Agrégateur de flux

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Russia had launched more than 670 attack drones and 56 missiles in the attack

L’historienne Fatima Besnaci-Lancou estime, dans une tribune au « Monde », que la récente loi algérienne criminalisant la colonisation française discrimine encore davantage les harkis en les accusant de « trahison ».

Euronews: Trumpot vörös szőnyeges ceremóniával fogadták a Népi Nagy Csarnokban, mielőtt megkezdte volna a kétoldalú tárgyalásokat Hszi Csin-pinggel. A kínai elnök szerint a két országnak „együtt kell dolgoznia a globális kihívások kezelésén”, míg Trump úgy fogalmazott, hogy a két nemzet előtt „fantasztikus közös jövő” állhat. Trump személyesen is dicsérte Hszit, „nagyszerű vezetőnek” nevezte, és azt mondta, hogy a két politikus közvetlen kapcsolattartással eddig mindig gyorsan rendezni tudta a nézetkülönbségeket.

Inter Milan won the Italian Cup on Wednesday after beating Lazio 2-0 and completing a domestic double alongside their 21st Serie A title. An Adam Marusic own goal and Lautaro Martinez 39;s tap-in, both in the first half, gave Inter both a comfortable victory in Rome and a 10th Cup triumph.

Trump's trip to Beijing is the first by a US president in nearly a decade

Les journaux parus ce jeudi 14 mai à Kinshasa reviennent principalement sur deux sujets qui dominent l’actualité politique et diplomatique : d’une part, les débats autour d’une éventuelle révision de la Constitution, perçue par plusieurs acteurs comme une tentative d’ouvrir la voie à un troisième mandat pour le président Félix Tshisekedi ; d’autre part, la position du président français Emmanuel Macron, qui privilégie le dialogue entre Kinshasa et Kigali plutôt qu’un durcissement des sanctions contre le Rwanda.

Amira Aly und TV-Moderator Christian Düren erwarten ihr erstes gemeinsames Kind. Das gibt die deutsche Moderatorin am Mittwoch bekannt.

2,4-es magnitúdójú földrengés volt a Zala vármegyei Nagykanizsa térségében szerda este negyed nyolckor – közölte a Kövesligethy Radó Szeizmológiai Obszervatórium a Facebook-oldalán.

Mint írták, eddig két bejelentés érkezett Nagykanizsáról, egy Zalamerenyéről és egy Fűzvölgyről, károkról nem számoltak be.

Az obszervatórium kéri azokat, akik érezték a földrengést, hogy töltsék ki a www.seismology.hu oldalán elérhető kérdőívet – olvasható a bejegyzésben.

The post Földrengés rázta meg Nagykanizsa térségét appeared first on Kárpátalja.ma.

Opening plenary session, INC 5.2 of the global plastics negotiations, Palais des Nations, Geneva, 5 August 2025. Credit: Craig Boljkovac

By Craig Boljkovac
GENEVA, May 14 2026 (IPS)

Norway’s reported decision to review and place on hold aspects of its funding to the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) should be understood as more than a budgetary matter. It is a political signal. It is also a warning that the global plastics treaty negotiations may now be approaching the point at which governments must decide whether the present UNEP process can still deliver the treaty they promised, or whether a different pathway is required.

There should be no misunderstanding. Norway has been one of the strongest supporters of an ambitious global plastics treaty. It co-leads, with Rwanda, the High Ambition Coalition. It has also been the largest listed contributor to the INC process, with UNEP’s donor table showing more than USD 7.2 million in contributions received from Norway as of 25 March 2026.

Its apparent decision to pause or review funding therefore cannot be dismissed as marginal. It comes from a country that has invested politically and financially in the process and that has consistently positioned itself on the side of ambition.

That is precisely why the signal matters.

If Norway is now forcing a moment of reflection, it may be doing the negotiations a service. A process that cannot conclude, cannot decide, and cannot distinguish between genuine compromise and procedural obstruction needs more than another round of careful facilitation. It needs political clarity.

