European Union

Aloys F. Dornbracht v Commission
Competition
The Court of Justice dismisses the majority of the appeals brought by companies that participated in the cartel on the bathroom fixtures and fittings market

Place:          Europa building, Brussels
Chair:         Edward Scicluna, Minister for Finance of Malta 

All times are approximate and subject to change. 

from 08.00 
Arrivals (live streaming) 

+/- 08.30    
Doorstepby Minister Scicluna 

+/- 09.00    
Ministerial breakfast (Roundtable) 

+/- 10.00    
Beginning of the Council meeting
Adoption of the agenda

VAT fraud - "reverse charge" mechanism (public session)
Presidency work programme (public session)
Approval of non-legislative A items
Economic governance - 2017 European Semester
Banking reform - Basel Committee
EU budgetary own resources                  

At the end of the meeting
Press conference (main press room JL building) (live streaming)

Length of video : 121'
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Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Length of video : 61'
You may manually download this video in WMV (567Mb) format

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

The end is in sight for the Atlantic alliance as we have known it for 70 years. The European Union, both with and without Britain, must now prepare for the new multipolar world and decide whether it is in control of its own destiny.

In the days after the United States presidential inauguration, one cannot better the following Washingtonian commentator on the new administration’s international outlook: “[Donald Trump] has no mental map of the world, no strategy, no ideas but only irresistible and changeable impulses.”

It is foolish to believe that President Trump’s messages are purely rhetorical. Despite soothing commentaries to the contrary, he will make it clear that his campaign threats are for real. Europe can expect a sharp decline in American interest in its future welfare and prosperity. Washington will have less time for Europe’s security concerns. NATO, says Trump, is “obsolete”.

Meanwhile Russia, in its current imperial, nationalist mood, will seek opportunities to cause trouble in central and western Europe, providing compensatory distraction from economic failure at home. A (perhaps hypothetical) meeting of minds between Moscow and Washington will be at Europe’s expense.

But Europe continues to mess its own nest. Three important elections this year augur no good. A strong populist showing in the Netherlands in March, ushering Geert Wilders into a government coalition, will send a negative message throughout Europe and weaken the traditionally strong and exemplary Benelux component of the EU.

In May François Fillon seems most likely to enter the Elysée Palace, unless the outsider Emmanuel Macron beats him to it. But two factors could tip the scales in favour of the National Front’s Marine Le Pen in the second round: centre-right voters choosing the real right-wing over a light version, and a high abstention rate among centre-left and left-wing voters. Whatever the result, a new president could face substantial unrest spilling onto the streets.

In Germany, the era of ‘Super Merkel’ is over, although she will probably remain as Chancellor. The political scene will harden to the right. As elsewhere, the nationalist ‘wir/nous/us/noi’ phenomenon will gain further strength.

“Europe continues to mess its own nest – three important elections this year augur no good”

Throughout this period we can also expect intensified interference in the European political process through falsehoods, as has happened in the US. Part of this will be generated by RT (formerly Russia Today) and its adjuncts. Part will be of American origin, notably through Breitbart, now expanding activities in Europe and influenced by its former executive and current Trump chief strategist Steve Bannon.

On top of this comes Brexit, which is turning into an appalling distraction from more important business. Speculation about ‘hard’ or ‘soft’ Brexit, or Swiss, Norwegian or other so-called solutions remains largely a waste of time. Brexit risks becoming ‘hard’ by default. Mrs May’s rambling, repetitive discourse of 17 January, tinted with jingoism, failed to address one fundamental point: how has EU membership prevented Britain from seizing the opportunities presented by being a member of the international community?

Other factors, currently understated, will add to the tension: growing irritation among continental partners blaming Brexit for their poor economic performance and falling investment; difficult domestic politics in other European countries resulting in little patience for British foibles; and irritation that Brexit crowds out the other important issues on the European agenda. All of this while eurozone woes continue; while bank weaknesses threaten growth and stability; while Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic further downgrade their commitment in Europe; and while NATO is undermined and Europe’s military is overstretched and incoherent.

