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Les finales nationales des universités et grandes écoles 2026 de l'Union des sports scolaires et universitaires du Burkina Faso (USSUBF) ont connu leur apothéose, dans la soirée du samedi 25 juillet 2026, à Bobo-Dioulasso. La finale de handball masculin, remportée par l'Institut des sciences du sport et du développement humain (ISSDH) du Kadiogo face à l'Université Norbert-Zongo (UNZ) de Koudougou, a marqué la clôture de cette compétition nationale.

C'est au lycée Ouezzin Coulibaly de Bobo-Dioulasso que les deux équipes se sont affrontées pour le dernier acte de ces finales nationales. Dès les premières minutes, l'UNZ de Koudougou prend rapidement le contrôle de la rencontre et mène 4 buts à 0. Mais l'ISSDH ne tarde pas à réagir. Au terme d'un match disputé en deux périodes de 30 minutes, l'équipe du Kadiogo réussit à renverser la situation et s'impose finalement sur le score de 26 à 21.

Cette victoire permet à l'ISSDH de décrocher le trophée de la compétition, ainsi que la médaille d'or, un jeu de maillots, des ballons et une enveloppe de 250 000 francs CFA. L'UNZ, classée deuxième, repart avec la médaille d'argent, des ballons et une enveloppe de 200 000 francs CFA. La troisième place revient à l'université Joseph-Ki-Zerbo, qui obtient la médaille de bronze et une enveloppe financière de 150 000 francs CFA.

Le coup d'envoi du match donné par le secrétaire général de la région du Guiriko

61 équipes mobilisées dans sept disciplines sportives

Au cours de la cérémonie de clôture, la commission technique des finales nationales de l'USSUBF a présenté le bilan de la compétition, organisée du 23 au 25 juillet 2026 à Bobo-Dioulasso. En football, sept équipes, dont trois féminines et quatre masculines, ont disputé sept rencontres. Au total, 29 buts ont été inscrits, soit une moyenne de quatre buts par match. La discipline a mobilisé 112 athlètes, 14 encadreurs et 16 officiels.

Le basketball a réuni huit équipes, quatre chez les hommes et quatre chez les dames. Huit matchs ont été disputés, pour un total de 531 paniers, soit une moyenne de 67 paniers par rencontre. La compétition a mobilisé 92 participants, 16 encadreurs et 11 officiels. En handball, huit équipes ont également pris part à la compétition. Huit matchs ont été disputés pour un total de 388 buts, avant la finale. La discipline a mobilisé 112 participants, 16 encadreurs et 11 officiels.

Une vue des officiels présents à la cérémonie de clôture

Le volleyball a réuni huit équipes, avec huit matchs disputés et 32 sets joués. La discipline a enregistré la participation de 92 athlètes, accompagnés par 11 encadreurs et 11 officiels.
Les sports individuels ont également connu une forte mobilisation. En athlétisme, 12 régions étaient inscrites, à l'exception de la région du Liptako qui n'a pas pu effectuer le déplacement. La compétition, organisée en une journée, a regroupé 66 athlètes, 12 encadreurs et 26 officiels techniques.

En lutte, dix régions ont pris part à la compétition, organisée sur deux jours. Au total, 35 combats ont été disputés. Le judo, pour sa part, a réuni six régions et enregistré 13 combats en une journée. Au total, 61 équipes ont participé à ces finales nationales. Les sports collectifs ont donné lieu à 31 matchs, tandis que les disciplines individuelles se sont déroulées sur quatre journées. La compétition a mobilisé plus de 500 athlètes, ainsi que plusieurs dizaines d'encadreurs et d'officiels.

La finale de handball masculin a opposé l'Institut des sciences du sport et du développement humain (ISSDH) à l'Université Norbert-Zongo (UNZ) de Koudougou

« Le sport universitaire, puissant levier de formation »

Dans le discours du ministre en charge des Sports, lu par le secrétaire général de la région du Guiriko, Souleymane Nacanabo, les finales nationales universitaires ont été présentées comme un cadre de promotion de l'excellence, de la cohésion sociale et de l'épanouissement de la jeunesse. « Au terme de quatre jours de compétition intense, de fraternité et de dépassement de soi, la ville de Bobo-Dioulasso ferme une belle page du sport universitaire burkinabè », a-t-il déclaré.