The original mandate was not ambiguous. In March 2022, the United Nations Environment Assembly agreed to develop an international legally binding instrument on plastic pollution, including in the marine environment, addressing the full lifecycle of plastics, with the aim of completing the work by the end of 2024. That deadline has passed.

The fifth session in Busan did not produce a treaty. The resumed fifth session in Geneva did not produce a treaty. INC-5.3 in February 2026 was essentially an organizational session, including the election of a new Chair. We are now looking toward INC-5.4, possibly at the end of 2026 or in early 2027.

At some point, the numbering itself approaches the point of absurdity. INC-5.4 is not a normal negotiating milestone. It is the fourth attempt to complete the fifth session of a process that was supposed to conclude in 2024. This is not multilateral patience. It is clearly a form of procedural dysfunction.

None of this is intended as disrespect toward Ambassador Julio Cordano of Chile, the newly elected Chair of the INC. On the contrary, he has taken on one of the most difficult environmental negotiations in recent memory.

He inherited a fractured process, an absurdly complicated text, deeply polarized delegations, and an increasingly visible divide between countries seeking a full-lifecycle treaty and those seeking a narrower waste-management instrument. This is despite his stated and admirable determination to get the treaty “over the line.”

The difficulty, however, is that all indications suggest that the Chair is pursuing a highly neutral, process-oriented path. That is understandable. A Chair in this setting is expected to maintain confidence across the room, including among delegations whose positions are far apart. But neutrality is not the same as progress.

At a certain point, a too-neutral process can become a shield for those who prefer no outcome, or only the weakest possible outcome. And his treatment of observers, despite recent indications that he will take their views more fully into consideration, still leaves much to be desired in a UN system that contends to be as broadly inclusive as possible.

The gap between the Like-Minded countries and the High Ambition Coalition is not a drafting problem. It is a political problem. One group of countries wants an agreement that addresses the full lifecycle of plastics, including production, design, hazardous chemicals, products, trade, waste, finance and implementation.

Another group seeks to confine the treaty largely to downstream waste management, recycling and national discretion. These are not merely different textual preferences. They are different theories of the treaty. The mandate for the negotiations clearly states that the former, not the latter, is what should be pursued.

If the process continues to treat these positions as equally bridgeable, it will continue to reward delay. Consensus can be a tool for legitimacy. But in this process, it is increasingly at risk of becoming a veto mechanism for the least ambitious actors.

The result is predictable: more informal consultations, more revised texts, more late-night sessions, more statements of disappointment, and still no treaty.

This is why Norway’s move deserves, at minimum, a measure of credit. It has introduced a hard political question into a process that has become too comfortable with postponement. If countries are serious about concluding a meaningful treaty within UNEP, they should do so now. Not after another “informal” round. Not after another partial session. Not after INC-5.5 or INC-5.6. Now.

But if they are not prepared to do so, then high-ambition countries should begin preparing an alternative. The obvious precedent is the Ottawa Process on anti-personnel landmines. When the established disarmament machinery could not deliver a comprehensive ban, a coalition of like-minded governments, supported by civil society and international organizations, moved outside the blocked forum and negotiated a treaty among those prepared to act.

The Mine Ban Treaty was opened for signature in Ottawa in December 1997 and was later (after agreement was reached) brought back into the broader UN treaty system.

That example is important because it shows that moving outside a blocked UN process is not necessarily anti-UN. It can be pro-multilateralism. The Ottawa Process did not reject international law; it created it. It did not wait for the least ambitious actors to become ready. It allowed the most ambitious actors to move first and then invited others to join.

A plastics “Ottawa Process” would not need to start from zero. The UNEP negotiations have already generated years of technical work, draft text, legal options, coalition positions, scientific input and stakeholder engagement. A like-minded process could take the strongest elements from that work and use them as the basis for an agreed treaty text.

Participation could be open to all states, but on the basis of a minimum level of ambition: full lifecycle coverage; legally binding obligations; controls on problematic products and chemicals of concern; a necessary focus on supply chains; credible implementation financing; and reporting and review mechanisms.

The next stage should therefore be framed as a final test. INC-5.4 should be treated as the last credible opportunity for the UNEP process to produce a treaty that reflects the mandate adopted in 2022.

If that session produces only another procedural continuation, or a weak agreement stripped of lifecycle measures, production-related provisions, and meaningful controls on chemicals and products, then high-ambition countries should move immediately toward an Ottawa-style diplomatic track.

The plastics crisis is not waiting for the INC process to resolve its internal contradictions. Plastic production continues to grow, in accordance with targets set by like-minded countries. Waste continues to leak into rivers, oceans, soils and food systems. Communities continue to bear the health and environmental costs. The purpose of the negotiations was to respond to that reality, not to create an indefinite process for describing it.

Norway’s funding decision may therefore prove useful if it forces governments to confront the obvious. Either the UNEP negotiations now become serious, political and outcome-oriented, or the countries that are serious about ending plastic pollution should create a pathway of their own.

That would not be a failure of multilateralism. It may be the only way left to save it.

Craig Boljkovac is a Geneva-based Senior Advisor with a Regional Centre for the Basel and Stockholm Conventions, and an independent international environmental consultant with over 35 years of experience in relevant fields. His opinions are his own. He has participated in several INCs and related meetings for the global plastics agreement.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Black Starlets head coach Prosper Narteh Ogum has called on his players to draw strength from Ghana rsquo;s proud youth football history as the team prepares for the U-17 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) in Morocco.

Black Starlets head coach Prosper Narteh Ogum has described Group D of the U-17 Africa Cup of Nations as one of the most demanding sections of the tournament, insisting that all four teams have earned their place at the competition.

Ha május elején tartották volna a parlamenti választást, a Progresszív Szlovákia győzött volna a szavazatok 18,3%-ával, mögötte viszont csak 0,2%-kal van lemaradva a Smer – derült ki a Focus ügynökség 360tka.sk hírportál számára készített felméréséből.

Gender equality is a core value of the European Union (EU) and a fundamental right under EU law. Over the past decades, the EU has adopted legislation to combat discrimination, reduce the gender pay gap, fight gender‑based violence and promote equal rights.
In March 2026, the European Commission adopted the gender equality strategy 2026‑2030. The new strategy builds on the previous gender equality strategy 2020‑2025 and the roadmap for women’s rights, endorsed by all 27 EU countries in 2025.
The strategy focuses on gender-based violence and cyberviolence, equal pay and work-life balance, women’s health, AI-related risks and online platforms, and gender balance in decision-making, sport and culture.

Gender‑based violence

Gender-based violence is violence directed against an individual because of their gender. It mainly affects women and girls, and includes rape, harassment and female genital mutilation, as well as psychological and economic violence.
The EU directive on combating violence against women and domestic violence, adopted in 2024, criminalises female genital mutilation, forced marriage and several forms of gender-based cyberviolence. EU countries must incorporate it into their national laws by 14 June 2027.
The EU acceded in 2023 to the Council of Europe’s Istanbul Convention, a treaty on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence. Bulgaria, Czechia, Lithuania, Hungary and Slovakia have not yet ratified the convention. In its November 2025 resolution, Parliament urged them to do so.

Employment

‘Equal pay for equal work’ is a principle set out in the EU treaties, and EU law prohibits gender-based pay discrimination. Despite this, women in the EU still earn on average 11.1 % less per hour than men.
The Pay Transparency Directive from 2023 requires companies to disclose salary information, report on pay gaps and take corrective action where gaps exceed 5 %. The burden of proof in discrimination claims lies with the employer.
The Women on Boards Directive from 2022 requires at least 40 % of non-executive director posts or 33 % of all director posts in the EU’s largest listed companies to be held by the under-represented gender by June 2026. The current EU average share of women on boards is 34 %.

