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A German Gepard in unique camo colours, popular in both games and in drone defense in Ukraine.

 

The era surrounding 2014 was one where life in some parts of the world could not have been more different than life in the West. Around 2014, when the Syrian Wars became very hot and violent, most people were sitting in their homes, playing games like Call of Duty with actual combat being the farthest thing from their mind. While the following years gave way to some youth in the West becoming ISIS fighters, the average family hardly felt this effect or were plagued by their children going abroad to brutalise people in Iraq and Syria.

Despite that era being one where some of the oldest communities in the Middle East were almost completely wiped out, things in Europe and North America changed very little. Even when returned ISIS fighters came back to the West, little was done in many cases to charge them, seek justice for their victims, or even take actions to protect communities in Western countries from future attacks. Even today, there is little mention of it or measures to compensate victims of acts done by Western citizens in Iraq and Syria, despite the world being a much more divisive place in 2025.

Post-Covid seemed to change the norm in many of these formerly peaceful communities. They still played games and watched similar media, still ignored many of the horrors abroad, and did little to think they would be in a dire situation themselves. The 2022 War in Ukraine took young video game players, ones with online friends in your town who played the same games and had similar lives to their team members in the West, and put many of them in the front of actual combat.

Some successes of these formerly peaceful game players and average kids were mentioned on the battlefield. In a well known incident, caught mostly on video, two Ukrainian operated American Bradley armoured personnel vehicles were able to disable one Russian T-90M tank, the most modern Russian tank on the battlefield. The tactics and knowledge they used against the ultra modern T-90M was claimed by one of the Bradley crews to be the result of playing the game War Thunder, a simplified war vehicle simulator. To improvise during the tense situation, the Bradley did something he often did in game when he targeted the sensors of an enemy tank. With the experience he had fighting against other real players online, he took to damaging the equipment of the enemy tank so he could stop the enemy from firing on the two Bradleys. While the game is not exactly designed to be a proper simulator for the Bradley or the T-90M, it enabled the driver to have a tactical mind and improvise an idea learned from their earlier days playing one of their favourite games. To note, the T-90M did not make it, and it is not clear if the Russian crew survived.

A simplified simulation of many of the systems used in Ukraine and in other parts of the world may train this generation in quick responses in actual combat. Many weapons designs are often based on control mechanisms for an XBox or Playstation, and playing something like the game mentioned above may introduce soldiers in how to manage the targeting system of a Gepard or ZSU-23-4 radar in shooting down drones attacking cities in Ukraine. It is likely the case that drone systems have already benefitted from controls and imaging seen in many modern games, drones which have changed the face of battle since 2022.

The unfortunate reality of combat in Ukraine and other parts of the world is that such technological advancements also make it very difficult to survive a war. There are estimates of thousands of young men losing their lives weekly in Ukraine, and the total number of deaths of soldiers in the war is approaching levels of losses not seen since the Second World War. Quick and rapid defeats have been recently seen in the air conflict between Pakistan and India, where many pilots likely lost their lives in the first few hours of combat with little chance to survive modern weapons technology. An advanced and well planned attack may remove the defense of military targets without a means of response, weighting one military’s strength to such a great degree that it would mirror the strategic victory at Pearl Harbor. The reality of modern warfare is that most will not survive, and for many of those on the battlefield who are more alike than different, it would be best if they were challenging each other online instead of using those skills to massacre each other on the battlefield.

Fatima Koné est devenue Miss Côte d'Ivoire. Mais en quelques heures, elle a commencé à subir une vague de cyberharcèlement massif.

Leftist pundits should remember: God answered Abraham’s own sacrifice. The sin of sacrificing another’s child is eternal—and paid in hell. (Image generated by ChatGPT-4o-)

Whether it’s the weight shouldered by members of the vulnerable population—Emma Sulkowicz’s mattress, George Floyd’s last breath, Breonna Taylor’s bedroom, or Alan Kurdi’s shoreline—each was made into a symbol not by their own will, but by the myth-making impulses of leftist punditry and media machinery eager to construct heroes out of hurt. Their pain was aestheticized, their names invoked, their images distributed. But in many cases, they and their families suffer—not only from the original violence, but from the relentless symbolic labor they are forced to perform. Some are harassed, surveilled, erased. Others are iconized so completely that they are never seen again as people. Their public meaning grows while their private agency collapses. They become scaffolding for a morality play in which they never auditioned. Their liberation is recited, never lived.

