Africa

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Veteran politician Kizza Besigye has been held for nearly three months as he awaits a trial.

President Touadéra says it could "unite people" but many have lost money on similar investments.

Credit: UNFPA Namibia
 
Communities in the Kavango West region of northern Namibia have firsthand experience of the severe impacts of climate change. The dry, cracked soil and emaciated livestock provide a constant reminder of the lack of access to water in this part of the country. While the challenge of water scarcity is not new, the country is facing one of its worst droughts in more than a hundred years. Exacerbated by the impacts of El Niño, this drought has triggered widespread food insecurity, environmental degradation, health threats and rising unemployment, affecting more than half a million people.
 
To support the government and the people of Namibia, particularly those most vulnerable, including nursing mothers, other women and children, the UN in Namibia mobilized resources through the UN Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) to tackle the crisis. Even as women and girls disproportionately feel the impact of droughts, we have an opportunity to leverage their leadership and boost drought resilience in communities.—Office of the Special Adviser on Africa.

By Hopolang Phororo
WINDHOEK, Namibia, Feb 11 2025 (IPS)

Communities in the Kavango West region of northern Namibia have firsthand experience of the severe impacts of climate change. The dry, cracked soil and emaciated livestock provide a constant reminder of the lack of access to water in this part of the country.

While the challenge of water scarcity is not new, the country is facing one of its worst droughts in more than a hundred years. Exacerbated by the impacts of El Niño, this drought has triggered widespread food insecurity, environmental degradation, health threats and rising unemployment, affecting more than half a million people.

To support the government and the people of Namibia, particularly those most vulnerable, including nursing mothers, other women and children, the UN in Namibia, under my leadership, mobilized resources through the UN Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) to tackle the crisis.

Even as women and girls disproportionately feel the impact of droughts, we have an opportunity to leverage their leadership and boost drought resilience in communities.

Meeting women’s immediate needs

To tackle urgent needs, our UN team works with government and partners, including the Society for Family Health, Catholic AIDS Action and Mobile Telecommunication Company (MTC), to leave no one behind.

Mupuni village Ext. 1 stands as a shining example. The World Food Programme (WFP) has been distributing food vouchers and has established a soup kitchen for children aged 6 months to 9 years old, reaching nearly 65,000 people facing acute malnutrition in the regions of Omaheke, Kavango East and Kavango West.

Complementing this, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) provides lifesaving support to breastfeeding mothers and children impacted by the drought emergency while the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) provides protection initiatives, including family planning and counseling services to women. These are delivered through mobile clinics set up in these areas.

The UN in Namibia is also paving the way to transition towards long-term resilience, climate action and sustainable development.

Building women’s long-term resilience

The national drought response plan, which is supported by the United Nations, prioritizes building the resilience of drought-affected communities, boosting food security and protecting livelihoods, particularly for vulnerable members of the population including women.

Through targeted interventions, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the UN Development Programme (UNDP) support the introduction of initiatives that are helping diversify livelihoods.

Women farmers are provided with irrigation equipment for more efficient and sustainable water use, reducing dependence on rain-fed agriculture. Vulnerable households receive seeds, tools, poultry and pig feed, fencing, shade netting materials, and most crucially, access to markets. These initiatives boost agricultural productivity and build community resilience to effectively weather drought conditions.

Supporting teen mothers and children-at-risk

Compounding the impact of the drought crisis, teenage pregnancy also undermine development in Namibia. Teenage mothers often interrupt their education to care for their infants while older relatives take on added domestic and childcare responsibilities to support their younger counterparts. This perpetuates a vicious cycle of lost opportunities across generations.

The well-being of children borne by teenage mothers also suffers as part of these challenges. For example, children weaned at an early age, to give mothers time to earn a living, face increased risks of malnourishment and related health issues.

In communities heavily impacted by drought, disruptions to healthcare infrastructure and the resulting economic instability increase the challenges of providing adequate medical care and counseling, including reproductive health services to counter the spread of HIV and the provision of maternal and child health support.

Ultimately, teen mothers and their children stand to lose more, exposed to added risks of poor education, malnutrition, stunting and serious diseases. The UN has been a committed player contributing to the work to support vulnerable populations with rapid and coordinated interventions.

