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Ce lundi 3 mars, le ministre du Logement, de l’Urbanisme et de la Ville, Mohamed Tarek Belaribi, s’est rendu sur le chantier du centre hospitalier […]

L’article Le plus grand CHU d’Algérie depuis l’indépendance prend forme dans cette wilaya (vidéo)  est apparu en premier sur .

L’astronome et astrophysicien algérien, Loth Bonatiro, a livré ses prévisions concernant la célébration de l’Aïd el-Fitr pour l’année 2026. Selon ses calculs, le premier jour […]

L’article Selon Bonatiro, les Algériens fêteront l’Aïd El-Fitr en ce jour est apparu en premier sur .

Trois mois après avoir foulé aux pieds un accord de paix qu’il venait à peine de signer avec la République démocratique du Congo, le Rwanda vient de se faire sévèrement rappeler à l’ordre.

In any scenario where Taiwan loses its democratic sovereignty, Taiwanese women lose first and lose most.

Les grandes familles TAPSOBA, OUEDRAOGO, KABRE, COMPAORE, ILBOUBO, YANOGO, NACOULMA à Dagnoen, Katr-yarr, Dapoya, Saint-Léon, Gounghin, Bilbalogho, Ouidi, Tampouy ; le Dagnoén Naaba SAANEM et ses chefs coutumiers ; le BALOUM Naaba de Dagnoén ; le OUEDANG Naaba de Manga ;

Les familles alliées : TAMINI, YODA, N'KERBU, SAWADOGO, KINDA, OUEDRAOGO, ILBOUDO ;

L'épouse TAPSOBA/TAMINI Marie Emilie ;

Les frères et sœurs : Roger Marie, Giséle Marie Alice, Clotaire Marie ;

Les enfants : Ange Patrick, Anthony Rodrigue Galyam, Cédric Clovis Sidwendkieta, Stéphane Davy Ghislain ;

Les petits enfants : David Evan Claver, Anaelle Maria Grace, Melvin Nathanael Elishama, Soléa Adrielle ;

Ont la profonde douleur de vous annoncer le rappel à Dieu de leur époux, frère, père, grand-père, oncle, Omer Marie Bruno TAPSOBA ; décès survenu dans la nuit du 1er au 2 mars 2026 des suites de maladie ;

Ainsi, le programme des obsèques de Feu Colonel Major à la retraite TAPSOBA Omer Marie Bruno, Ancien Chef d'Etat-Major de la Gendarmerie Nationale -de 2017 à 2021-, s'articule comme suit :

Jeudi 05 Mars 2026 :

Levée du corps de la chambre mortuaire du CHU-Bogodogo à 16h00 pour le domicile du défunt à « Katr-yarr » ;

Veillée de prière à 20h00 audit domicile.

Vendredi 06 Mars 2026 :

Départ du domicile du défunt à 8h00 ;

Messe et absoute à 9h00 à la Paroisse Saint Sébastien au Camp Sangoulé LAMIZANA ;

Inhumation au cimetière municipal de Gounghin.

« Que son âme repose en paix ! »

AMEN !!!

Image: Hiroshi-Mori-Stock / shutterstock.com and 内閣広報室 / Cabinet Public Affairs Office / Wiki Commons

By Ria Shibata
Mar 3 2026 (IPS)

 
Sanae Takaichi’s electoral victory in February marks a historic turning point in Japanese politics. As Japan’s first female prime minister and the leader of a commanding parliamentary majority, she represents change in both symbolic and strategic terms. Conventional wisdom long held that younger Japanese voters leaned progressive, were sceptical of assertive security policies, and disengaged from ideological nationalism. Yet a segment of digitally active youth rallied behind a politician associated with constitutional revision, expanded defence capabilities, and a more unapologetic articulation of national identity. This shift cannot be reduced to a simple conservative swing. Rather, Takaichi’s rise reflects a deeper transformation in how democratic politics is constructed in the digital age: the growing power of imagery, digital mobilisation, and algorithm-driven branding in shaping political choice—particularly among younger voters.

Takaichi’s approval ratings among voters aged 18–29 approached 90 per cent in some surveys, far surpassing those of her predecessors. Youth turnout also rose, suggesting that Japanese youth are not politically apathetic. On the contrary, they are paying attention—but the nature of that engagement has changed. Viral images, short video clips, hashtags, and aesthetic cues travelled faster and farther than policy briefings. For many younger voters, engagement began—and sometimes ended—with the visual and emotional appeal of the candidate. This pattern is not uniquely Japanese. However, the scale of its impact in this election suggests that political communication has entered a new phase in which digital imagery can shape electoral outcomes as much as—or more than—substantive debate.

A New Phase of Digital Politics in Japan

In the months leading up to the election, Takaichi’s image proliferated across social media platforms. Supporters circulated clips highlighting her confident demeanour and historic candidacy. A cultural trend sometimes described as ‘sanakatsu’ or ‘sanae-mania’ framed political support as a form of fandom participation. Hashtags multiplied. ‘Mic-drop’ moments went viral. Even personal accessories—her handbags and ballpoint pens—became symbolic conversation pieces.

