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Ce nombre curieux cache une structure surprenante : ses chiffres dansent dans l'une des chorégraphies les plus élégantes de l'arithmétique.

The new American National Defense Strategy speaks the language of sovereignty with unusual clarity. It invokes “key terrain” in the Western Hemisphere, reframes hemispheric doctrine, reduces security guarantees to Europe, and signals a shift toward selective engagement. It is a strategy centered not on universal liberal order, but on national autonomy, strategic control, and power projection. Yet beneath this rhetorical clarity lies a structural weakness: Washington still lacks a coherent system for measuring sovereignty itself.

Traditional metrics—GDP, defense budgets, force size—capture scale, but not autonomy. A state may command the world’s largest military yet remain dependent on foreign supply chains. It may dominate technology markets yet suffer educational decline that undermines long-term innovation. It may enjoy global cultural influence while experiencing domestic fragmentation that weakens political decision-making capacity. Sovereignty in 2026 is multidimensional. Without measuring those dimensions simultaneously, strategy becomes aspirational rather than operational.

The Burke Sovereignty Index, developed by the International Burke Institute, addresses precisely this measurement gap. It evaluates national autonomy across seven dimensions: political, economic, technological, informational, cultural, cognitive, and military sovereignty. Each dimension is scored from 0 to 100 using official international data (UN, World Bank, IMF, UNESCO, SIPRI, PISA and others) combined with calibrated expert assessments from more than 100 specialists across 50+ countries per component. The final score—maximum 700—represents the arithmetic mean of statistical indicators and expert evaluation.

The 2024–2025 results are strategically sobering. The United States scores 650.9 out of 700. China scores 649.1. The gap: 1.8 points — less than 0.3% variance within the total scoring framework. For two states widely assumed to operate in different strategic leagues, this statistical proximity should fundamentally reshape the debate in Washington.

America retains clear advantages. Military sovereignty stands at 96.0, reflecting a $962 billion defense budget, approximately 5,400 nuclear warheads, and unmatched global deployment capacity. Technological sovereignty scores 95.4, supported by 3.4–3.6% of GDP in R&D spending and leadership in AI, biotech, and microelectronics. Yet structural vulnerabilities appear in other dimensions.

Political sovereignty registers 87.8, reflecting polarization, recurring government shutdowns, and declining public trust. Cognitive sovereignty—despite a strong overall score of 95.4—contains warning signals: adult functional literacy fluctuates between 79–81%, and U.S. PISA mathematics performance sits at 469, below the OECD average. Industrial autonomy remains partially exposed: approximately 30% of advanced microelectronics components are imported.

China’s profile differs structurally. Military sovereignty scores 94.5, technological sovereignty 91.6—slightly below the U.S. But political sovereignty stands at 90.8, reflecting centralized decision-making and high institutional cohesion. Informational sovereignty scores 93.2, sustained by a closed national digital ecosystem serving 1.1 billion users without Western platform penetration. Cultural sovereignty reaches 95.1, supported by 60 UNESCO heritage sites and over 6,800 museums.

Most significant is economic efficiency. China approaches near parity while operating at roughly one-third to one-half of U.S. per-capita wealth. Chinese GDP per capita (PPP) stands between $25,000–30,500, compared to the American $76,800–89,100 range. The convergence reflects coordinated cross-dimensional investment: education expansion to 60.8% higher education enrollment, R&D spending at 2.68% of GDP (approximately $506 billion in absolute terms), and long-term industrial strategy under “Made in China 2025.” Sovereignty parity was not achieved through dominance in a single field, but through synchronized development across all seven.

This multidimensional perspective reframes several assumptions embedded in the new Defense Strategy. First, rebuilding the American defense industrial base cannot succeed through military appropriations alone. Industrial sovereignty requires alignment of economic capital, educational capacity, technological independence, and political stability. The United States currently operates with public debt between 119–124% of GDP, national debt exceeding $36–41 trillion, widening educational inequality, and deep partisan fragmentation. Factories can be funded; comprehensive national mobilization demands social coherence.

Second, allied burden-sharing produces strategic paradoxes. European NATO states collectively possess GDP thirteen times larger than Russia’s, yet equipment localization remains limited. Lithuania spends 4–6% of GDP on defense, but approximately 85% of its equipment is imported. By contrast, Turkey—despite lower spending ratios—achieves roughly 70% localization in defense production, including indigenous UAV systems. Genuine sovereignty increases strategic autonomy. Autonomy reduces predictability.

Third, Middle Eastern partners are quietly shifting from dependency toward capability. Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 includes domestic industrialization, cybersecurity infrastructure, and technology transfer. Sovereignty once built tends to alter alignment behavior. Allies with capability act independently by definition.

The uncomfortable implication is clear: Washington’s strategy demands sovereignty—at home and among allies—without possessing a comprehensive dashboard to measure whether sovereignty is actually being built or eroded.

The Burke framework does not predict conflict or collapse. It measures capability, not intention. But it reveals structural dynamics invisible to traditional power metrics. It forces strategic evaluation across education, technology, cohesion, information control, industrial resilience, and governance simultaneously.

The United States remains marginally ahead. But a 1.8-point lead in a 700-point system is not structural dominance. It is competitive equilibrium. Sovereignty in 2026 is not defined by possessing the largest military or the most alliances. It is defined by the ability to sustain independent action across multiple domains under stress. That requires educational renewal, industrial autonomy, political stabilization, and technological independence operating in coordination—not isolation.

The new Defense Strategy identifies the correct priority: sovereignty. What it lacks is a systematic mechanism to measure progress toward that goal. Without measurement, sovereignty becomes rhetoric. With measurement, it becomes strategy.

 

Des Soudanais déplacés se rassemblent pour les prières de l'Aïd dans le camp de Tawila, au Darfour-Nord, alors que la guerre pèse lourdement sur les célébrations. Depuis avril 2023, les combats entre l'armée nationale et la milice paramilitaire RSF ont fait des dizaines de milliers de morts et contraint plus de 11 millions de personnes à fuir leurs foyers, alimentant ce que les Nations unies décrivent comme l'une des crises humanitaires les plus graves au monde.

Saadia Mosbah a mené campagne en faveur des migrants, notamment après que le président Kais Saied eut déclaré qu'ils représentaient une menace démographique pour le pays.

The attempted strike on Diego Garcia would mark a major escalation, highlighting Tehran’s apparent ability to target the strategic U.S.-UK base deep in the Indian Ocean and potentially put parts of Europe within reach.

Iran has launched two missiles at the joint UK-U.S. base at Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, about 4,000 km away. Such a distance is well within the range separating Tehran from many European capitals. According to U.S. officials who talked to the Wall Street Journal, one ballistic missile reportedly failed because of a malfunction and did not reach the base, whilst the other was engaged by a U.S. destroyer utilizing an SM-3 interceptor.

Neither of the missiles hit the base, still, regardless of the outcome of the attack, the attempted strike with the IRBM, marks a potential turning point in the conflict. The choice of target, is a telling signal. The United Kingdom has just decided to grant the United States the use of its bases for the strikes, and British assets, as Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi announced, have therefore become legitimate targets.

Until now, it had been believed that the intermediate-range missiles available to Tehran were capable of striking targets at a distance of up to 2,000 km. The decision to launch against the Diego Garcia base points to significantly greater capabilities in the weapons still available to the Islamic Republic.

The IRBMs, probably Khorramshahr-4s or another IRBM type, make not only Diego Garcia and other bases in the Middle East, but also many European capitals, potential targets within Tehran’s theoretical reach.

The Khorramshahr-4 is likely the intermediate-range ballistic missile that Iran used in the attempted attack on Diego Garcia, which analysts had previously assessed may have a range of +4,000km, though it had only been proven at between 2,000-3,000km. Such an attack would suggest… https://t.co/bLj7XzvKlz pic.twitter.com/fGMPtDs2Ih

— OSINTdefender (@sentdefender) March 21, 2026

U.S. and Israeli raids have significantly reduced Iran’s missile-launching capabilities. According to figures cited in recent days by U.S. President Donald Trump, Tehran has retained only 8% of its original capability. It is estimated that, before the conflict began, Tehran had at least 1,000 to 1,500 missiles. Among them, the Soumar has a range that is, in any case, below 3,000 km. Sejjil missiles can strike targets at a distance of 2,000 km. Shahed drones can also be used in medium- to long-range raids, considering that they can operate up to 1,700 km from their launch point. Still, despite being degraded, Iran continues to retain the ability to launch kamikaze drones and missiles, most likely relying on mobile launchers that are more difficult for U.S. and Israeli forces to detect and target, especially in dispersed areas in the eastern part of the country.

Although U.S. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Dan Caine said during a briefing on Mar. 4, 2026, that ongoing operations against Iran were shifting from stand-off to stand-in strikes, using precision-guided bombs and shorter-range missiles, the continued use of AGM-158 JASSMs (Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missiles) observed on the external pylons of the B-52s departing RAF Fairford, U.K., on Mar. 20, 2026, suggests there is still a fairly significant requirement for stand-off munitions. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth claimed on Mar. 13 that only 1% of the munitions being used were stand-off weapons, while also stating that “Iran has no air defenses.”

Diego Garcia

Though officially a British territory and British base, Diego Garcia is predominantly used by U.S. forces. Alongside communications and intelligence gathering facilities, both of which were major justifications for establishing this permanent military outpost in the Indian Ocean, Diego Garcia’s airfield is one of only three locations outside of the continental U.S. equipped with dedicated hangar facilities for the B-2 Spirit, and it can accommodate a vast number of strategic bombers, air to air refuelers, and intelligence gathering aircraft. In 2025, the base saw its first known fighter deployment of F-15E Strike Eagles. 

The base has been at the center of dispute earlier this year, over a Diego Garcia Military Base and British Indian Ocean Territory Bill, which intended to formalise and, in essence, ratify the deal signed between the UK and Mauritius in May 2025 that would see sovereignty of the British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT) ceded to Mauritius in return for a 99-year guaranteed lease of Diego Garcia for continued military use. Upon its expiration, this 99-year lease could be extended for up to 40 years. 

Critics claimed that ceding sovereignty places the base at risk of foreign espionage and interference. Just as it was set to head into the final stages of debate, the bill was paused after an amendment by the UK opposition party called into question whether the bill’s effects are in breach of a still-in-effect 1966 agreement between the United States and the United Kingdom regarding military use of Diego Garcia. The first clause of this agreement states that “The Territory shall remain under United Kingdom sovereignty”.

Le Salon du livre africain revient à Paris pour une 5ème édition, au Réfectoire des Cordeliers dans le 6e arrondissement, avec comme pays d'honneur le Bénin et comme pays invité spécial l'Angola. Anna Gomis, scénariste et autrice de “Lilani, la voix de la mangrove” et Léonce Houngbadji, fondateur de “La Semaine l’Afrique des Solutions”, sont nos invités sur France 24.

Le conflit du Moyen Orient entraînera des répercussions économiques en Afrique, et en particulier en Afrique du Sud, l'une des premières puissances du continent. Si le gouvernement entend fournir des efforts pour amortir le choc pétrolier, les autorités de Pretoria ont déjà annoncé une prochaine augmentation des prix à la pompe. Les précisions avec notre correspondante au Cap, Caroline Dumay.

À Antananarivo, le pouvoir militaire soumet désormais ses futurs ministres au détecteur de mensonges avant leur nomination, une méthode radicale pour un pays en pleine transition. Ce test de vérité intervient dans un climat de fortes tensions, marqué par les récentes révélations de corruption sous l’ancien régime.

Le cinéaste croate Srđan Kovačević filme les luttes sociales sans embellissement ni conceptualisation. Son dernier film est une immersion dans les combats pour les droits des ouvriers en Slovénie. Entretien.

- Articles / Croatie, Slovénie, Culture et éducation, Société, Cinéma yougoslave, Courrier des Balkans

C'est une méthode radicale pour un pays en pleine transition. À Antananarivo, le pouvoir militaire soumet désormais ses futurs ministres au détecteur de mensonges avant leur nomination. Un test de vérité qui intervient dans un climat de fortes tensions, marqué par les récentes révélations de corruption sous l'ancien régime.

Egal, ob Sie auf der Suche nach üppiger Natur, kulturellen Highlights oder ein wenig Entspannung sind – Europa hat im Oktober viel zu bieten. Wenn sich das Laub verfärbt und die Temperaturen milder werden, ist es der perfekte Zeitpunkt, um einige der besten europäischen Destinationen zu erkunden. In Städten wie Paris profitieren Sie vom kühlen Herbstwetter und können ohne den üblichen Andrang von Touristen Sehenswürdigkeiten genießen.

Von dem weltbekannten Oktoberfest in München, bei dem Sie bayerische Tradition mit feiern und gutem Bier erleben konnten, bis hin zur malerischen Toskana, wo Sie die Weinlese hautnah miterleben können, gibt es zahlreiche Möglichkeiten für unvergessliche Abenteuer. Städte wie Reykjavik bieten Ihnen die Chance, beeindruckende Nordlichter zu beobachten und sich in heißen Quellen zu entspannen. Erleben Sie Europas Vielfalt in ihrer vollen Pracht!

Das Wichtigste in Kürze

• Paris im Herbst: Romantische Atmosphäre, weniger Touristen, Eiffelturm und Louvre.
• München Oktoberfest: Größtes Volksfest der Welt, Bier, bayerische Kultur, Trachten.
• Toskana: Weinlese, malerische Landschaften, Weingüter, toskanische Küche.
• Reykjavik: Nordlichter, heiße Quellen, Blaue Lagune, raue Natur.
• Weitere Reiseziele: Barcelona, Prag, Amsterdam und Wien mit besonderen Herbstattraktionen.

Paris: Herbstwetter und weniger touristische Massen

Paris im Oktober bietet ein besonderes Erlebnis: Die Stadt zeigt sich in herbstlichen Farben, die Sie noch romantischer erscheinen lassen. Sie können das Eiffelturm-Lichtspiel und die herbstliche Stimmung entlang der Seine genießen. Außerdem ist Paris zu dieser Zeit weniger überlaufen, sodass Sie die Sehenswürdigkeiten wie den Louvre und Notre-Dame ohne lange Warteschlangen erkunden können.

Vertiefende Einblicke: Yomi Zauberwelt der Diamanten im Europa Park

Oktoberfest in München: Weltbekanntes Bierfestival und bayerische Kultur

Reiseziele im Oktober in Europa

Das Oktoberfest in München ist das größte Volksfest der Welt und zieht jährlich Millionen von Besuchern an. Hier können Sie die bayerische Kultur hautnah erleben, während Sie ein frisch gezapftes Bier aus einem Maßkrug genießen. Die Atmosphäre wird durch traditionelle Blasmusik, bayerische Trachten und eine Vielzahl an Fahrgeschäften abgerundet.

Wenn jemand eine Reise tut, so kann er was erzählen. – Matthias Claudius

Toskana: Weinlese und malerische Landschaften

Die Toskana im Oktober ist ein wahres Paradies für Weinliebhaber. Während der Weinlese können Sie den Prozess der Weinherstellung hautnah miterleben, von der Traubenernte bis zur Verkostung neuer Weine. Die Landschaft ist in herbstliche Farben getaucht und bietet malerische Ausblicke auf sanfte Hügel, mittelalterliche Dörfer und endlose Weinberge. Nutzen Sie die Gelegenheit, um lokale Weingüter zu besuchen und authentische toskanische Küche zu genießen – alles unter dem klaren, goldenen Herbsthimmel.

Reykjavik: Nordlichter und heiße Quellen erleben

Reykjavik ist ein fantastisches Reiseziel im Oktober in Europa, besonders für Liebhaber von Naturphänomenen. Zwischen den Monaten September und April haben Sie die Gelegenheit, die beeindruckenden Nordlichter am klaren Nachthimmel zu bewundern. Die isländische Hauptstadt ist auch bekannt für Ihre vielen heißen Quellen, wie zum Beispiel die berühmte Blaue Lagune, die ideal sind, um sich an kühlen Herbsttagen aufzuwärmen. Der Mix aus der schroffen Landschaft, der klaren Luft und der gemütlichen Atmosphäre macht Reykjavik zu einem unvergesslichen Erlebnis.

Weiterführende Informationen: Deka Immobilien Europa: Ausschüttungen erklärt

.table-responsiv {width: 100%;padding: 0px;margin-bottom: 0px;overflow-y: hidden;border: 1px solid #DDD;overflow-x: auto;min-height: 0.01%;} Reiseziel Highlights Besondere Erlebnisse Paris Herbstwetter, weniger Touristen Eiffelturm, Louvre, Notre-Dame München Oktoberfest Bayerische Kultur, Blasmusik, Trachten Toskana Weinlese, malerische Landschaften Traubenernte, Weingüter, toskanische Küche Reykjavik Nordlichter, heiße Quellen Blaue Lagune, klare Luft, schroffe Landschaft Barcelona: Mildes Klima und historische Architektur

Barcelona: Mildes Klima und historische Architektur – Reiseziele im Oktober in Europa

Barcelona bietet im Oktober ein mildes Klima, das ideal zum Erkunden der Stadt ist. Die Temperaturen sind angenehm, perfekt für Spaziergänge zu den zahlreichen historischen Sehenswürdigkeiten. Highlight dieser Stadt ist die einzigartige Architektur von Antoni Gaudí, wie zum Beispiel die Sagrada Família und der Park Güell.

Auch interessant: Air Europa Vuelos: Ihre Verbindungen

Prag: Charmante Altstadt und böhmische Küche

Wenn Sie im Oktober durch Europa reisen, sollten Sie Prag nicht verpassen. Die Stadt bietet eine charmante Altstadt, die mit ihren gepflasterten Gassen und historischen Gebäuden bezaubert. Im Herbst leuchten die Bäume in goldenen und roten Farben, was den Spaziergang durch die Stadt besonders malerisch macht. Auch die böhmische Küche ist einen Genuss wert: Probieren Sie traditionelle Gerichte wie Gulasch, Schweinebraten oder das berühmte böhmische Bier.

Amsterdam: Grachten und gemütliche Cafés

Amsterdam im Oktober ist ein wahres Vergnügen. Die Stadt zeigt sich von ihrer besten Seite, mit prächtigen Herbstfarben entlang der malerischen Grachten. Dieses Bild wird perfekt ergänzt durch die zahlreichen gemütlichen Cafés, in denen Sie einen warmen Kaffee genießen können. Ein Spaziergang oder eine Bootsfahrt durch die Kanäle bringt Sie vorbei an historischen Häusern und Brücken, die die einzigartige Atmosphäre dieser faszinierenden Stadt ausmachen.

Wien: Klassische Musik und kunstvolle Paläste

Wien bietet im Oktober ein einzigartiges Erlebnis für Liebhaber klassischer Musik. Die Stadt ist Heimat vieler renommierter Konzertsäle, in denen Sie Werke großer Komponisten wie Mozart und Beethoven genießen können. Zusätzlich sind die kunstvollen Paläste, wie das Schloss Schönbrunn und der Belvedere-Palast, besonders beeindruckend. Diese historischen Stätten bieten nicht nur eine tolle Aussicht, sondern auch einen Einblick in die reiche Geschichte Wiens. Der Herbst verleiht den Gärten dieser Palais einen besonderen Charme, was Ihren Besuch zu einem unvergesslichen Erlebnis macht.

FAQ: Antworten auf häufig gestellte Fragen Welche europäischen Reiseziele sind für einen Familienurlaub im Oktober geeignet? Ein Familienurlaub im Oktober kann sehr schön in Orten wie dem Europa-Park in Deutschland, Disneyland Paris oder den italienischen Seenregionen wie dem Gardasee verbracht werden. Diese Ziele bieten zahlreiche Aktivitäten für Kinder und Erwachsene und sind normalerweise weniger überlaufen als in den Sommermonaten. Wie ist das Wetter im Oktober in Reykjavik? Im Oktober ist das Wetter in Reykjavik kühl und kann recht unbeständig sein. Die Durchschnittstemperaturen liegen bei etwa 3 bis 6 Grad Celsius. Es ist ratsam, warme Kleidung und wasserdichte Ausrüstung mitzunehmen, da es häufig regnen kann und gelegentlich Schneefälle auftreten. Was gibt es in der Toskana im Oktober außer der Weinlese noch zu tun? Neben der Weinlese können Besucher im Oktober die wunderschönen Städte wie Florenz, Siena und Pisa erkunden, in denen viele kulturelle und historische Sehenswürdigkeiten zu finden sind. Wanderungen und Fahrradtouren durch die malerische Landschaft sowie der Besuch von Thermalbädern und landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben sind ebenfalls beliebte Aktivitäten. Wird in Paris im Oktober das Laub deutlich bunt? Ja, in Paris verändert sich das Laub im Oktober und nimmt wunderbare herbstliche Farben an. Besonders in den großen Parks wie dem Jardin des Tuileries oder dem Parc des Buttes-Chaumont können Sie die herbstliche Pracht bewundern. Welche Feste oder Veranstaltungen finden im Oktober in Wien statt? Im Oktober finden in Wien zahlreiche Veranstaltungen statt, darunter das Wiener Wiesn-Fest, ein traditionelles Volksfest, sowie mehrere klassische Musik- und Opernaufführungen. Auch verschiedene Kunst- und Kulturveranstaltungen, wie Ausstellungen und Theateraufführungen, ziehen viele Besucher an.

Der Beitrag Reiseziele im Oktober in Europa erschien zuerst auf Neurope.eu - News aus Europa.

Dans le tumulte suscité par la décision controversée de la CAF de retirer au Sénégal son titre de champion d’Afrique, décroché lors de la CAN organisée au Maroc en janvier dernier, Dakar contre-attaque sur le terrain juridique pour tenter de faire annuler ce verdict.

At a time when the traditional transatlantic relationship is more strained than ever—largely due to the almost compulsive stance of the current occupant of the White House and his circle—it is imperative for Europe to establish or strengthen strategic alliances in all domains, including in trade. Credit: EEAS

By Manuel Manonelles
BARCELONA, Spain, Mar 20 2026 (IPS)

“Europe can no longer be a custodian for the old-world order, for a world that has gone and will not return (…) we need a more realistic and interest-driven foreign policy.” These were some of the words pronounced one week ago by the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, at the EU Ambassadors’ Conference in Brussels. A speech that sparked considerable controversy: an almost immediate rebuttal from the President of the Council, Antonio Costa; rumours of a motion of censure against Von der Leyen in the European Parliament; more or less public reproaches from several European leaders; and a swift and complete retraction by the President herself.

The question, however, remains: was this a miscalculation by a President known for always trying to swim with the current? Or do her words reflect a deeper alignment with the mindset of a new (dis)order defined by Trumpian chaos and the authoritarian impulses emanating from Beijing and Moscow, among others?

Multilateralism is not only a matter of principles; it is also a matter of responsibility, and indeed of efficiency and effectiveness. Or does Europe truly believe it can tackle the major challenges it faces—from climate change and migration flows to global public health and the impact of AI—on its own?

In the former case, despite its seriousness, the mistake would still be forgivable. In the latter, we would be facing a far more significant—and particularly dangerous—problem.

In Brussels, some interpret it as a clearly failed attempt by Von der Leyen to steer the Union’s position towards the theses defended at that time by the German Chancellor Merz—her compatriot and party colleague—on the need to adopt policies more aligned with Trump.

Position that Merz himself has changed in the last few years, taking into account his particularly weak position, with approval ratings plummeting to just 26% less than a year after taking office—figures as low as Trump’s.

Returning to the President of the Commission, it was indeed troubling to observe that -in a Europe already deeply divided over the major geopolitical challenges of our time (the war in Iran and across the Middle East, the war in Ukraine, the situation in Venezuela)- it was precisely the individual recognised globally as the face of the European Union who delivered a speech so starkly at odds with the Union’s founding principles.

For the European project, with all its strengths—and its shortcomings—was built precisely on the ashes of the Second World War, on the traumatic experience of the totalitarian regimes of the 1920s and 1930s, and in opposition to the Stalinist totalitarianism that developed beyond the Iron Curtain.

It was founded on the principles of humanism, on respect for and the promotion of human rights, and on the idea of shared social rights and values. It was also grounded in the need for a rules-based international order which, despite its many imperfections, remains the only real mechanism capable of steering us away from the chaos and the law of the jungle to which some of the world’s major powers seek to drag us.

Are the United Nations in crisis? Undoubtedly, and no one seriously disputes it. Is multilateralism in retreat, and is respect for international law at a low point? Another undeniable tragedy. However, does this mean that the response to such a bleak context should be—as I have suggested—to adopt the very mindset of those responsible for this deterioration? Put differently: have we lost all sense of reason?

We are living in turbulent times. Europe must indeed strive for greater strategic autonomy—but this autonomy cannot be confined solely to defence. It must also—and urgently—extend to genuine autonomy in the realm of technological goods and services, where dependence on the United States places Europe in a position bordering on vassalage.

Moreover, at a time when the traditional transatlantic relationship is more strained than ever—largely due to the almost compulsive stance of the current occupant of the White House and his circle—it is imperative for Europe to establish or strengthen strategic alliances in all domains, including in trade. This is already happening with India, and should be finalised as soon as possible with Mercosur.

However, to suggest that Europe’s future—or, in other words, the future of the Europe that truly matters—could lie in a further weakening of the international order and the system of international organisations is, I say this unequivocally, simply irresponsible.

For multilateralism is not only a matter of principles; it is also a matter of responsibility, and indeed of efficiency and effectiveness. Or does Europe truly believe it can tackle the major challenges it faces—from climate change and migration flows to global public health and the impact of AI—on its own?

Europe needs multilateralism, among other reasons, to remain being Europe. And for that reason, it must commit to it now more than ever—without naïveté, with realism, but fully aware of the interdependence between the future of the European project and the existence of a minimum level of order and cooperation among nations, including the major powers.

This requires defending and promoting—against the alternative of chaos—the very spaces and institutions that make such cooperation possible, rather than ignoring or sidelining them.

Manuel Manonelles is Associate Professor of International Relations at Blanquerna-Ramon Llull University in Spain

A Sudanese family in rural Wasat AL Gadaref, Gedaref State, near Khartoum, Sudan. Credit: UNICEF/Osman Saif

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Mar 20 2026 (IPS)

The past two weeks have marked a significantly violent escalation in the Sudanese Civil War, with drone strikes and artillery shelling between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) causing widespread destruction, casualties, and displacement. With humanitarian responses critically underfunded and the scale of needs, including the hunger crisis, continuing to grow, experts warn that millions in Sudan could be affected by famine, violence, or prolonged displacement.

Since March 4, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has recorded more than 200 civilian deaths resulting from drone strikes in the Kordofan region and White Nile State. In West Kordofan, SAF drone strikes have killed at least 152 civilians, hitting densely populated areas including hospitals and markets. The conflict has also spread to White Nile State, where strikes have targeted the state capital, Kosti, as well as electrical facilities—causing widespread power outages—and a student dormitory.

“It is deeply troubling that despite multiple reminders, warnings, and appeals, parties to the conflict in Sudan continue to use increasingly powerful drones to deploy explosive weapons with wide-area impacts in populated areas,” said Volker Türk, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. “It will soon be three full years since the senseless conflict in Sudan began, devastating millions of lives and livelihoods. Yet the violence, fueled by these new technologies of war, simply keeps spreading. It is high time it came to an end.”

South Darfur has also been heavily affected, with drone strikes on March 12 and 13 causing extensive damage across multiple neighborhoods. In West Darfur, strikes on a market in Akidong triggered a massive explosion that impacted the Adre border crossing—a critical lifeline for humanitarian aid deliveries and a key route in preventing widespread starvation. On March 16, a deadly drone strike hit the Sudan-Chad border in Chad’s Tine region, killing 17 people and injuring several others. Local eyewitnesses told reporters that the strikes hit mourners at a funeral, as well as children playing nearby.

UN Deputy Spokesperson for the Secretary-General Farhan Haq said that the attack reflects a growing pattern of violence affecting border communities, raising concerns about broader regional instability between neighboring countries. “The UN calls once again on all parties to comply with their clearly known obligations under international humanitarian law, which include protecting civilians and civilian infrastructure, and ensuring the rapid, safe, unimpeded delivery of humanitarian assistance to whoever needs it, and wherever it is needed,” Haq said.

Following the attack, Chad bolstered its security forces along the Sudan-Chad border to prepare for defensive operations. On March 19, Chadian President Mahamat Idriss Deby confirmed in a statement shared to social media that Chad’s army has been ordered to “retaliate, starting from tonight, to any attack coming from Sudan.”

“Despite various firm warnings addressed to the different belligerents in the Sudan conflict and the closure of the border, the town of Tine has again been the target of a drone attack,” said a spokesperson for the Chadian government. “This latest assault of extreme gravity has caused the death of 17 of our compatriots and left several others injured.”

As violence continues to escalate and spill across borders, its humanitarian consequences within Sudan are becoming increasingly pronounced. Figures from the International Organization for Migration (IOM) show that approximately 9 million people are currently internally displaced across Sudan, marking one of the largest displacement crises in the world. On March 17, several people were killed in the Bara locality, northeast of El Obeid City, the capital of North Kordofan, causing over 150 displacements from Sherim Mima Village in Bara to Um Dam Haj alone.

Displacement has gone down in recent days, with roughly 3.8 million civilians recorded to have begun returning home, particularly to Khartoum and eastern regions. Despite this, returnees face a host of challenges, including the loss of their livelihoods, infrastructure damage, and a lack of access to basic services. Roughly 55 percent of internally displaced civilians were children under 18 years old.

Additional reports from humanitarian agencies paint a grim picture of the conditions that civilians face. Doctors Without Borders, also known as Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), reports that civilians are at great risk of being harmed by explosive remnants on the ground, recording 23 injuries, including four women and seven children, sustaining severe injuries.

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reports that rampant and concurrent outbreaks of cholera, measles, dengue, and Hepatitis E. have overwhelmed national health systems, which were already weakened by the vast influx of injured persons.

The World Food Programme (WFP) states that approximately 21.2 million people are currently food insecure across Sudan, with women and children disproportionately affected. The majority of female-headed households are critically food insecure. According to UNICEF, “catastrophic” malnutrition rates were recorded in Um Baru and Kornoi in North Darfur. Numerous regions are at risk of developing famine-like conditions and face severe shortages of food, clean water, healthcare, and other basic services.

Despite immense access challenges, the UN and its partners have been working on the frontlines to restore access to basic services, managing to install eight 2,000-liter water tanks in displacement shelters and schools. UNICEF has reached struggling communities with food assistance and vaccination programs, providing 787,000 children with nutrition screenings, 25,100 children with malnutrition treatment, and over 540,000 children with vaccines for Measles and Rubella.

However, these efforts remain severely constrained by chronic underfunding, with the 2026 Humanitarian Response Plan for Sudan being only 16 percent funded, reaching only $454 million of its $2.9 billion goal, which would assist over 20 million crisis-affected civilians across the country. An additional $1.6 billion is required to reach refugees and host communities in neighboring countries.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Der Bundesrat will mit Krediten in Milliardenhöhe bei der Luftverteidigung nachrüsten. Zudem beantragt er einen Zusatzkredit für die Mehrkosten beim Kampfflugzeug F-35.

Chuck Norris était une figure emblématique des arts martiaux américains, ainsi qu'un acteur reconnu pour ses rôles dans des films d'action. Né en 1940 à Ryan, petite ville de l'Oklahoma, il a servi dans l'armée de l'air américaine avant d'accéder à la célébrité en tant que star des arts martiaux.

In the 21st century, sovereignty is no longer an absolute condition but a measurable configuration of strengths and vulnerabilities. According to the methodology developed by the International Burke Institute and operationalized through the Burke Sovereignty Index, sovereignty must be assessed across seven dimensions: political, economic, technological, informational, cultural, cognitive, and military. When examined through the Burke framework, Greece and the United Kingdom illustrate a central paradox of modern statehood: neither deep integration nor dramatic withdrawal guarantees genuine independence.   Greece represents the first model of the Burke paradox — sovereignty constrained within integration. By adopting the euro, Athens transferred control over monetary policy to the European Central Bank. It relinquished the ability to devalue its currency, independently set interest rates, or issue money to stabilize its economy. The Maastricht criteria — limiting deficits to 3% of GDP and public debt to 60% — institutionalized fiscal discipline. Structurally, the eurozone is a monetary union without a fiscal union: a shared currency but no unified taxation or pension system. In Burke terms, this creates asymmetry within economic sovereignty.   The 2009–2015 debt crisis exposed that asymmetry. Greece’s reported deficit of 3% was revised to 15.6% of GDP, and public debt reached 129.7%. Between 2008 and 2014, GDP contracted from €242 billion to €179 billion — a 26% decline, the longest recession in the developed world. In April 2010, Greece requested international assistance. Three bailout programs in 2010, 2012, and 2015 totaled roughly €290 billion from the European Commission, the ECB, and the IMF. By 2015, public debt had climbed to approximately 180% of GDP.   Within the Burke framework, Greece entered a zone of critical economic leverage. Sovereignty remained formally intact, but fiscal decisions became conditional. Between 2010 and 2016, twelve rounds of austerity — salary cuts, pension reductions, privatizations, and tax increases — were implemented under creditor supervision. Political sovereignty existed in constitutional terms, yet economic sovereignty was structurally constrained.   The 2015 referendum highlighted this contradiction. On July 5, 61.31% of Greek voters rejected the creditors’ proposed conditions. Days later, the government accepted an even stricter agreement to avoid financial collapse and eurozone exit. In Burke analytical terms, democratic will could not override economic dependence. Sovereignty as authority collided with sovereignty as capacity.   The United Kingdom followed the opposite path. The 2016 Brexit referendum promised to “Take Back Control” over laws, borders, and trade. Parliamentary supremacy — a core element of British political identity — framed the campaign. The UK formally left the European Union on January 31, 2020, restoring legislative autonomy.   According to the Burke Sovereignty Index, Britain’s political sovereignty stands at approximately 77/100 — a strong indicator of constitutional independence. However, the Burke methodology stresses that sovereignty is multidimensional. Gains in political autonomy can be offset by vulnerabilities elsewhere.   Economically, Brexit imposed measurable costs. Estimates suggest that by 2025 the UK economy was 6–8% smaller than it would have been without Brexit. The EU remains Britain’s largest trading partner, accounting for roughly 47% of goods exports. Post-Brexit trade adjustments contributed to a 23.7% reduction in imports from the EU and an 18.6% decline in exports during the early implementation period. The Office for Budget Responsibility projects a long-term trade reduction of around 15%, translating into a 4% decrease in national income.   In Burke terms, Britain strengthened political sovereignty but absorbed economic vulnerability. The 2025 revisions to the UK–EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement — including compromises on fisheries and regulatory alignment — demonstrate that exit did not eliminate obligations. Instead, it transformed integration into negotiated interdependence.   Greece and England therefore embody two faces of partial sovereignty. Greece maintained integration and sacrificed crisis autonomy. Britain rejected integration and encountered the structural limits of economic decoupling. The Burke model clarifies that sovereignty cannot be understood as indivisible. High performance in one dimension does not neutralize weakness in another.   Modern states operate within dense networks of financial markets, supply chains, security alliances, and regulatory regimes. Monetary unions limit currency flexibility. Trade exits reduce market access. Strategic alliances shape military capability. Technological dependence constrains industrial autonomy. The Burke framework treats these constraints not as failures but as structural realities.   The Greek case demonstrates how integration can convert economic vulnerability into external policy influence during crisis. The British case shows how formal independence can generate new economic trade-offs. Both confirm that absolute sovereignty is unattainable in an interdependent system.   Ultimately, the Burke analysis leads to a balanced conclusion. Sovereignty today is not a binary status but a strategic equilibrium across dimensions. Greece and the United Kingdom chose different paths, yet both remain partially dependent. Integration creates conditional governance; exit creates negotiated constraints. The difference lies not in the presence of limits but in their distribution and cost. In the contemporary world, sovereignty is less about isolation or control and more about managing asymmetry within unavoidable interdependence.

Crimes et châtiments Contravention La contravention est la moins grave des infractions. Elle comprend cinq catégories, allant de la contravention de première classe (par exemple le fait de refuser de présenter son permis lors d'un contrôle routier) à la contravention de cinquième classe (par (…) / Justice pénale, Justice, France, Droit

Mycobacterium tuberculosis drug susceptibility test. Credit: CDC

By Alemnew Dagnew
WASHINGTON DC, Mar 20 2026 (IPS)

In many high-income countries, even a small number of tuberculosis (TB) diagnoses can generate headlines and prompt a rapid public health response. Recent situations in U.S. cities such as Seattle and San Francisco illustrate this, where media coverage has focused on the number of children being tested after TB disease was identified in a school.

In sub-Saharan Africa, these situations are viewed through a different lens. While some regions experience relatively low levels of TB disease, others face substantial challenges. Several countries in East and Southern Africa—including Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Nigeria, and South Africa—remain among the high TB-burden settings globally, with significant variation in drug-resistant TB across and within countries.

In many of these settings, sustained transmission places continuous demands on health systems, requiring responses focused on large-scale, ongoing disease control rather than isolated events.

An estimated 10.7 million people globally fell ill with TB in 2024, and the disease killed 1.23 million, more than any other infectious disease. It is the leading killer of people living with HIV, and a major cause of deaths related to drug resistance. TB is a known risk in many parts of the world, yet in the U.S. it is relatively rare and is often perceived by the public as a disease of the past.

Our risk of exposure should not depend on something as haphazard as where we are born.

An estimated 10.7 million people globally fell ill with TB in 2024, and the disease killed 1.23 million, more than any other infectious disease. It is the leading killer of people living with HIV, and a major cause of deaths related to drug resistance. TB is a known risk in many parts of the world, yet in the U.S. it is relatively rare and is often perceived by the public as a disease of the past

This is the imperative that informs my work as a scientist endeavoring to develop a vaccine for TB. We want to bring locations with a high burden of either drug-resistant or drug-sensitive TB to a point resembling that of San Francisco or Seattle—where the disease is so rare that even a small number of diagnoses is an exceptional event.

TB is often described as a disease strongly associated with poverty. Transmission is facilitated in settings with poor ventilation and close contact, such as underground mines, crowded workplaces, and densely populated urban settlements.

Undernutrition—commonly linked to poverty—weakens immune defenses and increases the risk of developing TB disease. The illness can also place a heavy financial burden on households when the primary wage earner becomes sick, further compounding economic hardship and vulnerability.

Ethiopia is a high TB-burden country, and I witnessed the impact of the disease firsthand while living in the community and through my work as a physician and researcher there. I saw how TB affects families and communities, and it struck me deeply as the disease devastated many lives around me. This perspective has motivated me throughout my career.

The only current TB vaccine, the BCG vaccine, is an important but imperfect hundred-year-old tool. A review of studies on BCG concluded that while it provides protection to young children from severe forms of TB, it provides limited protection against pulmonary TB in adolescents or adults.

Adolescents and adults bear the greatest burden of pulmonary TB and are the primary drivers of transmission. Preventing TB in these age groups could therefore help protect people of all ages.

Widespread use of an effective TB vaccine could also contribute to reducing drug-resistant TB. By lowering the incidence of TB disease, it would reduce the need for antibiotic treatment—a critical step in curbing antimicrobial resistance.

The World Health Organization estimates that over a 25-year time span, a vaccine with 50% efficacy for protecting adolescents and adults could save 8.5 million lives, prevent 76 million new TB cases and save $41.5 billion for TB affected households.

A new vaccine, if able to deliver on this goal, could be game changing. But it will only have an impact if it is used by the people who would benefit most from it. The experience of the measles vaccine illustrates this point well.

Introduced more than 60 years ago, its success has depended on sustained efforts to ensure widespread use. Today, measles outbreaks still make headlines, but they are small compared with the devastating epidemics seen before vaccination. Over the past 25 years alone, measles vaccination is estimated to have prevented about 59 million deaths.

The TB vaccine candidate that we at the Gates Medical Research Institute are evaluating is among several candidates currently in late phase clinical trials. There has never been a time when the TB vaccine pipeline has shown such promise, bringing us closer than ever to improving the prospects for communities most affected by this disease.

If one of these vaccine candidates proves to be effective, it will be essential for governments, global health organizations, and communities to work together to ensure that it reaches those who would benefit most. Broad and equitable access will be critical to reducing the global burden of TB and moving closer to the goal of a world free of TB.

 

Alemnew Dagnew, M.D., is Head of Vaccines & Biologics Development at the Gates Medical Research Institute (Gates MRI), where he leads the clinical development of the M72 tuberculosis vaccine. Alemnew holds an M.D. and M.Sc. in Medical Microbiology from Addis Ababa University. He also earned an M.Sc. in Vaccinology and Pharmaceutical Clinical Development through a joint program from Novartis Vaccines and the University of Siena, and an MPH with a focus on epidemiologic and biostatistical methods from the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.