Joint solutions for long-term impact

The UN in Namibia puts building local resilience at the heart of its work, engaging communities through an integrated, gender-sensitive approach. As the Resident Coordinator overseeing the UN’s climate adaptation, mitigation and disaster response work and our initiatives to tackle poverty and gender inequalities, I ensure our collective efforts bear fruit, especially for those who need it most.

The United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework (UNSDCF) 2025-2029 is our north star, centered on poverty eradication (SDG Goal 1) and resilience-building while empowering women and youth. Our UN team’s work support key government interventions, such as Namibia’s national flood and drought monitor and early warning system that provides crucial information to communities, enabling them to prepare for and respond to climate-related disasters. This work includes making climate information easily accessible and usable by women.

The UN in Namibia also works to integrate risk management into national policies and planning processes, including provisions for disaster risk reduction into legal frameworks. These efforts boost Namibia’s ability to respond to environmental threats, protect lives and livelihoods, minimize the impacts of extreme weather events, and foster a culture of preparedness.

An integrated programme, co-created with communities, addressing multifaceted challenges, including the needs of women and girls, is crucial. This work requires a whole of society approach and the UN in Namibia remains committed to working with national authorities and other partners to continue delivering meaningful results.

A solid foundation has been established in Kavango West. Even as the country prepares for the next drought cycle, let us build on this, work together, empowering communities to take ownership of Namibia’s resilient and sustainable future.

Hopolang Phororo is UN Resident Coordinator in Namibia. For more information about the UN’s work in Namibia, visit namibia.un.org.

Source: UN Sustainable Development Group

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By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
HARARE, Zimbabwe, Feb 11 2025 (IPS)

Many in the West, of the political right and left, now deny imperialism. For Josef Schumpeter, empires were pre-capitalist atavisms that would not survive the spread of capitalism. But even the conservative Economist notes President Trump’s revival of this US legacy.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

Economic liberalism challenged
Major liberal economic thinkers of the 19th century noted capitalism was undermining economic liberalism. John Stuart Mill and others acknowledged the difficulties of keeping capitalism competitive. In 2014, billionaire Peter Thiel declared competition is for losers.

A century and a half ago, Dadabhai Naoroji, from India, became a Liberal Party Member of the UK Parliament. In his drainage theory, colonialism and imperial power enabled surplus extraction.

As the Anglo-Boer war drew to a close in 1902, another English liberal, John Hobson, published his study of economic imperialism, drawing heavily on the South African experience.

Later, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin cited Hobson, his comrade Nikolai Bukharin and Rudolf Hilferding’s Finance Capital for his famous 1916 imperialism booklet urging comrades not to take sides in the European inter-imperialist First World War (WW1).

Three pre-capitalist empires – Russian, Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman – ended at the start of the 20th century. Their collapse spawned new Western nationalisms, which contributed to both world wars.

Germany lost its empire at Versailles after WW1, while Italian forays into Africa were successfully rebuffed. Western powers did little to check Japanese militaristic expansion from the late 19th century until the outbreak of World War Two (WW2) in Europe.

Imperialism and capitalism
Economists Utsa and Prabhat Patnaik argue that the primary accumulation of economic surplus – not involving the exploitation of free wage labour – was necessary for capitalism’s emergence.

Drawing on economic history, they clarify that primary accumulation has been crucial for capitalism’s ascendance. Thus, imperialism was a condition for capitalism’s emergence and rapid early development. Ensuring continued imperial dominance has sustained capitalist accumulation since.

The 1910s and 1920s debates between the Second and Third Internationals of Social Democrats and allied movements in Europe and beyond involved contrasting positions on WW1 and imperialism.

For most of humanity in emerging nations, now termed developing countries, imperialism and capital accumulation did not ‘generalise’ the exploitation of free wage labour, spreading capitalist relations of production, as in ‘developed’ Western economies.

Due to capitalism’s uneven development worldwide, the Third International maintained the struggle against imperialism was foremost for the Global South or Third World of ‘emerging nations’, not the class struggle against capitalism, as in developed capitalist economies.

After decades of uneven international economic integration, including globalisation, the struggle against imperialism continues to be foremost a century later. Imperialism has reshaped colonial and now national economies but has also united the Global South, even if only in opposition to it.

Blinkers at Versailles
After observing the peace negotiations after WWI, John Maynard Keynes presciently criticised the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, warning of likely consequences. In The Economic Consequences of the Peace, he warned that its treatment of the defeated Germany would have dangerous consequences.