The EU gender pension gap still stands at 25 %, contributing to older women being at greater risk of poverty and social exclusion than older men. EU laws also guarantee a minimum of 14 weeks of maternity leave, four months of parental leave per parent (at least two months paid and non-transferable) and 10 working days of paternity leave. Citizens can find more detailed information about their leave rights on the Your Europe website.

Healthcare

The 2026‑2030 gender equality strategy is the first to treat women’s health as a separate policy area. The Commission plans to launch a joint initiative with the World Health Organization (WHO) on women’s healthcare, and work with the European Medicines Agency (EMA) to ensure that differences between men and women are better taken into account in the development and approval of medicines.
In February 2026, the Commission replied to the ‘My Voice My Choice’ European citizens’ initiative on abortion, acknowledging that unsafe abortion is a public health concern. In its December 2025 resolution, Parliament expressed support for the initiative.

The 2022 revision of the VAT Directive already allows EU countries to apply reduced or zero VAT rates on menstrual products.

AI and online platforms

The strategy also addresses AI-related risks to women, including gender bias in recruitment and the spread of sexually explicit deepfakes. Under the Digital Services Act, in January 2026 the Commission opened an investigation into whether the provider of X properly assessed and mitigated risks related to its Grok AI tool, including the spread of manipulated, sexually explicit images.

The directive on combating violence against women requires that EU countries criminalise the non-consensual sharing of intimate images, including AI-generated deepfakes, by June 2027.

Gender balance in EU institutions

The proportion of female MEPs in the European Parliament has steadily risen over the years. However, after the 2024 European elections, the share of women MEPs fell to under 40 %. In the Commission, 49 % of management positions are now held by women, up from 40 % in 2019. Since the start of Ursula von der Leyen’s second term in December 2024, 11 of the 27 Commissioners have been women.
The European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) monitors gender balance across the EU and supports EU countries in integrating a gender perspective into their policies.

Keep sending your questions to the Citizens’ Enquiries Unit (Ask EP)! We will reply in the EU language in which you write to us.

The actor was recognised for his contributions to entertainment as well as his humanitarian efforts.

Black Starlets head coach Prosper Narteh Ogum has described Ghana rsquo;s U-17 Africa Cup of Nations opener against Algeria as a demanding tactical contest, urging his side to stay disciplined and focused from the outset.

Consommation massive d'eau et d'électricité, expropriations, bénéfices limités pour l'économie locale : le méga centre de données Panthéon, prévu en Banija, région déshéritée de Croatie, cristallise les dérives du capitalisme numérique et l'emprise de la Big Tech américaine sur les ressources européennes.

- Articles / Novosti, Une - Diaporama, Economie, Croatie, Environnement

Consommation massive d'eau et d'électricité, expropriations, bénéfices limités pour l'économie locale : le méga centre de données Panthéon, prévu en Banija, région déshéritée de Croatie, cristallise les dérives du capitalisme numérique et l'emprise de la Big Tech américaine sur les ressources européennes.

- Articles / Novosti, Une - Diaporama, Economie, Croatie, Environnement

Mit Hochspannung werden Ergebnisse aus den Gesprächen zwischen US-Präsident Donald Trump und Chinas Staatschef Xi Jinping erwartet. Zur Eröffnung des Treffens warnte Xi die USA jedoch direkt vor einem Konflikt um Taiwan.

Black Starlets head coach Prosper Narteh Ogum has called on his players to stay composed and embrace the pressure of representing Ghana as they prepare for the U-17 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON). Ghana has been drawn in Group D alongside Algeria, Senegal and South Africa in what promises to be a highly competitive pool.

Die USA und Israel führen Krieg gegen den Iran. Im Ticker halten wir dich über die neusten Entwicklungen auf dem Laufenden.