Women in Kilema village harvest orange sweet potatoes. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS
By Kizito Makoye
KILIMANJARO, Tanzania , Dec 4 2024 (IPS)
In the sun-scorched soils of Moshi, where every drop of rain counts, two female farmers have defied the odds through technology. Mwajuma Rashid Njau and Mumii Rajab, once locked in a daily struggle to survive, have found a mobile phone their best ally.
For years, farming was a way of life they struggled to master. Their fields, a patchwork of red earth and wilting crops, symbolized hardship rather than prosperity. Pests came with the seasons, the soil quality deteriorated, and their harvests barely provided enough to feed their families. But now, a simple app—Kiazi Bora—has changed everything.
On a sweltering afternoon, Njau was out in the field, staring helplessly at the rows of wilting sweet potatoes ravaged by pests, when he realized things could be different. She had no idea how to stop it—until she opened the Kiazi Bora app on her phone.
“This app has changed everything,” Njau, 38, says with a tired but hopeful smile. “I didn’t know where to start, but now I can check my phone, and it tells me exactly what to do.”
The Kiazi Bora app, designed specifically for small-scale farmers like Njau and Rashid, focuses on helping them grow nutritious orange-fleshed sweet potatoes (OFSP) to feed their families and earn income. The app offers simple instructions on planting and pest control to farmers with little education.
The app, Kiazi Bora (“quality potatoes” in Kiswahili), wasn’t just another farming tool—it was powered by cutting-edge AI voice technology. And for the first time, it spoke their language.
Creating Kiazi Bora wasn’t easy. Kiswahili, a language spoken by over 200 million people, presented unique challenges for AI developers. The problem? There simply wasn’t enough high-quality voice data to train the technology.
“One of the biggest challenges has been the availability of diverse, high-quality data,” said EM Lewis-Jong, Director of Mozilla Common Voice, a global project dedicated to making AI accessible to speakers of underrepresented languages.
“Kiswahili is a diverse language with many regional variants, and our tools are primarily designed for English, which complicates things further.”
To solve this issue, SEE Africa, the nonprofit behind Kiazi Bora, turned to Mozilla’s Common Voice platform. Unlike other AI data collection methods, which often rely on scraping the web or underpaid gig workers, Common Voice harnesses the power of community. “We use a crowd-sourced model where people voluntarily contribute their voice data,” explained Lewis-Jong. “This ensures that the data reflects the true diversity of the language, including different accents and dialects.”
This community-driven approach has already seen tremendous success. In Tanzania, the Kiazi Bora app is now used by over 300 women, empowering them with knowledge on how to grow and market their crops. “These women are learning in Kiswahili, their first language, which makes a huge difference,” noted Gina Moape, Community Manager for Common Voice. “We’ve seen firsthand how access to information in their own language improves both their nutrition and their ability to participate in economic activities.”
But Kiazi Bora is just one example of how voice-enabled technology can make a real impact.
For Mozilla, these projects reflect a broader vision: democratizing AI so that it serves everyone, not just speakers of dominant languages. “If data creation is left to for-profit companies, many of the world’s languages will be left behind,” said Lewis-Jong. “We want a world where people can create the data they need, capturing their language as they experience it.”
That’s why Mozilla’s Common Voice is not just a tool but a movement. Its open-source platform allows communities to collect and contribute voice data that anyone can use, fostering local innovation across Africa. “We’re particularly excited about the potential for African languages,” Lewis-Jong added. “Our long-term vision is to integrate more African languages into global voice recognition technologies, and Common Voice is a critical part of making that happen.”
For Rashid, 42, who had once lived in uncertainty, the app was a useful tool. “Before, I felt powerless,” she recalls. “When pests attacked, I would just watch as my crops withered. Now, I can fight back. I know what to do.”
Both women have honed their skills and improved crop yields. The app taught them how to manage soil health, optimize planting schedules, and handle pest outbreaks.
Their orange-fleshed sweet potatoes stand out in contrast to the dusty earth, a sign of resilience and renewal.
The duo, who were entangled in a cycle of poverty, now speak with pride about their success.
“We’ve learned to control our future,” Njau says.
Through Kiazi Bora, Njau and Rajabu have unlocked opportunities to improve their livelihoods and break free from poverty.
Njau, who had to drop out of school when her family moved to a remote village, calls the app her “teacher.” She explains, “I never completed school, but this app has taught me everything I need to know about farming. It’s like a teacher that’s always there when I need it.”
The voice-enabled Kiswahili features make it user-friendly. “The app speaks to me in a language I clearly understand,” Njau says.
Through the app, Njau and Rajabu learned how to process potatoes into flour and pastries, which fetch a higher market price.
Rajabu explains, “I didn’t know you could make flour from sweet potatoes or that you could sell it for more money. Now, I have customers who buy the flour because it lasts longer than fresh potatoes.” This new skill has allowed them to diversify their income.
In just a year, their income increased from zero to USD 127 per month. The extra income has enabled them to take care of their families, reinvest in their farms, and secure a better future. “With the money I’ve made, I’ve been able to send my children to school and even save some for emergencies,” says Njau.
The potatoes, which are rich in vitamins, have helped them fight malnutrition in their communities. While neither Njau nor Rajabu had children with malnutrition, they both knew families who struggled with it. Thanks to the app, they now understand the importance of incorporating OFSP into their daily meals to ensure their children stay healthy.
Rajabu was quick to share the app with her relatives. “I told my sister about it, and now she’s also growing OFSP. Her children are healthier, and she’s even making money from selling sweet potato flour,” she says proudly.
For both women, the app has empowered them as farmers, businesswomen and community leaders. “I feel confident now,” Rajabu says. “This app has changed my life, and I know it can help other women like me.”
Both Njau and Rajabu see immense potential for Kiazi Bora to help other rural women. They advocate for expanding the app beyond OFSP farming to include other crops like vegetables and edible roots, as this could further diversify their income streams and enhance food security in their communities.
“Women in rural areas need this technology,” Rajabu emphasizes. “We need to make sure that we can feed our families and earn better incomes.”
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Two Lebanese children residing in a school-turned-shelter in Beirut following an escalation of hostilities in Lebanon. Credit: UNICEF/Fouad Choufany
By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 4 2024 (IPS)
On November 27, Israel, Lebanon, and a host of mediating states agreed upon a ceasefire agreement that would establish a permanent cessation of warfare between the two parties. As of December 3, there have been no reported instances of Hezbollah directing attacks toward Israel that resulted in any casualties. Despite this, there have been numerous reported violations committed by Israel, causing extensive harm to civilian lives and local infrastructure. Many parties have warned for the international community to hold Israel accountable for these violations.
The ceasefire agreement mandates both Israel and Hezbollah withdraw their forces from each other’s territories and report any and all violations of peace to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and the committee of mediating nations. Israel has been given a 60-day period to retreat the entirety of its troops from southern Lebanon, while Hezbollah must withdraw its forces north of the Litani River.
According to a December 1 report released by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), 578,641 internally displaced persons began moving back to their place of origin in Lebanon. It is also stated that further airstrikes and military restrictions imposed by the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have left many unable to return to their communities.
The Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor issued a press release on December 2, reporting that Israel had violated the terms of the agreement at least 18 times in southern Lebanon alone. As of December 1, there have been 62 reported violations committed by Israel that have targeted civilians and infrastructure in Lebanon. It’s been reported that Lebanese civilians were killed through the IDF opening fire on them and commanding drone strikes. Additionally, the IDF have issued further restrictions of movement south of the Litani River.
December 2 marked the deadliest day of hostilities in Lebanon since the ceasefire came into effect. It began when Hezbollah launched two projectiles toward Israel, responding to a series of violations committed by Israel over the past week. The attack, described as a “defensive warning strike”, landed in an open area and caused no injuries.
In a statement posted to X (formerly known as Twitter), Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu confirmed plans to retaliate against Hezbollah, describing the attack as “a serious violation of the ceasefire”, adding that Israel will “respond to any violation by Hezbollah-minor or serious.”
Israeli Minister of Military Affairs Israel Katz urged Lebanon to uphold their conditions of the ceasefire. “If the ceasefire collapses, there will be no more exemption for the state of Lebanon. We will enforce the agreement with maximum impact and zero tolerance. If until now we have differentiated between Lebanon and Hezbollah, that will no longer be the case,” Katz said. He did not address Israel’s numerous reported violations.
The IDF responded by launching a series of strikes on two southern Lebanese towns, Talousa and Haris, killing at least eleven civilians and causing considerable damage to local infrastructure.
In a statement issued on X, the IDF stated that they struck Hezbollah terrorists, dozens of launchers, and terrorist infrastructure throughout Lebanon in response to several acts by Hezbollah in Lebanon that posed a threat to Israeli civilians, in violation of the understandings between Israel and Lebanon They added that the state of Israel remains allegiant to the conditions laid out in the ceasefire agreement but will continue to defend itself.
Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar denied Israel’s reported violations of the agreement, adding that Israel would “not accept a return to the situation as it stood [prior to the escalation of hostilities].” French Foreign Minster Jean-Noël Barrot was reported speaking to Saar over a phone call noting that it was urgent “for all sides to respect the ceasefire in Lebanon”.
Despite this, the Biden administration has expressed concern that the “fragile” ceasefire agreement might unravel due to repeated violations of the agreement. Israeli public broadcaster Kan reported that the U.S. envoy Amos Hochstein issued a warning to Israel over its ongoing violations.
An Israeli official informed news publications that Hochstein believes that Israel is enforcing the ceasefire “too aggressively”. Hochstein also reportedly expressed uncertainty over the endurance of the ceasefire, opining that the situation is dependent on how Hezbollah responds to the recent attacks.
Officials from the United States have confirmed that despite sporadic strikes from both sides of the border, they remain confident that the ceasefire agreement will not waver.
U.S. State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller told reporters; “Obviously, when you have any ceasefire, you can see violations of it. Broadly speaking, it is our assessment that despite some of these incidents that we are seeing, the ceasefire is holding.” White House spokesperson John Kirby added that “there has been a dramatic reduction in the violence. The monitoring mechanism is in full force and is working”.
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Negotiations on a future global drought regime got underway at UNCCD COP16 in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia December 2-13.
By Simone Galimberti
KATHMANDU, Nepal, Dec 4 2024 (IPS)
Courage and not compromise. That was the motto desperately launched by members of the civil society in the twilight of the negotiations of the Plastic Pollution Treaty in Busan, South Korea last week.
As we now know, the negotiations did not yield the results that would have helped Planet Earth set a groundbreaking target to reduce the amount of plastic being produced.
Meanwhile, the international community is onto another crucial meeting in Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia to discuss global efforts against desertification. It is going to be another COP process, what is formally known as the 16th Session of the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification or UNCCD. (COP16, December 2-13).
Apparently, this time, the host, Saudi Arabia, is going to lead a tremendous effort to ensure a strong outcome. Over the last two and half months, