Agrégateur de flux

"Csak a bátorság gyönyöréért jöttünk, a magasztos férfipróba örömére s eljövünk felétek, valahányszor ebben kedvünk lelik…" - így szólt részben az egyik üzenet azok közül, melyeket az olasz légierő felderítőgépei röplapokon szórtak le egyszer Bécsre az I. világháborúban. Az akkor igen hosszúnak számító repülőúton a bátor propaganda-különítményt a hírneves irodalmár, a katonai pilótának mellesleg már eléggé túlkoros Gabriele D'Annunzio őrnagy vezette, és tőle származott a fent idézett nyilatkozat is, melyet (a 400 ezer röplapból 50 ezret) a többivel ellentétben a parancsnokság mulatságos módon le sem fordíttatott németre, merthogy annak magvas üzenetét osztrákok úgyse értenék - mintha csak egy orosz avantgárd művészekről szóló viccet hallana az ember. (Ezt a hiányosságot könnyen lehet, hogy azóta se pótolta senki; angol fordítással viszont szolgál a Wikipédia.)

[...] Bővebben!

Space capabilities are a core element of any modern defence arsenal. In Europe, how­ever, military space capabilities are limited and dependence on the United States remains high. Europe must develop its capabilities in order to reduce dependencies and enhance its capacity to act on its own, thereby fostering European autonomy. To ensure that European space capabilities are developed efficiently, it is necessary to identify which dependencies on the US are particularly critical and which obstacles would hin­der the development of such capabilities. Priority should be given to space situational awareness, military reconnaissance, navigation resilience and missile early warning.

By Rachel Avraham   In the contemporary global debate on sovereignty, few countries embody the paradox of independence and unresolved historical justice as powerfully as Algeria. More than six decades after the end of French colonial rule, Algeria officially stands as a fully sovereign state — yet its political narrative, institutional memory, and diplomatic posture continue to be shaped not only by the trauma of colonization, but also by the unfinished moral and legal questions that surround it. Algeria’s story is not simply one of liberation; it is the story of a state that insists that sovereignty is incomplete without historical truth.   Across much of the post-colonial world, sovereignty has long been interpreted as a formal condition — the existence of borders, a national government, a flag, and a seat in international organizations. Algeria challenges this minimalist understanding. For Algiers, independence was never meant to be merely administrative separation from France; it was envisioned as a deeper, restorative process in which recognition of colonial crimes, acknowledgement of cultural erasure, and moral accountability would stand alongside political autonomy. What emerged instead is a long-term gap between legal sovereignty and historical justice — a gap that continues to inform Algeria’s strategic behavior at home and abroad.   The French colonial enterprise in Algeria was not a marginal episode of empire; it was one of the most entrenched settler-colonial projects of the twentieth century. Land confiscation, population displacement, systematic repression, and cultural assimilation policies were accompanied by mass violence during the war of independence. These realities explain why Algeria views memory not as a symbolic exercise, but as a sovereign right. Paris, on the other hand, has walked a cautious line — acknowledging suffering, yet often avoiding full juridical language such as “crime” or “responsibility.” This tension has produced what may be called a dual narrative: legal decolonization without comprehensive moral reckoning.   It is precisely within this contradiction that Algeria positions itself in the emerging global “parade of sovereignties,” where states increasingly link legitimacy not only to power or territory, but to ethical claims rooted in history. While many post-colonial states remain satisfied with nominal independence, Algeria argues that a sovereign nation cannot be fully whole so long as its past remains officially disputed or minimized. For Algiers, the struggle for independence did not end in 1962; it transformed into a campaign for recognition — archives, remains, apologies, compensation mechanisms, and the right to narrate its own history.   This posture is not without strategic consequences. Algeria’s insistence on historical justice shapes its diplomacy, fuels segments of its domestic political identity, and at times places it in friction with former colonial actors who prefer reconciliation without accountability. Critics argue that this approach can serve as a political instrument, reinforcing state legitimacy through memory narratives and allowing the ruling elites to frame sovereignty as a perpetual revolutionary project. Supporters counter that historical silence is the greater danger, because it leaves colonial violence unexamined and perpetuates structural asymmetries in international relations.   In a broader sense, Algeria exposes a deeper transformation underway in global politics: sovereignty is evolving from a purely territorial principle into a moral-political claim. From Africa to Latin America, states increasingly demand that independence be understood not as a single historical milestone, but as an ongoing process linked to dignity, memory, restitution, and epistemic autonomy — the right to define how history is written and whose suffering counts. Algeria stands at the forefront of this intellectual shift, presenting itself as both a survivor of empire and a claimant of historical truth.   Yet the challenge for Algeria, like for many post-colonial societies, lies in balancing memory with governance. The legitimacy derived from anti-colonial struggle must coexist with the responsibilities of economic reform, political accountability, and social development. A sovereignty narrative grounded solely in the past risks becoming static; one built on both justice and modernization can evolve into a constructive force. The country’s future relevance will depend on whether it can transform historical grievance into a forward-looking project that strengthens institutions rather than replacing them.   The Algerian case therefore invites a deeper reflection on the meaning of liberation in the twenty-first century. Independence may remove the colonial power, but it does not automatically resolve the ethical and psychological legacies of domination. Formal sovereignty establishes the state; historical justice completes it. Algeria’s insistence on this distinction is not merely an internal debate — it is a message to the international system that recognition, memory, and dignity are no longer peripheral themes, but foundational components of modern sovereignty.