This transformation from person to parable is not incidental—it is embedded in the moral economy of contemporary wokeism. Liberation is not a shared project but a transaction, sealed through sacrifice. Political legitimacy is won not by organizing for freedom, but by offering up a body to be injured, a voice to be silenced, or a subject to be mythologized. These figures are not truly seen. They are deified, consumed, and converted into liberal cautionary tales—fetishized icons whose pain is preserved but whose personhood is discarded.

This is the tragedy of postmodern identity: real lives become metaphorical instruments. The dead speak only through curated remembrance, and the living suffer as placeholders for unredeemed history. Heidegger might call this the reduction of being to utility: the human as object, politically visible only when useful to others’ narratives. In this way, ontological erasure becomes functional visibility—a form of legibility that only emerges through subjugation, when pain becomes performance. This seamlessly echoes Michel Foucault’s notion of biopolitics, where power does not merely repress but regulates the conditions under which life is allowed to be seen, counted, and managed. In a world where not all lives are equally protected, the bourgeoisie monopolize not only the payoffs from the moral economy of contemporary wokeism, but the full expression of life—safety, rest, and the dignity of emotional bandwidth. Others are permitted only visibility through trauma, and even that is selectively allocated.

Even that visibility, however, often comes posthumously. The sacrificed individual is remembered, not lived. Their death becomes an ethical signal; their life is a discarded draft. The real horror lies in this economy of symbolic compensation, where systemic injustice is aestheticized, not remedied. Tragedy becomes theater, and mourning becomes moral capital. In many cases, the market absorbs these symbolic deaths with stunning efficiency. Grief becomes brandable, pain becomes a hashtag, and corporations don the colors of solidarity while continuing to exploit those very lives behind the scenes. The commodification of trauma thus becomes the final act in the ritual: mourning not as a reckoning, but as marketing.

Hannah Arendt saw the mechanics of evil, not its texture. Her account of the “banality of evil” captured bureaucratic amorality, but did not dwell in the suffering it produced. Her reflection is Lacanian: a cold mirror without skin. It renders evil comprehensible, but not felt. In effect, Arendt displaced the burden of suffering—transferring it from analytical engagement to symbolic abstraction, a form of ethical outsourcing that left the pain of victims intellectually acknowledged but existentially untouched. She succeeded in anatomizing the structures of evil, but left unexplored how suffering is lived, fragmented, and erased within those very structures. Arendt gave us the ethics of the thinking subject, but not of the suffering one. Perhaps for Arendt, that suffering was not just analytically elusive—it was something unspeakable, something she refused to represent precisely because its intimacy defied conceptual containment. In this absence, suffering becomes an epistemic object, not an ethical imperative. Diagnosis arrives without embodiment; politics speaks without contact. Her refusal to descend into the phenomenology of pain was not philosophical neutrality—it was an ethical omission. To map evil without feeling its tremor is to risk normalizing it anew, in cleaner language.

Thus, suffering is neutralized into mythology. The wounded are sainted but silenced. Pain becomes proof of virtue—an untouchable credential that resists criticism and political transformation. The sacred victim cannot be questioned, only mourned or idealized. And here lies the ethical stagnation: trauma becomes a closed loop, an immutable symbol, rather than an impetus for structural change. When political identity is secured by suffering, liberation becomes a performance endlessly rehearsed but never concluded.

If pain merely confers symbolic status, then the living are doomed to repeat the dead’s script. The suffering subject’s current life becomes unlivable. Their future is overwritten by a demand to represent trauma, indefinitely. Woke politics, in this form, enshrines suffering without transforming it. It is a politics of infinite repetition, not release. And it leaves no room for agency beyond grief.

Contrast this with the figure of the Bodhisattva: in Mahayana Buddhist philosophy, the Bodhisattva is one who, despite being capable of entering nirvana, voluntarily delays personal liberation to remain in the world and accompany others in their suffering. They sense suffering and remain with it, not to define others by it, but to transmute it. The Bodhisattva does not use pain to confer meaning. They use presence to restore it. Their compassion is not forensic, but existential—a form of dwelling. The Bodhisattva is not merely compassionate; they are co-present. Their ethics emerge not from abstraction, but from dwelling beside. Where liberal politics universalizes suffering into policy, the Bodhisattva particularizes it into presence.

