Agrégateur de flux

Die existentielle Not der Menschen im Gazastreifen prägt derzeit außen- und sicher­heitspolitische Debatten. Dort ist die Lage der Zivilbevölkerung besonders dramatisch. Doch auch anderswo – von der Ukraine über Sudan und Myanmar bis zur Demokratischen Republik Kongo und Haiti – haben Kriege und gewaltsame Konflikte verheerende Folgen für die Bevölkerung. In dieser Hinsicht zeichnet auch der Gene­ral­sekretär der Vereinten Nationen (VN) in seinem im Mai veröffentlichten jährlichen Bericht ein düsteres Bild. Zugleich greifen die gängigen internationalen Mittel der Konfliktbeilegung immer weniger. Daher ist es dringend geboten, wichtige Veränderungen im Konfliktgeschehen syste­matisch zu erfassen und Ansätze zum Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung auf dieser Grundlage neu zu justieren.

"I think that the European nations are going to take a lot of the burden and we’re going to help them" the US President said

Motivation: In recent years, foreign aid donors have tried to becomemore transparent, often by sharing information digitally. However,the politicization of individual aid projects has resulted in biasedreporting, raising doubts about the legitimacy of aid in general. Wetherefore examine whether increased transparency leads to greatergovernment effectiveness and public trust. Purpose: Government agencies typically assume that greatertransparency in public administration improves understanding ofbureaucratic actions, thereby fostering trust in the government. Inforeign aid, openness is believed to enhance public confidence andimprove the effectiveness of governments. However, recent publicand political reactions to the disclosure of aid information cast doubton these optimistic assumptions. Approach and methods: Using our sender-mediator-receiver modelof a “fragile transparency loop,” we analyse how communicationbreaks down in German foreign aid. First, we focus on Germany as adonor that shares information through a digital transparency portal,examining the sender side. Second, we investigate the mediator sideby conducting a qualitative content analysis of German online mediaarticles. Third, we examine the receiver side by disaggregating theGerman public into several subgroups. Findings: Our empirical findings suggest that, while donors assumea virtuous transparency loop, the reality can resemble a fragiletransparency loop that is easily disrupted. The government maywithhold information; mediators may spread misinformation; and thepublic may not receive information neutrally. These dynamics explainwhy, despite increasing transparency, donors may not achieve theintended increases in government effectiveness and public trust. Policy implications: Donors should find a balanced approach toforeign aid transparency that upholds democratic accountabilitywhile avoiding information overload. Aid bureaucracies should tailortheir disclosure to serve different audiences, including professionalswith development expertise and the wider public, who may havepreconceptions or be uninformed about foreign aid.

Motivation: In recent years, foreign aid donors have tried to becomemore transparent, often by sharing information digitally. However,the politicization of individual aid projects has resulted in biasedreporting, raising doubts about the legitimacy of aid in general. Wetherefore examine whether increased transparency leads to greatergovernment effectiveness and public trust. Purpose: Government agencies typically assume that greatertransparency in public administration improves understanding ofbureaucratic actions, thereby fostering trust in the government. Inforeign aid, openness is believed to enhance public confidence andimprove the effectiveness of governments. However, recent publicand political reactions to the disclosure of aid information cast doubton these optimistic assumptions. Approach and methods: Using our sender-mediator-receiver modelof a “fragile transparency loop,” we analyse how communicationbreaks down in German foreign aid. First, we focus on Germany as adonor that shares information through a digital transparency portal,examining the sender side. Second, we investigate the mediator sideby conducting a qualitative content analysis of German online mediaarticles. Third, we examine the receiver side by disaggregating theGerman public into several subgroups. Findings: Our empirical findings suggest that, while donors assumea virtuous transparency loop, the reality can resemble a fragiletransparency loop that is easily disrupted. The government maywithhold information; mediators may spread misinformation; and thepublic may not receive information neutrally. These dynamics explainwhy, despite increasing transparency, donors may not achieve theintended increases in government effectiveness and public trust. Policy implications: Donors should find a balanced approach toforeign aid transparency that upholds democratic accountabilitywhile avoiding information overload. Aid bureaucracies should tailortheir disclosure to serve different audiences, including professionalswith development expertise and the wider public, who may havepreconceptions or be uninformed about foreign aid.

Motivation: In recent years, foreign aid donors have tried to becomemore transparent, often by sharing information digitally. However,the politicization of individual aid projects has resulted in biasedreporting, raising doubts about the legitimacy of aid in general. Wetherefore examine whether increased transparency leads to greatergovernment effectiveness and public trust. Purpose: Government agencies typically assume that greatertransparency in public administration improves understanding ofbureaucratic actions, thereby fostering trust in the government. Inforeign aid, openness is believed to enhance public confidence andimprove the effectiveness of governments. However, recent publicand political reactions to the disclosure of aid information cast doubton these optimistic assumptions. Approach and methods: Using our sender-mediator-receiver modelof a “fragile transparency loop,” we analyse how communicationbreaks down in German foreign aid. First, we focus on Germany as adonor that shares information through a digital transparency portal,examining the sender side. Second, we investigate the mediator sideby conducting a qualitative content analysis of German online mediaarticles. Third, we examine the receiver side by disaggregating theGerman public into several subgroups. Findings: Our empirical findings suggest that, while donors assumea virtuous transparency loop, the reality can resemble a fragiletransparency loop that is easily disrupted. The government maywithhold information; mediators may spread misinformation; and thepublic may not receive information neutrally. These dynamics explainwhy, despite increasing transparency, donors may not achieve theintended increases in government effectiveness and public trust. Policy implications: Donors should find a balanced approach toforeign aid transparency that upholds democratic accountabilitywhile avoiding information overload. Aid bureaucracies should tailortheir disclosure to serve different audiences, including professionalswith development expertise and the wider public, who may havepreconceptions or be uninformed about foreign aid.

