Az elmúlt hétvégén alkalmam nyílt elkísérni a 20. század utolsó jelentős (ráadásul európai) légvédelmi harcának jól ismert kulcszereplőjét újabb magyarországi előadására, a szigetvári Zrínyi Napokra, majd hazafelé a Börgöndi Repülőnapra. Talán jó felvetés a szeptemberi hírbejegyzéshez!
Ezúton is köszönet a szervezőknek a szíves látásért, az érdeklődőknek pedig a figyelemért és a kérdésekért. A zökkenőmentes lebonyolításért pedig Láng Róbertet és Józsa Dávidot illeti hála!
Zord
The United States will play a crucial role in global climate protection in what has been called the “super election year” of 2024. After three-and-a-half years of having scored huge successes in climate protection, President Joe Biden could be succeeded by Donald Trump in January 2025, according to opinion polls. Trump used his first Presidency (2017–2021) to largely reverse the climate protection measures of the previous administration; and he intends to take the same approach if he wins in November. Conservative think tanks have provided him with a detailed blueprint for doing so with the “Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise”. Trump’s return to the White House would deal a fatal blow to climate protection. Many of the Biden administration’s climate policy measures could be scrapped by a second Trump administration. While the future of US climate policy depends largely on the results of the elections to the White House and Congress, an important factor will also be the progress that has been made in the individual US states.
The Russian war of aggression has deepened relations between the EU and Ukraine. This can be seen, above all, in Ukraine’s EU candidate status. Despite the war, Ukraine continues to pursue many reforms, even if their pace has slowed since February 2022. The strong concentration of power in the Office of the President negatively affects the separation of powers. It makes judicial reforms more difficult and hinders parliament’s ability to exercise its functions. The war has weakened the power of oligarchs in Ukraine in many respects. Yet the form of governance in the country has not experienced a clear break from the past. Even during the invasion, the authorities are continuing their fight against corruption among the elite. The population perceives some progress, but high-level corruption remains a deep-rooted challenge. Civil society activities have changed both qualitatively and quantitatively as a result of the war and have become more significant since the invasion. Civil society engagement can be fostered with the help of returning Ukrainian migrants and through the involvement of Ukrainians abroad. Ukraine’s municipalities will play a key role in reconstruction, or are doing so already. To ensure that reconstruction is successful in all its dimensions, municipalities should continuously be involved in the mechanisms and processes currently being developed. In order to meaningfully intensify Ukraine-EU relations, it is essential that rule of law be expanded and consolidated, not only in Ukraine, but also in the EU and its member states.
The foundation of the European Union-Turkey economic and trade relations lies in the Customs Union and more broadly in the bilateral preferential trade framework, established in December 1995. For over nearly three decades, this partnership has played a pivotal role in integrating Turkish industries into European supply chains, significantly multiplying bilateral trade volumes. However, as the global economic and geopolitical environment has changed and concerns about trade resilience and national security have increased, new trends such as protectionism, offshoring, or friend-shoring are increasingly being discussed. These global developments present new challenges but also opportunities for EU-Turkey relations.
In the Black Sea, Turkey has been able to engage in resource exploration and joint security arrangements with its neighbours. Ankara’s approach to the Black Sea demonstrates that with the right diplomatic efforts and mutual recognition of interests, regional cooperation is possible even in complex geopolitical environments. The contrast in Ankara’s positioning in the Black Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean highlights the potential for Turkey to participate in cooperative frameworks in the latter case, provided its concerns and interests are adequately addressed.
La commission technique mixte RDC-Ouganda discute, depuis mercredi 4 septembre, d’une feuille de route et du budget d’exécution du projet de démarcation de la frontière commune entre la RDC et l’Ouganda, au Nord-Kivu. Ces discussions qui se tiennent à Goma ont pour but de résoudre les conflits de limites qui opposent, depuis longtemps, les deux pays voisins.