But Keynes failed to consider some of the Treaty’s other consequences. Newly Republican China had contributed the most troops to the Allied forces in WW1, as India did in WW2.

Germany was forced to surrender the Shantung peninsula, which it had dominated since before WW1. But instead of China’s significant contributions to the war effort being appreciated at Versailles with the peninsula’s return, Shantung was given to imperial Japan!

Unsurprisingly, the Versailles Treaty’s terms triggered the May Fourth movement against imperialism in China, culminating in the communist-led revolution that eventually took over most of China in October 1949.

Even today, popular culture, especially Western narratives, largely ignores the role and effects of war on these ‘coloured peoples’. By contrast, understating the Soviet contributions to and sacrifices in WW2 was probably primarily politically motivated.

Another counter-revolution
Franklin Delano Roosevelt was elected US president in 1932. He announced the New Deal in early 1933, years before Keynes published his General Theory in 1936.

Many policies have been introduced and implemented well before they were theorised. Unsurprisingly, it is often joked that economic theory rationalises actual economic conditions and policies already implemented.

Keynesian economic thinking inspired much economic policymaking before, during, and after WW2. Both Allied and Axis powers adopted various state-led policies. Keynesian economics remained influential worldwide until the 1960s and arguably to this day.

The counter-revolution against Keynesian economics from the late 1970s saw a parallel opposition movement against development economics, which had legitimised more pragmatic and unconventional policy thinking. From the 1980s, neoliberal economics spread with a vengeance and much encouragement from Washington, DC.

This Washington Consensus – the shared ‘neoliberal’ views of the US capital’s economic establishment, including its Treasury, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund – has since been replaced by brazenly ethno-nationalist ‘geoeconomic’ and ‘geopolitical’ responses to unipolar globalisation.

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A protester holding a sign declaring the death of democracy during social protests against the authoritarian policies of Peru's President Dina Boluarte in downtown Lima, July 2024. Credit: Walter Hupiu / IPS

By Mariela Jara
LIMA, Feb 10 2025 (IPS)

“We are facing a deeply conservative government that is opening the doors to all kinds of setbacks. We have a failed state with a democracy that is no longer a democracy,” said Gina Vargas, a Peruvian feminist internationally recognized for her contributions to women’s rights.

In an interview with IPS from her home in Lima, Vargas shared her perspective on Peru, a country of 34 million inhabitants, which is undergoing a profound political crisis that is weakening its democratic institutions, ultimately harming the rights of the most vulnerable populations, such as women and the LGBTI+ community.

The female population is just over 17 million, according to the government’s National Institute of Statistics and Computing, while a 2019 study by the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights estimated that LGBTI+ adults could reach 1.7 million.“The conservatives are taking away everything they believe goes against their traditional principles, while the reality for Peruvian women is one of discrimination, violence, femicide, sexual abuse of girls, and the denial of therapeutic abortion”: Gina Vargas.

Vargas, one of the founders of the feminist Flora Tristán Peruvian Women’s Center, one of the oldest organizations in Latin American feminism, argued that the conservative forces, which manifest as the far-right in Peru, are seeking to reclaim what they lost in terms of their values over the last three decades.

This period began with the adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action, which established norms and mechanisms for the advancement of women.

In September 1995, 30 years ago, the Fourth World Conference on Women: Action for Equality, Development, and Peace, convened by the United Nations, was held in Beijing, China. Representatives from 189 countries participated, not only from governments but also from women’s and feminist movements.

A sociologist, Gina Vargas will turn 80 in July. She coordinated the participation of Latin American and Caribbean civil society organizations in the global forum, as well as their contributions to the Platform, which outlines the commitments of states regarding 12 areas of action on the status of women worldwide.

She highlighted that within this framework, mechanisms were established at the highest level to promote equal rights, which in Peru’s case is currently the Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations (MIMP). However, this ministry will be diluted in a regressive wave through an upcoming merger with the Ministry of Inclusion and Social Development.

“The conservatives are taking away everything they believe goes against their traditional principles, while the reality for Peruvian women is one of discrimination, violence, femicide, sexual abuse of girls, and the denial of therapeutic abortion,” she lamented.

