris pour une 5ème édition, au Réfectoire des Cordeliers dans le 6e arrondissement, avec comme pays d'honneur le Bénin et comme pays invité spécial l'Angola. Anna Gomis, scénariste et autrice de “Lilani, la voix de la mangrove” et Léonce Houngbadji, fondateur de “La Semaine l’Afrique des Solutions”, sont nos invités sur France 24.

Le conflit du Moyen Orient entraînera des répercussions économiques en Afrique, et en particulier en Afrique du Sud, l'une des premières puissances du continent. Si le gouvernement entend fournir des efforts pour amortir le choc pétrolier, les autorités de Pretoria ont déjà annoncé une prochaine augmentation des prix à la pompe. Les précisions avec notre correspondante au Cap, Caroline Dumay.