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Mercredi 26 août 2026

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A TOI DE JOUER

À l’approche d’une opération de démolition annoncée au marché Sakombi, dans la commune de Ngaliema à Kinshasa, plusieurs commerçants démontent eux-mêmes leurs installations le long de l’avenue Mbeseke. Des reporters de Radio Okapi qui se sont rendus dans ce lieu de négoce mardi 25 août, ont constaté que ces vendeurs cherchent notamment à récupérer leurs marchandises et une partie de leurs biens avant l’intervention des autorités.

Cinq ans après l'arrivée au pouvoir des talibans, nombreux sont ceux qui se demandent si l'Occident dispose encore de moyens de négociation.

La Rencontre des entrepreneurs de France (REF) du Medef, qui a pour thème cette année "le courage", prend un tour exceptionnel à huit mois de la présidentielle de 2027 en accueillant jeudi un débat économique entre sept candidats lancés dans la course à l'Élysée, de Marine Le Pen à Jean-Luc Mélenchon. 

Emmanuel N. Nnorom est le Président du Groupe United Bank for Africa Plc (UBA). À ce titre, il assure la direction stratégique du Conseil d'administration de l'une des institutions financières les plus importantes et les plus diversifiées d'Afrique, présente dans 20 pays africains et à l'international, notamment au Royaume-Uni, aux États-Unis, en France et aux Émirats arabes unis.

M. Nnorom revient à UBA fort d'une expérience remarquable à la tête de certaines des plus grandes entreprises africaines. Il a été Directeur Général de Heirs Holdings, un groupe actif dans les services financiers, l'énergie, la santé, l'hôtellerie, l'immobilier et les technologies. Auparavant, il était Président-Directeur Général de Transnational Corporation of Nigeria Plc (Transcorp), où il supervisait le portefeuille diversifié du conglomérat, incluant Transcorp Power, Transcorp Hilton, Transcorp Hotels Calabar et Transcorp Energy.

Son lien avec UBA est profond, fruit de plus de huit années d'expérience à des postes de direction, qui ont joué un rôle déterminant dans la transformation de la Banque en une institution véritablement panafricaine. Il a occupé le poste de directeur général/PDG d'UBA Afrique, supervisant les filiales du Groupe dans 18 pays africains et pilotant la mise en œuvre de sa stratégie d'expansion régionale. Auparavant, au sein d'UBA, il a été directeur des opérations et directeur financier du Groupe, en charge des finances et des risques, ainsi que directeur exécutif des finances, des risques et de la direction générale du Groupe. Plus récemment, il a siégé au conseil d'administration d'UBA en tant qu'administrateur non exécutif, apportant à son mandat actuel une continuité et une connaissance approfondie de l'entreprise.

M. Nnorom est expert-comptable agréé. Il possède plus de quarante ans d'expérience reconnue dans les secteurs bancaire, financier, de l'audit, des opérations et de la gouvernance d'entreprise. Ancien élève du Templeton College d'Oxford, où il a suivi des programmes de formation en leadership et en gestion, il est membre de l'Institut des experts-comptables du Nigéria (ICAN) et membre honoraire de l'Institut des banquiers agréés du Nigéria (CIBN).

En tant que président du groupe, M. Nnorom apporte au conseil d'administration une combinaison rare de mémoire institutionnelle, d'expérience en matière de leadership panafricain et de rigueur financière, guidant la croissance continue d'UBA, son orientation stratégique et son engagement à créer de la valeur à long terme pour ses actionnaires, ses clients, ses employés et ses parties prenantes sur l'ensemble de ses marchés.

Kanada „sajnálattal” bár, de vissza fog vágni az Egyesült Államok büntetővámjaira – jelentette be Mark Carney miniszterelnök. A kanadai kormányfő közölte, hogy felfüggeszti a kereskedelmi tárgyalásokat az Egyesült Államokkal, mert nem hajlandó kompromisszumokra Kanada szuverenitását illetően. A kanadai kormányfő a Fehér Házzal folytatott, a kereskedelmi megállapodás megkötésére és az új büntetővámok elkerülésére irányuló, hetekig tartó […]

Articolul Fokozódik az amerikai-kanadai vámháború apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

Studie untersucht Folgen von Schulschließungen auf Arbeitsangebot berufstätiger Eltern – Vor allem Mütter von Grundschulkindern schränkten ihre Beschäftigung ein, Väter weiteten sie aus – Betreuungskluft zwischen Müttern und Vätern mit mehr Flexibilität und besserer Kinderbetreuung verringern Die ...