Pour le secrétaire général de la région du Guiriko, Souleymane Nacanabo, les finales nationales universitaires sont un cadre de promotion de l'excellence, de la cohésion sociale et de l'épanouissement de la jeunesse

Le ministre a salué la mobilisation de la jeunesse universitaire venue des différentes régions du Burkina Faso. Selon lui, le sport universitaire constitue « un puissant levier de formation, d'intégration, de cohésion sociale et d'épanouissement de la jeunesse ». Au-delà des trophées, il a invité les étudiants à retenir les valeurs de courage, de discipline, de dépassement de soi, d'esprit d'équipe, de respect de l'adversaire et de fair-play.

Le thème de cette édition, « Acteurs des ordres d'enseignement et du sport, construisons ensemble un sport scolaire et universitaire fort et durable pour un Burkina résilient », rappelle, selon le ministre, la responsabilité collective des établissements d'enseignement, des encadreurs, des étudiants, des partenaires et des pouvoirs publics dans le développement du sport universitaire. Il a également annoncé la poursuite des efforts en faveur de l'amélioration des infrastructures sportives, de la dotation en équipements, du renforcement des capacités des encadreurs et de l'organisation régulière des compétitions nationales.

L'École nationale des eaux et forêts championne dans la catégorie football homme

Des talents détectés pour alimenter les équipes nationales

Pour Ledia Geoffroy Ouédraogo, directeur des sports scolaires et universitaires du Burkina Faso, le bilan de cette édition est satisfaisant. « Nous avons eu droit à de très belles demi-finales et de très belles finales. Des talents ont été détectés et seront reversés au niveau des différentes structures de formation », a-t-il expliqué. Selon lui, les compétitions de volleyball, de basketball et de handball ont permis de relever un niveau technique et tactique appréciable.

Pour Ledia Geoffroy Ouédraogo, directeur des sports scolaires et universitaires du Burkina Faso, le bilan de cette édition est satisfaisant

Les disciplines individuelles, notamment l'athlétisme, la lutte et le judo, ont également offert de belles prestations. « Il y a vraiment de l'avenir prometteur. Les directeurs techniques nationaux ont détecté beaucoup de talents et nous allons pouvoir les suivre », a-t-il ajouté. Pour les organisateurs, l'objectif de l'USSUBF est justement de permettre aux étudiants de s'exprimer dans le sport, tout en favorisant la détection de talents susceptibles d'alimenter les équipes nationales.

L'université Norbert Zongo remporte le premier prix dans la catégorie football féminin

« Nous avons puisé au fin fond de nous-mêmes »

Capitaine de l'ISSDH, Cheick Abass Sawadogo est revenu sur le scénario de la finale de handball. Menée 4 buts à 0 dès les premières minutes, son équipe a dû puiser dans ses ressources pour revenir dans la partie. « La stratégie, c'était de jouer sur la technique, notamment les attaques placées et les un contre un. Au début, ils nous menaient 4 à 0 et on pensait que c'était fini. Nous sommes allés puiser au fin fond de nous-mêmes. Nous sommes revenus, nous avons égalisé et, à la fin, nous avons gagné », a-t-il confié.

Capitaine de l'ISSDH, Cheick Abass Sawadogo, se réjouit de la victoire de son équipe

Au terme de cette édition 2026, les organisateurs retiennent une compétition marquée par l'engagement des étudiants, la détection de nouveaux talents et la promotion des valeurs du sport. Pour les autorités, la véritable victoire demeure celle du sport universitaire burkinabè, appelé à contribuer davantage à la formation d'une jeunesse disciplinée, engagée et capable de représenter dignement le Burkina Faso sur les scènes nationale et internationale.

Romuald Dofini
Lefaso.net

À un an de l’élection présidentielle kenyane de 2027, les organisations de défense des droits humains tirent la sonnette d’alarme. Elles dénoncent la montée en puissance des “goons”, des hommes de main recrutés par des responsables politiques pour infiltrer des rassemblements, semer le chaos et intimider les opposants. Un phénomène ancien, qui s’est fortement aggravé depuis les grandes manifestations contre le pouvoir de William Ruto.