But presence is not enough without structure. In political terms, presence must be accompanied by material reparation. The craftsman—an ethical architect—must build beyond reflection. But craftmanship is no longer ethically sufficient if it only judges who deserves repair based on performative pain. This is where the symbolic economy of sacrifice collapses: those who have suffered must not merely be honored or remembered—they must be structurally equalized. They must be permitted to live lives as full and rich as those who now consume their memory as moral capital. There is no justification, ethical or political, for the continued monopolization of livable life by those who hide behind commemorative virtue while enjoying the fruits of unshared freedom.

Yet even this ethical craft has limits if it is not coupled with radical redistribution. The mythic victim must not only be acknowledged—they must be released from their myth. Here, capitalism, paradoxically, offers a necessary tool: not because any one mechanism is inherently virtuous or profound, but because no existing liberal or progressive instrument—reparations, welfare, or identity-based redistribution—has succeeded in releasing the mythologized victim from their symbolic role. In the absence of a non-patron-clientelist structure that can offer real exit from sacrificial identity, instruments like shareholdership or even randomized redistribution remain the only viable tools to shift the terrain. Capital, at its coldest, is indifferent to lineage, grievance, and symbolic performance. And that very indifference may be the most ethical feature available: it does not measure worthiness; it redistributes possibility. Not as reward, but as rupture. A metaphysical wager against inherited repetition. A refusal to remember, so that others might begin to live.

And in a world that only remembers your surname, hometown, or trauma—capital remains the only force indifferent enough to liberate you from all three. It may not have a conscience, but it also has no prejudice. And sometimes, that blankness is the most just form of remembering we have left.

This perspective is not rooted in the ivory towers of philosophical critique. Unlike Adorno, Arendt, or Benjamin—who observed authoritarian violence from historical distance, where suffering remained a subject of analysis rather than an object of shared responsibility—this argument emerges from within the vulnerable population itself. It does not mourn trauma as a conceptual loss; it lives within its ongoing consequences. If traditional critical theory attempts to historicize injustice, this voice demands to de-historicize survival. It refuses to be remembered. It insists on being redistributed.

Thus, to move beyond symbolic sacrifice, we need three agents: the Bodhisattva who stays, the craftsman who builds, and the system that gives. This system need not replace ethics, but it must outmaneuver its exclusions—the binaries of good and evil, victim and bystander. Without presence, structure, and rupture, suffering remains mythic, and justice remains posthumous. The task is not to mourn more skillfully, but to liberate more concretely.

L’arabisation de l’Algérie entreprise après l’indépendance de 1962 se heurte à la résistance berbère (soulèvement kabyle de 1963, Printemps Berbère de 1980-1981, « grève du cartable » de 1994, etc.). Face à cette volonté de survie, le régime algérien use de l’arme de la répression. Ses résultats étant nuls, il a donc défini une nouvelle stratégie : tenter de soutenir avec l’aide des idiots utiles de l’extrême gauche française que le problème n’existe pas puisque les Berbères sont en réalité une création coloniale destinée à diviser les Algériens.

Le 1er mai 2025, Mohamed El Amine Belghit, historien officiel et porte-parole de l’institution militaire algérienne déclara ainsi sur la chaîne émiratie Sky News Arabia, que « l’amazighité est un projet idéologique sioniste-français par excellence visant à saper les piliers de l’unité du Maghreb arabe (…) puisque les Berbères (…) sont d’origine arabe. »

Ce faisant, l’auteur de ces propos à ce point outranciers qu’ils furent dénoncés par le pouvoir algérien lui-même, était fidèle à la ligne suivie par les idéologues du courant « arabo-islamo-conservateur » qui dirige l’Algérie depuis 1962. Selon ces derniers, l’islamisation a marqué la fin de l’histoire des Berbères puisque leur conversion à l’Islam, il y a quatorze siècles, les a inscrits de façon irréversible dans l’aire culturelle de l’Islam, donc de l’arabité.

D’autres propagandistes officiels estiment qu’il est faux de parler d’arabisation des Berbères puisque la langue berbère procédant du phénicien (???), les Berbères sont donc des Orientaux, comme le sont également les Arabes. Par conséquent, tout se passant en « famille », où est donc le problème ?

Cette théorie de l’arabité des Berbères qui va à l’encontre de toutes les preuves scientifiques (archéologiques, épigraphiques, linguistiques, et anthropologiques), vient d’être balayée par la génétique. Cette dernière démontre ainsi que les Berbères ont de tout temps peuplé l’Afrique du Nord et qu’ils n’ont eu que très peu d’apports génétiques extérieurs. L’analyse de momies naturelles datées de 7000 ans [1]  montre ainsi que :

1) Les proto-Berbères n’ont aucune trace génomique tant sud-saharienne, c’est-à-dire avec les actuelles populations noires, qu’orientales, donc avec les Arabes.