En raison de la sécheresse historique de cet été, qui a perturbé l’alimentation des vaches laitières, le gouvernement a autorisé un assouplissement temporaire des cahiers des charges pour les fromages AOP abondance, beaufort et comté. D’autres AOP fromagères pourraient bientôt bénéficier d’assouplissements similaires.

Le président de la République, Félix-Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo, a officiellement lancé mardi 25 août, les travaux de balisage du fleuve Congo et de la rivière Kasaï, lors d’une cérémonie organisée au port de l’ONATRA, à Kinshasa.

La presse kinoise s’intéresse ce mercredi 25 août, au lancement du balisage du fleuve Congo et de la rivière Kasaï par le président Félix Tshisekedi. Les journaux examinent aussi les enjeux de cette opération, tandis que 100 étudiants congolais obtiennent des bourses pour poursuivre leurs études en Russie.

Congo Nouveau pointe les limites du transport fluvial : « ONATRA et RVF toujours des canards boiteux » 

Sébastien Lecornu arrive, mercredi, à Mayotte pour tenter d'accélérer la reconstruction de l'archipel. Cette dernière tarde à se concrétiser un an et demi après le passage dévastateur du cyclone Chido.

Photo highlighting the activities and successes of the 'Promoting Nature-based Solutions for Land Restoration while Strengthening National Monitoring Technical Working Group in Kenya: Phase 2' project funded by UK PACT. Credit: Anthony Ochieng/CIFOR-ICRAF

By Lulseged Tamene Desta and Cargele Masso
NAIROBI, Kenya, Aug 26 2026 (IPS)

Several coalitions exist today to defend the territories in which people live and work. Global leaders have long understood the importance of shared responsibility for collective security and have invested significant time in establishing networks, partnerships and alliances. In 2025, global spending on defense reached a record $2.9 trillion.

But the global community is increasingly recognizing that today’s gravest existential risks arise from a war being waged against nature itself – and our defenses are woefully fragmented and underfunded. The world is investing only about $220 billion a year for nature-based solutions, compared to $7.3 trillion for nature-negative activities.

This is not just a discrete, isolated environmental concern. The triple planetary crises of land degradation, biodiversity loss and climate change are worsening food insecurity, water scarcity and ecosystem collapse, threatening millions of lives.

Collectively, the impact of the ongoing assault on nature is amplifying conflict, worsening migration, driving inflation higher, and fomenting geopolitical instability. Unless restoration and sustainable management of resources is in place, the world is expected to lose more than US$23 trillion by 2050, while halting this trend would cost around $4.6 trillion.

Many solutions to these interconnected crises exist but have been ineffective to date. Limited coordination and collaboration between countries, sectors and disciplines, as well as insufficient resources and short-term approaches to long-term challenges, mean we are far behind the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals. Despite compelling evidence of the costs of degradation, investment remains far below what is needed because opportunities are rarely presented as credible, investable propositions.

To change this, two things must happen. First, governments, international agencies, academia and civil society must unite through a grand coalition to bring together those currently working in isolation to achieve greater impact than the sum of their parts – a kind of mutual pact to protect nature.

Photo highlighting the activities and successes of the ‘Promoting Nature-based Solutions for Land Restoration while Strengthening National Monitoring Technical Working Group in Kenya: Phase 2’ project funded by UK PACT. Credit: Anthony Ochieng/CIFOR-ICRAF

And second, this grand coalition must also engineer a funding paradigm shift from focusing on environmental challenges to investing in the many opportunities of conservation and restoration.

The ongoing UN COP17 desertification talks in Mongolia, where the theme is “Restoring Land, Restoring Hope”, is the perfect opportunity to progress this.

Evidence shows that integrated approaches to address landscape degradation solve multiple interconnected challenges.

For example, investment in soil and water conservation in the Adarsha watershed in southern India has been found to improve water availability, agricultural productivity, and rural livelihoods. Analysis showed that yields of maize intercropped with pigeonpea increased by 148% while households in the watershed were less affected by droughts compared to those in the non-watershed area.