Security guarantees, not concessions, top Ukraine allies’ agenda

The only effective deterrent is to create a credible threat that Moscow cannot beat, with much less wriggle room for would-be protectors to soften their commitment

Henrik Landerholm, who resigned in January over the scandal, left documents in an unlocked locker at a hotel in March 2023

Mehr als ein Jahr nach den tödlichen Unruhen in Neukaledonien unternimmt Paris einen neuen Anlauf, um ein umstrittenes politisches Abkommen des Territoriums voranzubringen.

Die Diskriminierung von übergewichtigen Menschen am Arbeitsplatz ist ein wachsendes Problem. Besonders Frauen verdienen schlechter, wegen neuer, alter Schönheitsideale., Übergewicht hat sich in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten zu einer großen gesundheitlichen Herausforderung mit pandemischen Ausmaßen entwickelt. Die WHO spricht schon seit 1997 von einer globalen Epidemie. Wir wissen zwar viel über die Auswirkungen von Übergewicht auf die Gesundheit und die Sozialsysteme, ...

Der Europäische Gerichtshof hat der EU-Kommission eine Niederlage zugefügt: Brüssel habe eine Beschwerde der französischen NGO BLOOM nicht ausreichend geprüft. Nun steht der Thunfisch erneut im Zentrum des Streits um seine Fangmethoden.

Public Affairs Unit, OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Katya Andrusz

On 24 July 2025 and following consultation with Ukraine, 41 OSCE participating States invoked the Moscow Mechanism “on violations and abuses of human rights and violations of IHL, including possible cases of war crimes and crimes against humanity, related to the treatment of Ukrainian POWs by the Russian Federation”. More specifically, the tasks of the mission of experts will include those detailed below.*

Ukraine has now selected three people from the list of experts to be part of the mission.

The Moscow Mechanism provides the opportunity for participating States to send missions of experts to assist in the resolution of a particular question or problem relating to the human dimension, which entails the commitments made by participating States on human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. Further information is available here.

In relation to Ukraine, the Moscow Mechanism was last invoked by 45 participating States following consultations with Ukraine in February 2024 to “address arbitrary deprivation of liberty of Ukrainian civilians by the Russian Federation”.

Any information relevant to the work of the Moscow Mechanism can be sent to the following email address ideally by 3 September 2025: moscowmechanism2025@odihr.pl. This will be forwarded in confidence to the expert mission.

The 41 countries that have invoked the Moscow Mechanism on this occasion are: Albania, Andorra, Austria, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Moldova, Monaco, Montenegro, Netherlands, North Macedonia, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom.

*To “build upon previous findings, and: [t]o establish the facts and circumstances surrounding possible contraventions of relevant OSCE commitments; violations and abuses of human rights; and violations of IHL, including possible cases of war crimes and crimes against humanity, related to the treatment of Ukrainian POWs by the Russian Federation; [t]o collect, consolidate, and analyze this information including to determine if there is a pattern of widespread and systematic torture, ill-treatment and execution of Ukrainian POWs and soldiers hors de combat and/or at detention facilities by the Russian Federation in the temporarily occupied territories and in Russia; and [t]o offer recommendations on relevant accountability mechanisms”.

Auch wenn Israel als Sieger aus der jüng­sten Auseinandersetzung mit dem Iran hervorgegangen ist, herrscht langfristig ein Patt im Kräftemessen der vier großen Regionalmächte. Das ist gefährlich.

En un an, le prix d'un appartement de 50 m² à Skopje a bondi de 20 000 euros. La hausse atteint +22,5 % au premier semestre 2025, tirée par une demande soutenue et un recours accru au crédit. Un rythme qui inquiète autorités et acteurs du secteur, alors que près d'un logement sur trois reste inoccupé dans le pays.

- Articles / Radio Slobodna Evropa, Macédoine du Nord, Economie

L'ancien salafiste Sanin Musa voulait organiser une prière publique dans le bastion croate de Široki Brijeg. L'affaire ravive les débats sur la liberté religieuse et les prières dans l'espace public, une pratique pourtant très marginale en Bosnie-Herzégovine.

- Le fil de l'Info / Religions, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Islam balkans, Courrier des Balkans

Das Amerika von Donald Trump werde in den Medien zu Unrecht dämonisiert, sagt Claudia Franziska Brühwiler. Für die US-Regierung und die neuen Konservativen zählten nicht allein ökonomische Argumente.

From jollof rice in St Lucia to Afrobeats in Jamaica, islanders find new ways to embrace Africa.

Aux côtés de Jean-Luc Soulé, président fondateur du Festival, une équipe de bénévoles et de salariés, efficaces et passionnés, s'engage toute l'année pour porter et développer le Festival et ses activités artistiques ou solidaires. Cette mobilisation est soutenue par de fidèles mécènes et partenaires publics et privés depuis trente-cinq ans.
Le Festival du Périgord Noir tient à remercier chaleureusement tous ceux qui ont choisi de s'investir dans le quotidien du Festival et d'en soutenir (…)

- Agenda / France - Régions, Albanie