2) Que ces momies de proto-Berbères datées d’il y a 7000 ans sont génétiquement apparentées à l’homme de Taforalt qui vivait au Maroc il y a environ 15000 ans, et dont l’ADN ne montre également aucune trace de gènes sud-sahariens ou associés à des populations orientales. Les seules traces de gènes extérieurs seraient celles, en faible nombre, de l’homme de Néandertal européen.

Les Berbères qui remplissent tous les critères de l'ONU, à savoir l'antériorité, l'identité distincte et l'auto-identification par rapport au territoire, ne peuvent donc se voir retirer leur statut de Peuple autochtone par des idéologues arabistes. D’autant plus que ce statut qui est une évidence scientifique, vient encore d'être renforcé par la génétique.

Cette découverte sera étudiée en détail dans le numéro 188 de l’Afrique réelle que les abonnés recevront le 1er août prochain. Pour vous abonner, cliquer ici.

[1] Nada Salem,  Johannes Krause et alli .Ancient DNA from the Green Sahara reveals ancestral North African lineage. Nature, 02 April 2025, DOI: 10.1038/s41586-025-08793-7

Nigerian police officer Juliet Ukah will make history when the Professional Fighters League holds its first event in Africa.

Delegations

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

L'affiche de Génération Mitterrand, ce sont dix lettres à cheval sur dix autres. Un léger décalage. Une main d'homme en costard-chemise blanche tient la main d'un bébé. Le visuel sort des bureaux de Jacques Séguéla, publicitaire en chef et apôtre de la Rolex. François Mitterrand pour sa seconde campagne se prend pour un sphinx, mais c'est la prostate qui est cassée. Il va surpasser enfin la légende du grand sauveur, celle du général de Gaulle, du moins en longévité, alors même que depuis son élection, il trompe les Français sur sa santé. Mitterrand-Tonton aura été comme tous les rois, un menteur habile.

- Contrebande

European Defence Agency (EDA) Chief Executive André Denk travelled to Ukraine this week for his first official visit since taking office, aiming to reinforce defence cooperation and gain insight into the country’s wartime innovations.

In Kyiv, Denk met with high-level Ukrainian officials, including Presidential Adviser Alexander Kamyshin, Minister of Strategic Industries Herman Smetanin, Deputy Minister of Strategic Industries Davyd Aloian, Deputy Minister of Defence Sergiy Boyev, Deputy Chief of Defence Brigadier General Andrii Lebedenko. The meetings were organised in coordination with the European Commission and the European External Action Service.

Talks centred around Ukraine’s defence priorities and operational needs.

“I am eager to continue exploring how EDA could further support Ukraine based on our current work strands and the existing framework, and the Administrative Arrangement in place with the Ukrainian Ministry of Defence since 2015", said Denk.

The visit extended beyond the capital, with André Denk visiting several defence production sites and military facilities, including an operational command post in eastern Ukraine.

“I am highly impressed by Ukraine's Armed Forces' determination and courage as well as by all the bright Ukrainians who innovate and work in support of the soldiers on the frontline,” said Denk.

“Ukraine’s expertise with cutting-edge technologies and defence innovation tested directly on the battlefield are redefining modern warfare and are truly invaluable. There are many lessons we can learn, and closer cooperation can and will leverage both Ukraine’s and EU Member States’ defence capabilities,” he added.

In Eastern Ukraine, Denk met with Major General Mykhailo Drapatyi, Commander of the Joint Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (picture below).

A parliamentary delegation will be in Taipei from 21 to 23 July to meet with Taiwanese authorities and civil society representatives.
Special committee on the European Democracy Shield

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

A parliamentary delegation will be in Taipei from 21 to 23 July to meet with Taiwanese authorities and civil society representatives.
Special committee on the European Democracy Shield

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

A parliamentary delegation will be in Taipei from 21 to 23 July to meet with Taiwanese authorities and civil society representatives.
Special committee on the European Democracy Shield

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

A parliamentary delegation will be in Taipei from 21 to 23 July to meet with Taiwanese authorities and civil society representatives.
Special committee on the European Democracy Shield

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

• The imposition of higher tariffs by President Trump or the threat to do so, while seemingly contradicting economic orthodoxy is not out of sync with the President’s view of the world.