Brexit must not be allowed to dominate Europe’s agenda to the detriment of everything else. There are other things to be done.

Immigration and inequality are two issues that will condition politics in Europe in the months and years to come.

Immigration alone will fill Europe’s demographic gap and provide the wherewithal to sustain its economy, its welfare system and the pensions of its ageing population. But ironically, it is older people who primarily resist it. Immigration has happened too rapidly and on too large a scale for economically stagnant Europeans to stomach it. Less discussed is that many immigrants are from the generation needed to engineer development prospects in their origin countries – which should be the priority of Europe’s neighbourhood policy.

“With Trump’s words now meaning actions, it’s wake-up time for Europe”

That same factor of economic stagnation draws increasing attention to inequalities. Swathes of Europeans feel the pinch of frozen or declining incomes, with accompanying losses of self-esteem and expectation, for themselves and for their kin. Meanwhile the media highlights corporate tax evasion, indecent wealth (be it of footballers or bankers) and indulgent consumption by those who can afford it. Many Europeans sense an ‘establishment’, economic and political, which is not bearing its share of social responsibility.

Neither of these two major threats lends itself to quick-fix solutions.

Could all this amount to a wake-up call? Or will the alarm clock fail and Europe sleep on?

There some urgent steps that Europe can take:

1. Re-evaluate defence infrastructure, while saving the assets of NATO after US withdrawal.
2. Pursue the Banking Union to tackle Europe’s banking weaknesses.
3. Accelerate renewal of inadequate infrastructure – through the Juncker Plan, national (particularly German) efforts and information technology investment.
4. Step up practical measures to make an Energy Union a reality.
5. Set up Erasmus II to foster artisan exchanges.
6. Make a start on the road to fiscal union by stepping up action against tax fraud and evasion.
7. Step up a programme to enact greater “subsidiarity” in the workings of the EU.
8. Spell out the realities of unity in diversity in the EU.
9. Plan for some dual-mandated national and European parliamentarians in the next European Parliament.
10. Pursue immigration policy with firm selectivity but backed by European efforts and better spending to integrate immigrants into European society (in areas such as language skills and technical training).
11. Renew efforts for development of neighbourhood countries economically, security-wise, particularly in the Balkans, North Africa and the Middle East.

None of the steps above require treaty amendments, and all of them are practical objectives which people can understand.

Perhaps, as the EU’s history shows, it takes ‘external threats’ as now to bring Europeans to their senses. With Trump’s words now meaning actions, it’s wake-up time for Europe.

IMAGE CREDIT: CC/Flickr – © European Union 2014 – European Parliament

The post Europe must take control of its own destiny in 2017 appeared first on Europe’s World.

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Not only is Mr Renzi still reeling from having to resign as prime minister after losing a constitutional referendum in December, but the country’s judiciary has now struck down a key aspect of his flagship electoral reform, passed with much fanfare in 2015. Specifically, the court said that the idea of a run-off between the two leading parties, which was central to the law because it ensured that the winner would be able to govern with a comfortable majority in the lower chamber of parliament, is unconstitutional. What is left is a single-ballot contest in which seats in a general election will be apportioned by proportional representation, with one unlikely exception: if a party wins more than 40 per cent of the vote, it will gain enough bonus seats to govern with an absolute majority. For anyone familiar with Italian politics – where coalitions of unstable governments have been the name of the game for decades – this looks a lot like the return to old days, for better or for worse. But while the ruling looks on paper like a setback for Mr Renzi, he may actually welcome the the blow to his legacy as it could, ironically, help him return to power. The key point is that the decision makes it more likely that Italian elections will be called earlier than expected, possibly as soon as June instead of the scheduled date of February 2018. And since Mr Renzi – arguably still Italy’s most influential politician – has been calling for early elections in order to attempt a comeback as prime minister, this would seem to fit his political goals. The main reason early elections are potentially closer is that the judges made the electoral law in the lower chamber more consistent with the one in the Senate, Italy’s upper house. Many political leaders, beginning with Sergio Mattarella, Italy’s president, see such a reconciliation as a prerequisite for any general election. The other reason early elections are closer is because the magistrates said the ruling could be applied immediately, without any intervention of the parliament, which would have meant drawn-out negotiations and delays. Other fans of early elections who may be cheering at the ruling are the populist Five Star Movement and Northern League, who have ardently called for snap polls. On the other side of the divide is Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia party, which wants to slow things down, along with Mr Mattarella and Paolo Gentiloni, the current prime minister who is loyal to Mr Renzi but may want to spend some more time at the tiller. They may still prevail. Ultimately, the decision on early elections will be made by Mr Mattarella, together with Mr Renzi, based on their calculation of the odds of locking the Five Star Movement out of power, even if means a “Grande Coalizione” with Mr Berlusconi. At this juncture, their chance of that are pretty high. But whether that still holds a year from now is a gamble they may not want to take. Email: james.politi@ft.com Twitter:@JamesPoliti

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Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

EU member states should encourage rabbit farmers to phase out conventional battery cages and replace them with healthier but affordable alternatives, such as park or pen farming systems, says the Agriculture Committee in a resolution voted on Wednesday. MEPs argue that improving rabbits’ welfare and living conditions would help prevent disease, thus reducing the need for intensive use of antibiotics that might end up in the human food chain.
Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

EU member states should encourage rabbit farmers to phase out conventional battery cages and replace them with healthier but affordable alternatives, such as park or pen farming systems, says the Agriculture Committee in a resolution voted on Wednesday. MEPs argue that improving rabbits’ welfare and living conditions would help prevent disease, thus reducing the need for intensive use of antibiotics that might end up in the human food chain.
Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

General : To honour the upcoming International Holocaust Remembrance Day, MEPs held a ceremony in the Parliament on Wednesday together with representatives from Jewish communities in Europe and other dignitaries. Referring to the Holocaust as "the worst tragedy in European history", Parliament President Antonio Tajani said: “Remembering is not only an act of commemoration. It is a crucial process if we want to avoid repeating the same errors.”

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

General : To honour the upcoming International Holocaust Remembrance Day, MEPs held a ceremony in the Parliament on Wednesday together with representatives from Jewish communities in Europe and other dignitaries. Referring to the Holocaust as "the worst tragedy in European history", Parliament President Antonio Tajani said: “Remembering is not only an act of commemoration. It is a crucial process if we want to avoid repeating the same errors.”

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

The President of the European Council, Donald Tusk received the letters of credentials of the following Ambassadors:

H.E. Mr Gonzalo GUTIERREZ REINEL, Ambassador, Head of the Mission of Republic of Peru to the European Union
H.E. Mr Lok Bahadur THAPA, Ambassador, Head of the Mission of Nepal to the European Union
H.E. Mr Mohammed Shahdat HOSSAIN, Ambassador, Head of the Mission of People's Republic of Bangladesh to the European Union
H.E. Mr Wali J. MONAWAR, Ambassador, Head of the Mission of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to the European Union
H.E. Mr David HALES, Ambassador, Head of the Mission of  Cooperative Republic of Guyana to the European Union

The British Supreme Court ruling of January 24 was a mixed result for the Prime Minister Theresa May’s government (PDF).

On the one hand, they saw their earlier defeat in the High Court defeat confirmed, committing them to passing legislation through parliament before they can start the formal process of leaving the European Union under Article 50.

On the other hand, the court unanimously agreed that the Scottish and Northern Irish assemblies did not need to be consulted, closing down what might have been a very awkward development, given the majorities to remain in the EU in both nations.

Perhaps most importantly, the case highlights the extent to which the government has failed to develop a coherent plan of how to manage and pursue Brexit, albeit having decided what substantive outcomes it seeks.

Having made a very strong commitment to starting negotiations by the end of March, May now finds herself having to squeeze a bill through parliament, something that could have been done much more leisurely if there had not been an appeal to the original ruling in November.

What’s next?

To be clear, there is no real chance that parliament will not pass this bill. Despite a majority of MPs and Lords being in favour of remaining in the EU, there is broad acceptance that the June 2016 referendum was legitimate and its result is to be respected. With a Labour Party leadership stating that they will push for support of the bill, there are insufficient rebels on either side of the House to overturn May’s majority.

What is much less clear is the price that parliament will extract for its support. Most obviously, there is very strong support for a White Paper, which would outline the government’s plans in a more formal way, before voting on such a bill, as well as many voices asking that parliament should have oversight and scrutiny of the Article 50 negotiations.

Until now, the government has only grudgingly conceded that parliament will have a vote on the final deal, but without the opportunity to shape that deal this means little.

As such we are about to see a frenzy of activity in parliament once the draft bill is published. The government will be able to avoid the more radical amendments, but is likely to find itself pushed to accept more oversight, especially if Labour can find and keep some discipline on the issue.

Once again, Jeremy Corbyn cuts an ambivalent figure here – torn between a general dislike of the EU and its works and a worry about the erosion of workers’ rights caused by the Brexit. While Tory rebels have started to build links with counterparts across the House, it remains to be seen whether they can outmanoeuvre the government.

What of the other nations in the UK?

There is an added complication to all of this, caused – ironically – by the Supreme Court judgment. The closing-down of any role for Scotland and Northern Ireland in Brexit negotiations might have side-stepped matters now, but it is clear that it hands the Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP) a very strong stick with which to beat the drum for a second independence referendum.

While the SNP had been one of the very few parties to be prepared for a Leave vote in the referendum, they have been hamstrung by opinion polls that suggest the Scottish public are not particularly eager to leave the UK.

First Minister Nicola Sturgeon moved quickly after the Supreme Court ruling to present the decision as a marker of how little control Scotland has over its own future. With a commitment to bring a motion to the Scottish Parliament shortly on the triggering of Article 50, Sturgeon is clearly working on using this as a way of getting voters behind her, as and when she decides to hold another referendum.

Regardless of the result, Theresa May will find that such a referendum will require time and effort that she can ill-spare from Article 50 negotiations.

If Scotland holds the potential for a break-up of the UK, then Northern Ireland holds the potential for the further undermining of the peace process. While the collapse of the Executive last week was not due directly to Brexit, the widespread concerns about the re-imposition of a hard border with the Republic of Ireland and about the disentanglement of the EU from the Good Friday agreements have left many on edge.

The Supreme Court’s marginalisation of the Northern Ireland Assembly is a further blow, albeit one whose effect remains to be seen as new elections get under way.

Discovering the full extent of Brexit

Taken together, the overall effect of the Supreme Court has been to change the manner of Brexit, rather than the destination. The bold political reality of the referendum remains as before, but we are now seeing the emergence of different political takes on how to handle it.

The suspicion that many voters have voiced about “the establishment” trying to overturn the referendum remains unfounded, but the lack of a clearly defined plan makes it easy for politicians and commentators across the spectrum to point to actions that look dubious.

In reality, the British political system is still trying to discover the full extent of what Brexit might involve, as well as what might be done within that. Except a lot more debate about what the options might be in the coming months and years, long after this legal complication has been dealt with.

 

This piece originally appeared on AlJazeera.com

 

The post Brexit is still happening, just not the way May hoped appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

Length of video : 195'
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Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

On 27 January 2017, the Council extended until 31 January 2018 a freeze on the assets of 48 persons deemed to be responsible for the misappropriation of state funds in Tunisia and those persons and entities associated with them.

The sanctions were initially introduced on 31 January 2011, targeting former president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, his wife and 46 other persons. The Council considered that the misappropriation of state funds is depriving the Tunisian people of the benefits of the sustainable development of their economy and society and undermining the development of democracy in the country. Those restrictive asset-freezing measures have been renewed every year since 2011.

The decision will be published in the Official Journal of the EU on 28 January 2017. It was adopted without debate by the Council of Ministers, meeting in the Economic and Financial Affairs Council (ECOFIN).

The presidency of Donald J. Trump is going to be a gift to Europe’s troubled and divided policymakers, even though it comes in a package labelled ‘Handle with Care’ and ‘Danger’.

President Trump’s open hostility to the European Union and his disdain for America’s European partners in NATO will be the rallying flag that Europe has lacked for a decade.

More and more European voters have forgotten what the EU is for. The old slogans of ‘no more war’ and ‘stronger together’ no longer resonate. What will strike a chord, though, is antagonism from across the Atlantic.

There’s no doubt that the populism that pushed Trump into the White House is the same blend of dissatisfaction and opportunism that produced the UK’s Brexit vote and the rise of extremist parties on Europe’s far left and far right.

But that doesn’t mean that the Trump administration will be able to tap into populist forces on this side of the Atlantic. Populists in Europe, as in Trump’s America, don’t have viable answers to the problems of sluggish growth, structural unemployment and declining competitiveness in the globalised world economy.

Trade barriers, clampdowns on migration, the rolling back of aid to poor countries and the abandonment of credible security frameworks may sound good to some voters, whether in Europe or America, but they are surefire recipes for transatlantic dissension.

“The signs are that President Trump will be the catalyst for a major change in Europe’s political chemistry”

That’s when EU governments will rediscover the virtues, indeed the necessity, of political and economic integration.

The Eurosceptic tide has been running strongly against the EU for a decade, ever since the financial markets crisis of 2007 turned into an economic depression and led to the eurozone’s sovereign debt crisis. Although it was the half-completed nature of economic and monetary union that was largely to blame, public opinion across the EU wrongly blamed ‘too much Europe’ for their ills. Trump looks like being the antidote to this.

It’s too soon to be sure that President Trump will be the catalyst for a major change in Europe’s political chemistry, but the signs are that he’s going to perform that function ably. A thumbnail sketch of how he’ll interact with America’s longstanding allies in Europe has been provided by a senior figure from within the Republican Party, Bob Zoellick, who was President George W. Bush’s top trade negotiator before going on to head the World Bank.

Zoellick’s take is instructive. “Mr Trump,” he wrote recently, “will break with presidential practice by speaking freely without worrying about subsequent reversals…staking out audacious positions, adjusting and even disclaiming as necessary, and then trumpeting any result as a win.”

“This conduct,” he went on, “may seem shocking to foreigners who have relied on US pronouncements as (usually) sources of clear direction.”

“If implemented, Trump’s approaches to NATO, Brexit and dollar devaluation each have the potential to unite Europe’s fractious, squabbling governments overnight”

America’s new President clearly doesn’t have much appetite for the detail that is the fabric of the transatlantic relationship, but he’s all set to apply broad brushstrokes illustrating the way he wants to redefine it.

Trump doesn’t see NATO’s ‘all for one, one for all’ Article 5 commitment as binding. He backs Brexit and looks forward to further defections from the EU’s ranks. He thinks that the strong dollar handicaps American exports, raising fears of a dollar devaluation policy that could create havoc.

If implemented, any one of these positions would unite Europe’s fractious, squabbling governments overnight. They would also drive home to voters and the increasingly Eurosceptic media the need for deeper integration.

The EU’s member states have shied away from ‘ever closer union’ since the 2005 collapse of the ambitious project for a European constitution. Europe’s political leaders have feared, and often suffered, punishment by their electorates when appearing to sacrifice their country’s ‘sovereignty’ by handing over more powers to Brussels.

That will be Donald Trump’s gift to Europe’s frayed solidarity. The areas where he seems bent on challenging transatlantic relations – from trade to security – are those where no single European country can stand up to the US on its own. As the electoral battlegrounds are prepared for the French, Dutch and German elections this year, campaigning politicians can be more confident than before that there are votes to be won from being pro-EU.

Related content

• Friends of Europe: Europe’s leaders must steel themselves for a tough 2017
• Europe’s World: Challenge Trump to an innovation race, and avoid a trade war, by David Hart
• Debating Europe: Will Trump’s presidency be good for Europe?

IMAGE CREDIT: jiawangkun/Bigstock.com

The post Trump will be a gift to Europe’s lost unity appeared first on Europe’s World.