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In Jabalia, north of the Gaza Strip, children received polio vaccines as part of the vaccination campaign conducted by UNICEF and its partners in 2025. Credit: UNICEF/Mohammed Nateel

By Shuli Wong
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 27 2026 (IPS)

On Monday July 20, a team from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) visited two displacement sites in Gaza where they found two family tents decimated by domestic fires. This incident is indicative of the increasing frequency of domestic fires in Gaza.

Families are resorting to burning waste, cardboard, and trash to help prepare meals following the ban on gas cylinders and cooking stoves from entering Gaza since October 2023. While cooking gas is available, it is only offered in limited quantities and at extremely high prices.

The domestic fire risk in Gaza is situated within a larger, much more dire humanitarian access crisis, as documented in UNICEF’s Humanitarian Situation Update Mid-Year Review. Access restrictions and operational constraints continue to disrupt humanitarian delivery, with only 44 percent of aid trucks from Egypt able to offload between May and June. Severe restrictions remain in place for the entry of fuel, spare parts, and essential materials, which have driven system failures across health and water services. Across the Gaza Strip, an estimated 82 percent of families are water insecure, and nearly 90 percent of water and sanitation infrastructure has been damaged or destroyed.

Violence against civilians has also intensified across Gaza. The UN Human Rights Office reported that Israeli forces killed at least 57 people, including women and children, between July 13th and July 20th.

UN Spokesperson to the Secretary-General Stéphane Dujarric also detailed the aftermath of an Israeli drone strike on July 17th west of the Nuseirat refugee camp, in which seven people were reportedly killed and others injured as the strike coincided with mourners leaving a nearby funeral prayer.

On July 15th, a teacher was injured after being shot by Israeli forces while she was working at a temporary learning space west of Khan Younis. Since the start of 2026, OCHA has reported 26 education-related incidents. These findings echo their Humanitarian Situation Report from July 16th, in which 84 schools are under pending demolition or stop-work orders.

Despite operational constraints and security risks, humanitarian organizations have been working to restore and expand access to education after more than two years of disruption. At the beginning of 2026, UN partners helped 435,000 pre-primary and school-aged children, including 9,300 children with disabilities, access structured learning at 610 temporary learning spaces. Furthermore, 344,000 children received learning materials and 11,000 teachers were supported. UNICEF’s Mid-Year Review reported helping 266,000 children access formal and non-formal education opportunities, which has helped provide children with a sense of normalcy amid the ongoing upheaval and crisis.

Since the ceasefire was reached last October, there have been some improvements and gains in food security and nutrition levels, thanks to expanded humanitarian food, nutrition and agricultural assistance. But those gains are still fragile. UNICEF, the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) and the World Food Programme warned that families are struggling to meet basic needs, and these gains will be reversed without continuous humanitarian aid, funding and investment in recovery in the Gaza Strip. As of now, only one crossing, the Kerem Shalom/Abu Salem crossing in the south of Gaza, remains open for humanitarian assistance. The latest analysis on food security shows that an estimated 1.4 million people, or 67 percent of Gaza’s population, are experiencing crisis or worse levels of food insecurity.

Health and infrastructure remain heavily strained across the Gaza Strip. On July 20th, the Deputy Humanitarian Coordinator Susanne Tkalec met with leadership members of the Emirati Hospital in Rafah to determine solutions to strengthen the medical waste management systems in Gaza amid ongoing health and sanitation system stress.

Despite hospitals being explicitly protected under international humanitarian law, “healthcare workers, patients, ambulances, and hospitals have all been targeted,” said Dr. Javid Abdelmoneim, International President of Médecins Sans Frontières. Dr. Abdelmoneim went on to explain that “whether through direct violence, dismantling the healthcare system or obstructuring humanitarian assistance, inducing famine, weaponising water, causing higher levels of prematurity and mortality among infants and high levels of miscarriage, or denying care… it’s clear: the number one health issue in Palestine is Israel’s occupation.”

Shelter needs across Gaza remain outmatched by supply. In the first ten days of July, UN humanitarian partners provided 2,300 households with bedding items, tarpaulins and tents, and 13,000 families received kitchen sets. However, access to cooking fuel is still severely limited, as noted by the domestic fires. In addition, the supply stockpiles themselves are severely limited, with less than 1,000 tents currently available and only enough essential household supplies to support 7,000 families.

Across the occupied Palestinian territory, UN agencies continue to warn that violence, funding gaps, and access restrictions have created an unprecedented need that continues to outpace what can be delivered in terms of water, healthcare, education, and shelter.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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A view of Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia. Credit: Unsplash/Ekrem Osmanoglu

By Maximilian Malawista
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 27 2026 (IPS)

On Wednesday, July 22, the U.S. Secretary of Energy, Chris Wright, and Saudi Arabia’s Minister of Energy, HRH Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman bin Abdulaziz signed a civilian nuclear cooperation agreement, best known as a 123 agreement, as well as an accompanying bilateral safeguards agreement, according to the U.S. Department of Energy and the Saudi Ministry of Energy.

While the agreement was expected to be submitted to Congress for review, President Donald Trump has conditioned U.S. nuclear cooperation on Riyadh, normalizing relations with Israel in order to receive U.S. nuclear technology. A condition that appears difficult to satisfy given the Kingdom’s hardline stance that it will not normalize relations with Israel until a Palestinian state is established with East Jerusalem as its capital, according to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Arabia’s de facto leader.

Washington mentions that these two agreements “lay the legal foundation for a decades-long, multi-billion-dollar partnership that advances several priority economic and strategic objectives, including nuclear nonproliferation.” The agreement has a 30-year term.

The 123 agreement, named after Section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 – a U.S. federal law – provides the legal framework for long-term civilian nuclear cooperation between the United States and partner countries. The 123 agreement is mandatory before any significant exports of U.S.-origin nuclear material, such as nuclear reactors, nuclear fuel, and other major components can go to any partner.

Saudi Arabia’s nuclear agreement with the U.S. is more than an energy deal. It has the potential to reshape the Kingdom’s relationship with oil, and its geopolitical role in building the Middle East’s next-generation clean-energy infrastructure.

The advent of nuclear energy could also free up the amount of hydrocarbons Saudi Arabia can export. The Kingdom produced 22,744,529.0 TJ of oil and oil products in 2023, having consumed 6.4 million TJ domestically, equivalent to approximately 28 percent of its production. The Kingdom also produced 3,640,348.0 TJ of natural gas, having consumed all of its domestically produced natural gas that year. For reference, 3,600 TJ is equal to 1 TWh.

Expressed in barrels of oil equivalent (boe), Saudi Arabia produced the energy equivalent to 3.72 billion barrels of oil, in oil and oil products in 2023, consuming 1.05 billion barrels of that oil. This indicates that roughly 72 percent of the Kingdom’s oil and oil products, measured in energy terms, are not domestically consumed, leaving a substantial share available for exports and other uses. Saudi Arabia is the world’s second to third largest exporter of oil, producing 11 percent of global demand.

According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), transport accounts for roughly 30 percent of Saudi Arabia’s final energy consumption, followed by non-energy uses (29.7 percent), industry (19.9 percent), and commercial and public services (11 percent).

Although the pace at which Saudi Arabia can transition away from fossil fuels remains uncertain, nuclear power could gradually reduce domestic oil consumption, freeing up oil for export. According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA), a reactor can take about five or more years to be built after licensing and regulatory approvals are already completed.

Saudi Arabia’s first nuclear plant is expected to consist of two reactors, each producing around 1.4 GW, bringing the plant to a total capacity of 2.8 GW (2,800 MW). Assuming a 90 percent capacity factor, annual energy generation will be 22.1 TWh per year, nearly five percent of Saudi Arabia’s 431.9 TWh electricity generation.

Although Saudi Arabia’s first nuclear plant would account for only about 5 percent of the Kingdom’s current electricity generation, it would represent an important step toward reducing domestic hydrocarbon consumption in support of the country’s national strategy, Vision 2030.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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After angry students forced the education minister to resign, Prime Minister Modi’s aura of invincibility has been dented.

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Student-made posters and artwork line the streets of Jantar Mantar, capturing messages of resistance and hope. Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

By Aishwarya Bajpai
NEW DELHI, Jul 27 2026 (IPS)

On July 25, after 50 days of protest at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar, Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan resigned.

The movement had begun in May as a satirical social media page called the Cockroach Janta Party, founded by Abhijeet Dipke after the Chief Justice of India, Surya Kant, used the term “cockroaches” during a Supreme Court hearing, apparently referring to young people with fake law degrees, but his remark sparked a massive public backlash.

Weeks later, the NEET-UG paper (for admission into medical colleges) leaked, and alleged irregularities in the Central Board of Secondary Education on-screen marking process transformed satire into a nationwide campaign.

On June 6, Dipke called for a sit-in protest at Jantar Mantar, demanding Pradhan’s resignation. But by the time the protest entered its seventh week, the movement had outgrown its original demand – and many argue that replacing one minister will not restore faith in an education system battered by paper leaks, administrative failures and growing privatisation.

The crowd reflected that evolution.

Protesters gather at the main stage at Jantar Mantar, where peaceful demonstrations and slogans continued throughout the sit-in. The stage later became the focal point of the movement as education reformer Sonam Wangchuk began his indefinite hunger strike. Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

The seat of the protest, Jantar Mantar, had become far more than a student protest. Farmers stood beside parents, young professionals, senior citizens, queer activists and wage labourers. Volunteers distributed food, arranged train tickets for protesters travelling home and coordinated donations. People travelled from across India, while a handful of foreign nationals joined in solidarity. Despite their different backgrounds, they shared one belief — that the crisis threatened the future of public education itself.

Ashutosh Agarwal (centre), national vice-president of the Bharatiya Kisan Union, India’s Youth Wing, stands with colleagues from Meerut in solidarity with the student-led movement. Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

The seriousness and urgency are also reflected in the numbers. India has recorded 152 examination paper leaks in the past decade – roughly one every month. In 2026 alone, more than 20 million candidates appeared for NEET-UG, while reports of the leak were followed by the deaths of nearly 20 aspirants by suicide. Yet clearing these examinations offers no certainty. According to the State of Working India 2026 report by Azim Premji University, nearly 40% of graduates aged 15–25 remain unemployed, while unemployment among graduates aged 25–29 stands at 20%. Although the country produced 5 million graduates each year between 2004/05 and 2023, only 2.8 million found employment.

As the protests grew, they also drew support from opposition leaders, public figures and education reformers, expanding the movement beyond student circles.

The turning point came on June 28, when education reformer Sonam Wangchuk joined the sit-in with an indefinite hunger strike. CJP announced a march to Parliament on July 20, the opening day of the Monsoon Session. Later, on 18th July, Delhi Police removed Wangchuk from the protest site and admitted him to Safdarjung Hospital for medical observation, a move his family described as forced hospitalisation against his wishes.

What followed altered the course of the movement.

On July 20, police and the Rapid Action Force dispersed marchers using batons, tear gas, water cannons and pellet guns. Protesters alleged that some lathis were studded with nails, while the RAF’s own chief later admitted that “excessive force” had been used during the operation.

Nazia Khanam (left) and her friend travelled across Delhi to join the protest. Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

Instead of dispersing the protesters, however, the crackdown brought more people to Jantar Mantar.

Nineteen-year-old Anshil Khan was among those who returned.

A first-year student at Delhi Skill and Entrepreneurship University, he had spent nearly three weeks at the protest. Four days earlier, he said, police had beaten him while demonstrators were trying to march towards Parliament Street. Even as he spoke, he carried hospital reports documenting his injuries.

“I got hit three times by the Delhi police,” he said. “I have been resting for four days, and today I have come back.”

He recalled crossing two barricades before police stopped the march at the third.

“We were peacefully protesting and only raising slogans of “Inquilab Zindabad” (Long Live Revolution). Nothing violent happened from our side.”

Delhi Police had issued a public advisory before the march stating that no permission had been granted for any procession beyond the designated protest site and later maintained that officers were enforcing prohibitory orders. Officials also said that both protesters and security personnel suffered injuries during the clashes.

For Anshil, however, the police action only strengthened public support.

“The students are coming along with their parents now,” he said, referring to the days following Wangchuk’s detention and the July 20 crackdown.

Anshil Khan, a member of the Students’ Federation of India (SFI), joins fellow protesters at Jantar Mantar. Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

His demands had also evolved.

“Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation is the first step,” he said. “Education is our first priority.”

That sentiment surfaced repeatedly across conversations at Jantar Mantar. Protesters were no longer speaking only about accountability for one minister; they were debating how India’s education system itself should function.

Standing nearby with a placard reading “We are fighting for our rights,” Nazia Khanam had travelled across Delhi to join the demonstration, despite never having been directly affected by an examination scandal.

A law student from Jodhpur interning in the capital, Khanam had successfully cleared the Common Law Admission Test (CLAT). But with her younger sister now preparing for the same examination, she felt she could not remain on the sidelines.

“Being an elder sister of a student who is going to give a competitive exam, it becomes my responsibility,” she said. “Even though I’m not personally affected, I should still come here and raise my voice.”

Unlike many demonstrations driven solely by outrage, Khanam arrived with ideas for reform.

“There should be stricter checks and balances at every bureaucratic level,” she said, referring to agencies such as the National Testing Agency, examination centres and other bodies involved in conducting competitive exams.

She also questioned how education policy is made.

“There should be other stakeholders involved,” she said. “Educators who have done actual groundwork, who know the ground reality, should be part of consultations before policies are formulated like Sonam Wangchuk.”

That conversation had drawn unexpected allies.

Among those standing with the students was Ashutosh Agarwal, National Vice-President of the Bharatiya Kisan Union, India’s youth wing. Before arriving in Delhi, he said, the union had organised meetings across Meerut, Muzaffarnagar and other parts of western Uttar Pradesh to mobilise support for the students.

“We demand one nation, one education,” he said.

For Agarwal, the increasing commercialisation of essential public services was inseparable from the examination crisis.

“We demand the end of privatisation of both education and health,” he said. “Otherwise paper leaks won’t stop.”

He argued that growing corporate influence over private schools, colleges and hospitals had weakened public institutions, making quality education increasingly inaccessible.

Parents had reached a similar conclusion.

Alisha Siddique came to Jantar Mantar thinking about her three children, particularly her daughter pursuing a Bachelor of Science degree. Unlike many protesters, she did not begin with paper leaks. Instead, she pointed to the everyday rules that, in her view, unfairly punish students.

“If students reach one or two minutes late because of an accident or emergency, they are not allowed to sit for the exam,” she said. “Their entire year’s hard work goes to waste.”

For Siddique, the issue was larger than examinations.

“We want our children to become good citizens,” she said. “That starts with good education.”

The examination crisis merely provided the spark for Avinash Kumar, a human rights practitioner and activist who is the former Executive Director of Amnesty International India and the Director of Policy, Research and Campaigns at Oxfam India.

“The constant leaking cauldron of competitive exams provided that cause,” he said. “Yet everyone knows it’s now not just about that.”

According to Kumar, the protests became an outlet for frustrations that had accumulated over years — declining public services, rising costs, increasing privatisation, shrinking civic freedoms and a growing sense that institutions no longer worked for ordinary citizens.

“You need a cause which cuts across classes and masses, age and gender and religion,” he said. “Competitive exams became that cause.”

What struck Kumar most was not just the scale of the demonstrations in Delhi but also the emergence of protests in places that rarely make national headlines.

“My attention was particularly drawn towards mass-scale showings in small unknown towns like Begusarai, Narnaul and Aurangabad,” he said. “All were speaking in one language of years of frustration.”

To him, that distinguished this movement from many previous protests.

Rather than revolving around one organisation or one political leader, it drew strength from multiple voices – student leaders, education reformers, farmers, parents, opposition politicians and ordinary citizens – each contributing from their own experience.

“It is a movement with very different leaders at different points of time,” Kumar said.

Two days after resignation, the protest site is almost empty.

The questions raised over 50 days of protest — about accountability, privatisation, public education and the future promised to India’s youth — remain standing.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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