Peruvian feminist Gina Vargas believes that democracy no longer exists in Peru and that the growing influence of conservative groups is harming the rights of women and sexual diversity. Pictured third from the left during the launch of the 46th anniversary of the non-governmental Flora Tristán Center, of which she is one of the founders, on January 30. Credit: Mariela Jara / IPS

According to official figures, 170 femicides occurred nationwide in 2024. The number for the last three years rises to 450 when including victims from 2022 and 2023. Peru has a law against violence toward women and family members, and it has incorporated the crime of femicide into the Penal Code.

These are serious issues that three decades ago were weakly addressed by the state or absent from its agenda. But Vargas emphasized that the Beijing Platform left a set of commitments to be fulfilled and expanded, as has happened in many countries.

“But in Peru, we are facing brutal resistance in a context where there is no balance of power, and the Legislature passes laws to co-opt democratic institutions in their desire to control the country,” she stressed.

The legislative Congress of the Republic has an approval rate of 5%, and President Dina Boluarte’s administration has 6%, according to recent polls, reflecting one of the most discredited periods for state branches in the country.

Both branches of government are seen as colluding for personal interests, closely linked to corruption, and unable to address citizen insecurity and poverty, two of the most pressing issues in this South American and Andean nation.

Vargas warned: “We are facing a failed state, with the rise of fundamentalism, authoritarianism, and the imposition of the right-wing. What is not good for democracy is definitely not good for us or for sexual diversity.”

A banner featuring victims of femicide in Peru during a demonstration in Lima. Peru suffered 170 femicides in 2024, reflecting the severe violation of women’s human rights. Credit: Mariela Jara / IPS

Fear of Losing Rights

Antonella Martel, a 29-year-old psychologist, grew up in a country that already had a favorable framework for women’s rights and guaranteed gender equality, established in the 1979 Constitution and maintained in the current one from 1993.

She is aware that she has had more opportunities than her mother and grandmothers. “Now, traditional roles for women and men are being questioned; they are no longer normalized as before. There are also laws against gender-based violence, although access to justice is complicated,” she told IPS.

In the current context, she fears that the rights gained could be lost. “There is distrust in institutions that are not allies of women’s struggles and do not play a protective role for their rights,” she said.

One of her biggest concerns is that the setbacks and the disappearance of the Ministry of Women through its merger with another ministry will weaken the state’s action against violence. “We women face this problem every day, and it could get worse,” she warned.

Maria Ysabel Cedano, a lawyer with the Demus organization and the non-governmental Lifs, criticized the lack of protection for the rights of the LGBTI population. “Lesbians are not invisible because we are hidden in the closet, but because no one wants to see you or let you be seen,” she stated. Credit: Mariela Jara / IPS

They Don’t Want to See Us

María Ysabel Cedano, a 59-year-old lawyer from the feminist human rights organization Demus and an associate of the non-governmental Independent Feminist Socialist Lesbians (Lifs), believes that the world is experiencing a new fascist stage, which in Peru has its own version in Fujimorism and its conservative political allies, whether ideologically right-wing or left-wing.

The late Alberto Fujimori ruled autocratically between 1990 and 2000 and established an ultra-conservative movement that now manifests in the Popular Force party, the leading legislative group led by his daughter Keiko Fujimori.

Fujimori was the only head of state to attend the Beijing Conference, where he promoted his new National Population Policy and birth control measures. It was later revealed that this included the  forced, mass, and non-consensual sterilization of poor and indigenous people, especially in rural areas, a practice that victimized around 300,000 women.

“We are witnessing the hijacking of democracy as a political horizon, a system that, despite its flaws, allowed us to expand freedoms and rights such as equality and non-discrimination, access to justice, and those related to women, which have been the result of sustained struggles,” Cedano reflected in an interview with IPS.

She explained that anti-rights groups have not been satisfied with taking over the state as a spoil through corruption but are operating as a regime that attacks everything opposing their beliefs, seeking to impose totalitarian thinking.

In late 2024, the institution Transparencia issued a report on 20 laws passed by this Congress of the Republic that weakened democracy, favored the actions of criminal groups, and undermined human and environmental rights.

“They don’t need typical wars with lethal weapons; they have developed technological mechanisms to appropriate minds and hearts through denialism and disinformation,” she emphasized.

Cedano talked about Argentina, where libertarian President Javier Milei is dismantling progress in rights, and the massive rejection by the population on February 1. Along with her LIFS collective, she joined the solidarity sit-in in front of the Argentine embassy.

“Argentina generates and radiates indignation. It experienced and enjoyed dignity and knows what it has lost, whereas in Peru we don’t know it because we’ve never had anything,” she said regarding rights for the LGBTI+ population.

She adds there are no laws on gender identity or equal marriage. “In reality, we survive without enjoying rights; we live in a so-called democracy without being citizens,” she added.

The lesbian activist also denounced that they have been stigmatized and accused of atrocities such as wanting to homosexualize children, using them to attack comprehensive sexual education in schools.

She noted that the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights study reveals that 71% of the population perceives that lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and trans people suffer discrimination. “We swell the lists of suicides, bullying, school dropouts, and sexual assaults. They want us to live in the ghetto, on the margins,” she asserted.

In a context where democratic institutions are unable to guarantee people’s rights and the Ministry of Women, as the governing body for gender equality, is about to disappear through the merger, the prospects for the rights of non-heterosexual people are at greater risk.

“Lesbians are not invisible because we are hidden in the closet, but because no one wants to see you or let you be seen. They make you feel guilty and responsible for the consequences of living fully in the light… and that results in multiple and terrible acts of violence,” Cedano stressed.

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Flashback to 2020 protests against a rigged election. Credit: Andrew Keymaster/Unsplash

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, Feb 10 2025 (IPS)

In the months leading up to presidential elections at the end of January, Belarus’s authoritarian leader Alexander Lukashenko ordered the release of hundreds of political prisoners. Some observers saw this as a sign that the man who had led the former Soviet state for the last three decades could be planning a relaxation of his regime’s brutal repressions in return for a lessening of Western sanctions.

But having secured an inevitable further term in office, human rights groups and Belarusians who have survived persecution under his regime say they see no signs he is preparing to loosen his iron grip on the state.

“If we have learned anything from the last four years, it is that repression in Belarus is not lessening, despite the fact that Lukashenko has everything under his power. There are no protests, people have been forced into exile, there are no legal ways for rights groups to do their work, yet the repression continues,” Anastasiia Kruope, Assistant Researcher, Europe and Central Asia, at Human Rights Watch (HRW), told IPS.

In August 2020, hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets in Belarus to protest against what they saw as the rigged result of an election which had just returned Lukashenko, who has ruled the country since 1994, to power.

Security forces launched a violent crackdown on those involved. Over the next six months, tens of thousands were detained and at least 11 people were killed.

Although the protests eventually stopped, repression has continued, with any form of dissent severely punished. There have been mass arrests, imprisonment, and torture for those deemed to be opposing the regime, while secret police and party loyalists have been installed in institutions as official ideological gatekeepers to ensure people toe the government line.

Independent media has been muzzled—almost 400 journalists have been arrested in the last four years—and much of the NGO sector has been effectively shuttered through repressive legislation on foreign funding and authorities’ misuse of anti-terror and anti-extremism laws. The closures of these groups have impacted everything from human rights work to vital healthcare services.

But while the wider international community largely sees Belarus as a pariah state—Lukashenko has the explicit political support of Moscow, and China maintains close ties with the country—and the West has imposed sanctions on individuals in Belarus, there has been no let-up in government efforts to bring the population to heel.

However, the slew of releases of political prisoners, which began last summer and went right up to the elections, had prompted speculation that Lukashenko may be looking to repair relations with the West, especially as the conflict in Ukraine—Lukashenko has backed Russia and allowed Moscow to use Belarus to launch assaults on Ukraine—appears to be heading towards some kind of, at least temporary, end, and he looks to extract his country from ever-increasing dependence on Moscow.

But people who live in Belarus, and some who have fled into exile, told IPS they are not expecting the pervasive climate of fear that Lukashenko has spread to cement his control in the country to lift any time soon.

“Usually the human rights situation in Belarus after elections becomes calmer, with fewer arrests. But it doesn’t look that way this time. We are still getting information about repressions,” Natallia Satsunkevich, a human rights defender with the Belarussian NGO Viasna, told IPS.

She said Lukashenko could even decide to intensify his crackdown on opponents of his regime.

“Of course [he could], the repressive machine is huge and works fast. Police are still looking for and arresting people that participated in protests in 2020,” Satsunkevich said.