Political enthusiasm has always contained emotional and symbolic elements. What is new is the speed and scale at which digital platforms amplify them. Algorithms reward content that provokes reaction—admiration, anger, excitement. A charismatic clip often outperforms a detailed explanation of fiscal reform. For younger voters raised in scroll-based media environments, political information increasingly arrives as curated snippets. Policy complexity competes with—and often loses to—aesthetic immediacy.

Post-election surveys and interviews suggested that many first-time voters struggled to articulate specific policy distinctions between parties. Instead, they cited impressions—strength, change, decisiveness, novelty—suggesting that digital engagement does not automatically translate into policy literacy. Political identity can form through repeated exposure to imagery and narrative rather than sustained examination of legislative proposals. When campaigns are optimized for shareability, they are incentivized to simplify. Nuance compresses poorly into short-form video.

The Politics of Strength in an Age of Uncertainty

Japan’s younger generation has grown up amid prolonged economic stagnation, regional insecurity, and global volatility. China’s rise, tensions over Taiwan, North Korean missile launches, and persistent wage stagnation form the backdrop of their political participation. For many, the future feels uncertain and structurally constrained.

In such an environment, Takaichi’s assertive rhetoric carried emotional resonance. Her emphasis on strengthening national defence, revisiting aspects of the postwar settlement, and making Japan “strong and rich” projected clarity rather than ambiguity. Where institutional politics can appear technocratic or slow, decisive messaging offered the voters psychological reassurance.

At the core of her appeal is a narrative of restoring a ‘strong’ Japan. Calls for constitutional revision and expanded defence capabilities are framed as steps toward recovering national self-confidence. For younger Japanese fatigued by protracted historical disputes and what some perceive as externally imposed guilt, language emphasising pride and sovereignty resonates more readily than complex historical debates. This may not signal a rejection of peace. Rather, it may reflect a generational reframing of peace itself—understood not solely as pacifism, but as deterrence, defence capability, and strategic autonomy. Messages stressing ‘sovereignty’, ‘strength’, and ‘normal country’ can circulate more effectively in shareable digital formats than nuanced and complex historical analysis.

A Global Pattern: Virtual Branding, a Democratic Crossroads

Japan’s experience mirrors a broader transformation in democratic politics: the rise of virtual branding as the central organizing principle of electoral strategy. In earlier eras, campaigns revolved around party platforms and televised debates. Today, strategy increasingly begins with platform optimization. Campaigns are designed not only to persuade, but to perform within algorithmic systems. The guiding question is no longer only “What policies do we stand for?” but “What content travels?”

The election of Donald Trump in the United States illustrated how virtual media strategy can reshape political competition. Memorable slogans and emotionally charged posts dominated attention cycles, often eclipsing policy detail. Scholars have described this as “attention economics in action”: the candidate who captures digital attention shapes political reality before formal debate even begins. More recently, figures such as Zohran Mamdani have demonstrated how youth-centered digital branding can mobilize support with remarkable speed. Campaigns became participatory; supporters did not merely consume messaging but actively distributed political identity.

Takaichi’s recent victory reflects the evolving mechanics of digital democracy. Her leadership will ultimately be judged not by imagery but by governance — by whether her policies deliver economic stability, regional security, and social cohesion. The broader question, however, transcends any single administration. It means political decisions have migrated into digital environments optimised for speed and visual communication. In an age where images travel faster than ideas, democratic choice risks being guided more by what is seen than by what is discussed. In such an environment, political campaigns will be forced to adapt, and produce content that performs well within these algorithmic constraints. Over time, this may reshape voter expectations and politics will begin to resemble influencer culture. Campaigns that fail to master digital branding risk will appear outdated. Those that succeed can mobilize youth at scale.

Democracy has always balanced emotion and reason. The challenge today is ensuring that emotion does not eclipse reason entirely. The future of informed citizenship may depend on restoring that balance. This does not suggest that previous eras were immune to personality politics. What has changed is the proportion. The digital environment magnifies symbolic cues and compresses policy discussion. If democracies wish to maintain robust deliberation, they must consciously rebalance image and substance. This requires civic education focused on media literacy, virtual platform incentives that elevate substantive debate and political leadership willing to engage in depth, not just virality. And the responsibility is collective—voters, educators, media institutions, and candidates alike. The question facing democracies is whether this transformation can coexist with substantive deliberation or whether branding will increasingly overtake it.

Related articles:
Japan Stumbles: The Taiwan Fiasco
The New Takaichi Administration: Confronting Harsh Realities on the International Stage
Middle Powers After Davos

Ria Shibata is currently a Senior Research Fellow at the New Zealand Centre for Global Studies, and the Toda Peace Institute in Japan. She also serves as a Visiting Scholar at the University of Auckland. Her research focuses on identity-driven conflicts, reconciliation, nationalism and the role of historical memory in shaping interstate relations and regional stability in Northeast Asia.

This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and is being republished from the original with their permission.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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