C'est une intox lancée par les services russes : le patriarcat oecuménique de Constantinople voudrait reconnaître une Église orthodoxe monténégrine, comme il l'a fait pour celle d'Ukraine. L'opération vise à décrédibiliser Bartholomée Ier, mais surtout à aggraver les tensions politiques au Monténégro.

- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Monténégro, Religions, orthodoxie, Poutine et les Balkans

The policy brief by Dr. Ioannis Armakolas (Head, South-East Europe Programme – ELIAMEP & Director, think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration) and Ioannis Alexandris (Research Fellow, South-East Europe Programme – ELIAMEP & Researcher, think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration), “Enlargement and the EU Budget: Is the price to pay high? The case against fiscal alarmism”, was prepared in the framework ELIAMEP’s initiative think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration, supported by the Open Society Foundations – Western Balkans. 

At a time when EU enlargement is increasingly contested by Eurosceptic and radical-right forces, the policy brief examines one of the most politically sensitive aspects of the debate: the budgetary and fiscal implications of enlargement. Building on think nea’s thematic report on radical-right narratives, the authors analyse how fears about costs to taxpayers, agricultural subsidies, and cohesion funds are mobilised to undermine public support for further EU expansion, particularly in net-contributor Member States.

Drawing on recent EU budget proposals for the 2028–2034 Multiannual Financial Framework, as well as economic modelling and lessons from previous enlargements, the brief demonstrates that the actual fiscal cost of enlargement is modest and manageable, especially when phased-in mechanisms and structural reforms are applied. At the same time, it shows that EU transfers are transformational for candidate countries, particularly in the Western Balkans, Moldova and Ukraine, supporting convergence, institutional reform and infrastructure development.

The analysis also highlights the opportunity costs of non-enlargement, emphasising how past rounds of enlargement generated significant economic gains for existing Member States through trade, investment, labour mobility and integrated supply chains. In this light, the brief reframes enlargement not as a fiscal burden but as a strategic investment in Europe’s competitiveness, resilience and long-term stability.

The paper concludes with concrete policy recommendations on how to reframe public debate, embed enlargement within the EU’s new competitiveness and strategic autonomy agenda, and counter fiscal alarmism by presenting enlargement as a win-win process that benefits both current and future Member States.

You can read the policy brief here.

The South-East Europe Programme of ELIAMEP is a member of the IGNITA network, led by Open Society Foundations – Western Balkans.

Iranexpertin, zu den Opfern der Massenproteste im Iran

Le Venezuela est bien un lieu de transit pour les cartels sud-américains et balkaniques de la cocaïne, mais son rôle est mineur par rapport à celui de pays voisins comme la Colombie, le Guatemala ou encore l'Équateur.

- Articles / Monténégro, Serbie, Croatie, drogues, Défense, police et justice, Courrier des Balkans

Le Venezuela est bien un lieu de transit pour les cartels sud-américains et balkaniques de la cocaïne, mais son rôle est mineur par rapport à celui de pays voisins comme la Colombie, le Guatemala ou encore l'Équateur.

- Articles / Monténégro, Serbie, Croatie, drogues, Défense, police et justice, Courrier des Balkans

Les sanctions européennes qui frappaient le Kosovo depuis l'été 2023 vont être totalement levées ce mois de janvier, annonce la Commission. Une conséquence du bon déroulement des élections locales d'octobre et des législatives de décembre, mais qui croit encore en la relance du « dialogue » avec Belgrade ?

- Le fil de l'Info / Kosovo Vetëvendosje, Kosovo, Questions européennes, Courrier des Balkans, dialogue Kosovo Serbie, Tensions Nord Kosovo

Soll der Kündigungsschutz für Gewerkschafter ausgebaut werden? Die Frage sorgt hinter verschlossenen Türen für Streit. Bald läuft die Frist für die Verhandlungen ab. Ein Kompromissvorschlag liegt vor.

The Soviet Made ZSU-23-4 Shilka is slowly becoming a low cost drone killer for Ukraine in 2026.

The notion that the best defence is a good offence applies in many situations, but it is crucial that you always have a good defence to start with if you wish to keep yourself safe and capable of providing any offence. This bit of boxing and martial arts advice can be applied to military defensive measures as well, as too much offense or too much defence may win battles, but may also end up losing you the war.

The initial phases of the Ukraine War came with the furied use of special weapons systems like Javelins and other high tech anti-tank missiles during the first months of the war. Over the skies above the field of battle, the use of large and sophisticated anti-air missiles to shoot down lower cost missiles and more numerous drones took shape. While very effective, it also depleted the number of high end defence missiles that could be used against Hypersonic missile threats in the future. With the international stockpile of advance defense missiles being limited, the Hypersonic threats would become more aggressive as the years went on, and targets became harder to defend, even with successful tactical results. It has come to the point where nations that have defended themselves appropriately are now supplying interceptors to those who are in disarray in how to address their own defensive posture. While the irony exists, it remains to be seen if any lessons will be learned.

An idea which I had commented on several times since 2022 became reality as an initiative in support of Ukraine’s Armed Forces took the older Soviet ZSU-23-4 system and modernised it for anti-drone warfare. While the depletion of NATO defense systems through the attrition of advanced missiles on simple targets was likely planned by Russian forces, installing a low cost remedy to drone swarms was always the solution needed since the first day of the war. Made famous in the West in the movie The Flight of the Intruder, and through generations of active service in the East, the ZSU-23-4 Shilka was a mainstay of the Soviet Armed Forces since the 1970s. The Shilka acted as the protector of their mobile divisions through the use of a radar guided set of X4 23mm anti-aircraft cannons, mounted on a modified BTR-50 chassis, with the weapons system and radar based in a rotating turret on top of the hull.

The new privately donated initiative took to using the large global stockpile of ZSU-23-4s, re-equipping their radar and sensors with systems designed to combat drones, and redeploying the modernised ZSU-23-4MI Shilkas in the field in Ukraine. While this system is far from the most advanced, and would work only against aircraft and drones, it might be the best long term solution for the vastness of Ukraine. The best protection often comes in simple numbers, as opposed to high tech and very costly solutions. With little to nothing being done to destroy the source of the drone threats since 2022 by NATO, there has never truly been an offense to speak of in combination with these defensive measures. As with boxing and martial arts, to win a fight, you have to decide to fight it, as defense only strategies welcomes more violence from the other side.

While simple low cost responses to threats start to emerge as battlefield solutions in 2026, the basic tenets of defending one’s society also comes from having a proper defence, or simply put, an appropriate level of safety on the streets of our nations. The many instances where thoughts and prayers are given after negligent policies results is an ever losing strategy. A coordinated narrative that downplays real threats in our streets likely comes from intent, not negligence, as it literally ignores the need for security. Slow, lacking, or absence in responding to known threats when the opposite is apparent is already the biggest threat to societies worldwide. As with a losing strategy, leaders who fail must be made to exit their roles, and it should be standard that their ties and links to the results should be formally and systemically investigated. If you wish to end a war, you have to fight the war, defensively and offensively at once. This starts with protecting yourself.

Europa dürfe nicht alles mit sich machen lassen, sagte Laura von Daniels von der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik

As climate negotiators gathered in Belém for the 30th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP30), the surrounding rainforest was in the spotlight, with COP30 being dubbed a “forest COP”. As one of its key projects, the Brazilian government launched the Tropical Forest Forever Facility (TFFF). The fund for the conservation and restoration of standing rainforests aims to serve as a successful and innovative initiative in multilateral cooperation through blended finance. However, there remains a gap between current forest finance and what is needed to reach the Rio Convention targets. Germany and a few other European states have pledged investments into the fund and could shape its implementation. Additional financing mechanisms for forest restoration play a com­plementary role and should be enhanced. Still, not all success lies in finance. Forest finance mechanisms must reconcile targets of increasing carbon sequestration and storage in forests along with biodiversity and sustainability targets, while upholding the rights of local populations.