In Kenya and Tanzania, the adoption of Participatory Rangeland Management improved rangeland condition and resilience to climate shocks for more than 90% of participating communities.

Despite evidence from these successes, these interventions are not being invested in and applied at the scale needed to transform the world’s food, land and water systems in ways that can build long-term, far-reaching resilience.

Countries, donors, financing institutions and civil society must come together in a grand coalition to direct the coordination, governance and investment necessary to tackle these crises where they all interconnect: at the landscape level.

A grand coalition would offer a dedicated focal point to integrate and advance the UN’s goals for climate, biodiversity and land degradation, allowing for stronger coordination and shaping the global agenda for informed decision-making. Critically, the coalition would lead the redirection away from ineffective, siloed solutions and the self-defeating environmental trade-offs they create.

A grand coalition would also create a platform for establishing the rigorous systems of governance essential to achieving global goals for nature, including fair and inclusive land tenure and governance over water systems. Understanding the true cost of landscape governance and inaction is instrumental for adequate investments.

Lastly, a grand coalition would gather the evidence to help shift the emphasis of finance for nature towards investments that benefit everyone. By identifying a menu of options for turning grand challenges into grand opportunities, the coalition would unlock the financing from banks, donors, philanthropies and other development funders needed to scale interventions globally.

The UNCCD COP17 talks in Mongolia is not just an opportunity to address the challenges facing land. It’s a moment to foster unity around a shared threat to all of our territories. CGIAR and its partners will play its part by developing an investment plan to anchor greater coordination in collaboration with the grand coalition of action for shared human and planetary outcomes.

Landscapes are where our greatest environmental and human challenges today are playing out, from declining biodiversity to the deforestation driving climate change, to increasing levels of food insecurity.

Investing in multifunctional landscapes through a unified global coalition, therefore, is not simply an environmental imperative for the world, but also a strategic one. Galvanizing support for landscape-centered solutions can simultaneously reduce future risks and strengthen economies and communities.

A global coalition for restoring and protecting landscapes would recognize a defining reality of the 21st century: protecting nature is fundamental for protecting us all.

Dr. Lulseged Tamene Desta, is Director of the CGIAR Multifunctional Landscapes Science Program
Cargele Masso, is Director of the CGIAR’s Environmental Health and Biodiversity Impact Area Platform

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Results of the vote on the approval of the appointment of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, UN General Assembly, 24 July 2026. Credit: UN Photo/Loey Felipe

By Samuel King
BRUSSELS, Belgium, Aug 26 2026 (IPS)

On 24 July, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly reappointed Volker Türk as High Commissioner for Human Rights for a further four years. Only 10 states – among them Israel, Russia and the USA – opposed the decision.

Türk is an Austrian lawyer who’s spent almost his entire career in the UN system, from field postings in Kosovo to the UN refugee agency to his present role in Geneva. Because of this, when he became High Commissioner in October 2022, there were concerns he might be more cautious than his predecessors, but he has spoken out about violations committed by the powerful. He criticised Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, demanded investigations into deaths in US immigration detention and condemned Israel’s atrocities in Gaza. He has, however, faced criticism for not calling out Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide and not speaking out enough on China, particularly concerning the situation of Uyghur people in Xinjiang.

The vote will make Türk the first person set to serve two full terms since the post was created in 1993. One early High Commissioner, Mary Robinson, wanted to stay on, but strong US resistance to her positions on its post-9/11 military interventionism and the 2001 Durban Conference — the UN’s World Conference against Racism, where Israel and the USA walked out due to its focus on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict — left her with only a one-year extension.

As a funding crisis continues to engulf the UN human rights system, continuity matters. US withdrawal from funding UN agencies, part of its broader assault on the international system in general and human rights bodies in particular, has placed the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) under serious financial strain, forcing staff cuts and reducing capacity to work in countries where human rights violations are taking place. A vacancy or a contested process would have added further disruption at a difficult time.

A rushed and contested process

The vote came unexpectedly and moved fast. UN Secretary-General António Guterres informed states of his intention to reappoint Türk without a public process, open competition or much time for deliberation. With Guterres’ second term ending this year, the move was likely intended to keep the decision off his successor’s desk and prevent opposition from building.

Most states accepted this, but the USA didn’t. It immediately moved to delay the vote, citing insufficient consultation. Ireland, speaking for the European Union, opposed the US motion, which was defeated by 63 votes to 27. The USA’s representative called the process ‘classic UN cronyism’, accused Guterres of cutting a backroom deal and warned there would be ‘consequences’. Russia tried a different tactic, proposing to extend Türk’s mandate by just 81 days, to the end of 2026, leaving the decision to the next Secretary-General. That too was rejected, by 71 votes to 19.

Argentina, Burkina Faso, Israel, Mali, Nicaragua, Niger, North Korea, Russia, Trinidad and Tobago and the USA voted against Türk’s reappointment. The list contains tight US allies, such as Argentina and Israel, and states that align with Russia, such as North Korea and the three military-run states of the Sahel, which are increasingly working as a bloc. Under the Trump administration, it’s no longer a surprise to see the USA voting the same way as Russia. Most of the states, including Nicaragua, systematically violate human rights. Russia and North Korea both resist any accountability for human rights violations, while the USA particularly objected to Türk’s criticism of its war on Iran and migration detention deaths. Israel accused the OHCHR of having ‘erased the atrocities of October 7 and betrayed UN neutrality’.

Some states that might have been expected to vote against Türk, however, supported him. Among the 144 who backed his reappointment were the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan and Syria, all states subject to active UN scrutiny. This suggested that hostility to a specific human rights mandate doesn’t necessarily extend to the whole system, and even heavily scrutinised states may see value in a working relationship with the OHCHR.

A vulnerable human rights system

The 13 abstentions and 26 no-shows also deserve attention. Some were procedural, with Ecuador and Paraguay saying afterwards that they wanted more time. Peru cited concerns about limiting the incoming Secretary-General’s flexibility, though its abstention may also reflect Türk’s recent criticism of Peru’s human rights record, including laws granting amnesty to security forces accused of serious violations during armed conflict between 1980 and 2000.

Iraq, New Zealand, South Korea, Sri Lanka and Uganda all abstained. New Zealand described its position as ‘procedural rather than policy’, but the decision drew sharp domestic criticism, not least given its recent failure to recognise Palestinian statehood.

Among the smaller states that ducked a decision, some likely faced economic or political pressure from the most powerful states to stay quiet, while others may have judged themselves insufficiently protected from the consequences of taking a visible position. This means the vote may reflect vulnerability as much as it measures support for the High Commissioner. As the most powerful states increasingly throw their weight around in the international system, smaller states may have to make calculations about when they can afford to take a position and when they need to stay quiet.

Continuity as the outcome

Institutional continuity is the immediate outcome, and Türk has signalled what he intends to do with it. In a June speech, he described an ‘unprecedented, shameless onslaught against international law’ that’s causing appalling human suffering, insisted the international community must stay focused on fundamentals and declared the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the core treaties ‘ever more important’. His message to the G7, meeting nearby, was blunt: put human rights at the centre of discussions as a force for stability, not an afterthought.

Legitimacy and moral authority, however, won’t pay the OHCHR’s bills. Over the next four years, Türk must resist China, Russia and the USA as they work to undermine the UN bodies that protect human rights. The 144 states that backed Türk now carry the responsibility of turning their votes into action. They should ensure the OHCHR is adequately funded and work to bring on board states that abstained, particularly if they did so out of fear. They must show that collective commitment to human rights still counts for something.

Samuel King is a researcher with the Horizon Europe-funded research project ENSURED: Shaping Cooperation for a World in Transition at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

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La rentrée scolaire approche à grand pas mais les modalités pratiques de l'enseignement à distance annoncé par le ministère de l'Éducation nationale se font toujours attendre en Ituri, l’épicentre de l'épidémie d'Ebola.

‎‎Le Gouvernement congolais passe à la vitesse supérieure contre la spoliation des biens de l’État à Kinshasa. Soixante-deux dossiers sont transmis à la justice, selon un ‎communiqué du cabinet du ministre de la Justice daté du lundi 24 août. Il évoque un réseau présumé de faux-titres fonciers impliquant des officiers ministériels et des cadres de l’administration.               

« Suez, canal historique » (3/6). De 1880 à 1914, l’Egypte a perçu moins de 1 % du chiffre d’affaires généré par la Compagnie universelle du canal maritime de Suez. Un revenu qui démontre la domination du Royaume-Uni et de la France sur la gestion de la voie d’eau au début du XXᵉ siècle.

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