Others who have suffered under Lukashenko agree.

“Any expectations that the repression will ease are just wishful thinking,” Lidziya Tarasenka, co-founder of The Belarussian Medical Solidarity Foundation (Bymedsol), which operates outside Belarus helping doctors who have left the country, told IPS.

Tarasenka, who worked in healthcare in the capital, Minsk, before fleeing the country after the 2020 protests, said she saw no sign that repression in Belarus was easing off.

“First of all, the number of political prisoners that have been released is less than the number of those newly imprisoned. The government has learned their lessons and is trying to make new prosecutions as unnoticeable as possible, but the process is in full swing. Secondly, there is a whole army of different police/secret services and so on, their number is growing and they have to be doing something. [Repression] cannot be stopped that easily,” she said.

Some Belarussians who spoke to IPS gave some insight into the regime’s persecutions.

Sviatlana (NOT REAL NAME) fled Belarus last year after she feared she was about to be arrested. Her work in healthcare had brought her into contact with former political prisoners, some of whom had been tortured in prison, and she had given some money for treatment to help their recovery. She managed to escape, but she fears now that her former colleagues will be targeted by the security services simply for having worked with her.

“I’m expecting there will be repressions against the staff and management at my work now,” she told IPS.

Kruope added that while Belarusians not actively opposing the regime could try to adopt a “keep your head down and don’t make any trouble” approach to ensuring they avoid any repressions, even that carried no guarantees.

“One thing people have to watch out for is that you never know what might suddenly become a problem. You may have, in the past, liked a social media comment or followed someone, not even for their political views, or simply followed a media outlet that is then declared a terrorist group or something, and now find yourself in trouble. It is difficult to know what activity might suddenly become a criminal offense,” she said.

So far, it is unclear what Lukashenko may be planning as he begins his latest term in office. But the initial signs suggest he is not planning any kind of rapprochement with the West in the immediate future.

In a press conference immediately after his election win and as western leaders threatened more sanctions and dismissed the elections as a “sham,” he pointedly said, “I don’t give a damn about the West.”

However, even if repressions continue, rights defenders have not given up hope that things will improve in the future.

“I personally believe that one day Belarusians will live in a free and democratic country,” said Satsunkevich.
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The military leader says a caretaker government will be formed as his forces gain ground in Khartoum.

Around 600 million Africans still lack reliable access to electricity, which is nearly half the continent's population and more than 80 per cent of the global electricity access gap. Credit: Raphael Pouget / Climate Visuals Countdown via UNDP

By Yacoub El Hillo
ASMARA, Eritrea, Feb 10 2025 (IPS)

At night, when the world lights up, large swathes of Africa remain cloaked in darkness—a stark reminder of the continent’s lack of reliable access to electricity.

This access is one of the key ingredients to accelerating the continent’s progress – powering homes, schools, hospitals, and businesses, towards unlocking the continent’s full potential. For millions of Africans, the absence of affordable and reliable access to electricity isn’t just about lighting a room —it’s about access to education, economic growth, and a better quality of life.

Africa’s story in terms of its reliable access to electricity can be seen through the lens of three key data points: 600, 300, and 55.5. These figures highlight the challenge, the goal, and the opportunity shaping the continent’s access to electricity and overall energy future.

“600 million” illustrates the scale of the issue—over half of Africa’s population still lacks reliable access to electricity. “300” reflects the ambition of Africa’s target to turn the page on this access—Mission 300 aims to provide power to 300 million people by 2030. “55.5” underscores the opportunity—more than 55 per cent of Africa’s energy already comes from renewable sources, paving the way for long-term development.

Around 600 million Africans still lack reliable access to electricity, which is nearly half the continent’s population and more than 80 per cent of the global electricity access gap. While nations in Northern Africa and countries like Ghana, Gabon, and South Africa have made progress in tackling the issue, challenges remain in the Central Africa and the Sahel regions. For example, Burundi and South Sudan have low levels of electricity access, according to 2022 data.

For African communities, access to affordable energy is a lifeline. It transforms everyday life, especially in isolated and vulnerable areas. Reliable, affordable, and sustainable energy creates quality jobs, protects livelihoods, boosts security to bring durable peace and promotes economic growth.

Access to energy, also breaks down barriers for women and girls, enabling them to pursue opportunities that were previously out of reach, from starting small businesses to accessing information and education online.

For instance, farmers can use energy to power irrigation systems, extending growing seasons and boosting agricultural output. Manufacturers benefit from consistent power for their operations, leading to higher production rates and reduced downtime that could usher in an age of industrialization and prosperity.

Reliable and affordable access to energy also provide Africa with the policy space to take control of its own development path, mobilizing domestic capital while attracting international investment.

Most recent data with highest coverage. Credit: Global SDG Database

300 million by 2030: Africa’s 2030 energy vision

Through an initiative called “Mission 300”, the World Bank Group, the African Development Bank Group and the Sustainable Energy for All (SE4ALL) initiative are working with partners to expand electricity access to 300 million people throughout the continent by 2030.

To achieve this goal, the initiative focuses on improving Africa’s energy sector by enhancing infrastructure, updating policies, and attracting private investment.

UN teams on the ground are working closely with governments and other partners through this engagement. In Guinea, the UN, led by the Resident Coordinator (RC), is supporting the development of hydroelectric dams and solar power plants, providing clean, reliable electricity that reach more than 34,000 people per project.

In Burundi, the UN’s work centres on renewable energy projects that would support the country in bringing in investors while expanding the electricity distribution network to underserved areas.

The RC in Djibouti is calling to expand solar panel use in homes and businesses to boost energy efficiency and to reduce electricity costs while supporting innovative solutions. Access to reliable, affordable energy provides families with more spending power, stimulating job creation and accelerating development.

In Guinea, the UN, led by the RC, is supporting the development of hydroelectric dams and solar power plants. Credit: UNICEF

UN teams across Africa are also supporting climate-friendly and sustainable means to generate energy. For example, there are initiatives to boost renewable energy production in Botswana, studies to harness offshore energy in Mauritius and innovative clean energy financing projects in Madagascar.

The Joint SDG Fund supports start-ups and small and medium-sized companies in Madagascar through the Integrated Financing of Sustainable Energy programme to promote innovation in renewable energy.

55.5 per cent renewable energy share – Africa leads the way

In terms of energy access, Africa—with its abundant resources and growing population—must have the autonomy to shape an energy mix that addresses its development needs while staying true to its global environmental commitments. Fossil fuels like coal, oil, and gas currently play critical roles in several African economies.

Without the ability to utilize these resources, the continent not only faces economic slowdowns but also the challenge of leaving millions in the dark. This would pose a significant setback to the achievement of the 2030 Agenda. Therefore, UN teams across the continent supports African countries in advocating for a balanced energy mix that is tailored to the realities on the ground.

An important part of this balance is Africa’s use of renewable energy. The continent is demonstrating strong leadership in this area, with 55.5 per cent of its total final energy consumption coming from renewable sources based on 2021 data. This trend outpaces Europe (15.3 per cent), Northern America (12.4 per cent) and Asia (16.8 per cent) per the Global SDG Database.

In fact, many of the African countries with least access to electricity have the highest share of renewable energy in their final energy consumption. This presents a potent opportunity for the rollout of renewable energy on the continent.

And with Africa holding 30 per cent of the world’s essential minerals for renewable technologies and 60 per cent of the world’s best solar resources, the continent possesses enormous potential to fuel its future growth with clean energy.

Yet, Africa only received 2 per cent of global renewable energy investments in the last 20 years, far below what’s needed to accelerate change. This year, we have an opportunity to help turn this trend. The new generation of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement are due to be submitted ahead of COP30 in Belem, Brazil, 10-21 November 2025.

The UN system is committed to help countries ensure that their NDCs are economy-wide and can act as investment plans for sustainable development. UN Resident Coordinators in Africa are galvanizing their UN Country Teams under the UNDP Climate Promise umbrella to support the development of these NDCs and to attract investment.

Africa Energy Summit for #PoweringAfrica

Against this backdrop, the Africa Energy Summit in Tanzania on 27 and 28 January provided a timely opportunity to reflect on how expanding electricity access can transform lives and drive sustainable development across the continent.

The Summit offered a platform for Africa to showcase its leadership in creating an affordable, clean energy future—not only for the continent but as an inspiration for the world.

Yacoub El Hillo is UN DCO Regional Director for Africa.

Source: UN Sustainable Development Group

IPS UN Bureau

 

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