• Tariffs are used as bargaining tool to force US trading partners into bilateral negotiations.

• A so-called “Mar-a-Lago Accord”, in the spirit of the 1985 Plaza Accord, could, in Trump’s view, help in responding to the key challenges of the American economy.

• According to the existing literature, the potential effects of higher US tariffs on the EU are going to be small to medium (0.10%-0.66%).

• Macroeconomic projections by the IMF, which combine the effects of higher tariffs with uncertainty and tighter financial conditions, place the medium-term effect for the EU at 1.75% of GDP.

• The effect of US trade policy uncertainty (TPU) on EU GDP with a two-standard deviation increase of TPU will be up to a drop of EU GDP by 0.73% after three years (the cumulative loss reaching 6.49%).

Read here in pdf the Policy paper by Panagiotis Konstantinou, Assistant Professor, Athens University of Economics and Business; Spyros Blavoukos, Professor, Athens University of Economics and Business; Head of the ‘Arian Contellis’ European Programme, ELIAMEP and Panagiota Pagoni, Research Assistant, ELIAMEP.

Negyedik éve, tavalyi típusváltozat-váltása óta viszont először vesz részt magyarországi éleslövészeten az avianói 56. harci kutató-mentő század. Figyelem! Főszerepben immár a HH-60G Pave Low helyett az új HH-60W Jolly "dobozorrú" Green II helikopterek.

Érkezik napi feladataik végrehajtására a Jolly géppár a körös-hegyi helipadra.

Málházzák a .5-ös lőszert a GAU-21-es géppuskákhoz.

Lőkörök a lőtéren.

Indulás egy újabb feladatra.

Vissza Pápára.

Zord 

Ministers are holding a series of meetings in parliamentary committees to present the priorities of the Danish Presidency of the Council.
Committee on Constitutional Affairs
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development
Committee on Culture and Education
Committee on Development
Committee on Employment and Social Affairs
Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety
Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality
Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection
Committee on International Trade
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy
Committee on Legal Affairs
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs
Committee on Fisheries
Committee on Regional Development
Committee on Public Health
Committee on Security and Defence
Committee on Transport and Tourism

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Ministers are holding a series of meetings in parliamentary committees to present the priorities of the Danish Presidency of the Council.
Committee on Constitutional Affairs
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development
Committee on Culture and Education
Committee on Development
Committee on Employment and Social Affairs
Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety
Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality
Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection
Committee on International Trade
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy
Committee on Legal Affairs
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs
Committee on Fisheries
Committee on Regional Development
Committee on Public Health
Committee on Security and Defence
Committee on Transport and Tourism

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Ministers are holding a series of meetings in parliamentary committees to present the priorities of the Danish Presidency of the Council.
Committee on Constitutional Affairs
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development
Committee on Culture and Education
Committee on Development
Committee on Employment and Social Affairs
Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety
Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality
Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection
Committee on International Trade
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy
Committee on Legal Affairs
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs
Committee on Fisheries
Committee on Regional Development
Committee on Public Health
Committee on Security and Defence
Committee on Transport and Tourism

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Ministers are holding a series of meetings in parliamentary committees to present the priorities of the Danish Presidency of the Council.
Committee on Constitutional Affairs
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development
Committee on Culture and Education
Committee on Development
Committee on Employment and Social Affairs
Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety
Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality
Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection
Committee on International Trade
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy
Committee on Legal Affairs
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs
Committee on Fisheries
Committee on Regional Development
Committee on Public Health
Committee on Security and Defence
Committee on Transport and Tourism

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Ministers are holding a series of meetings in parliamentary committees to present the priorities of the Danish Presidency of the Council.
Committee on Constitutional Affairs
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development
Committee on Culture and Education
Committee on Development
Committee on Employment and Social Affairs
Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety
Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality
Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection
Committee on International Trade
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy
Committee on Legal Affairs
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs
Committee on Fisheries
Committee on Regional Development
Committee on Public Health
Committee on Security and Defence
Committee on Transport and Tourism

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Ministers are holding a series of meetings in parliamentary committees to present the priorities of the Danish Presidency of the Council.
Committee on Constitutional Affairs
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development
Committee on Culture and Education
Committee on Development
Committee on Employment and Social Affairs
Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety
Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality
Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection
Committee on International Trade
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy
Committee on Legal Affairs
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs
Committee on Fisheries
Committee on Regional Development
Committee on Public Health
Committee on Security and Defence
Committee on Transport and Tourism

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP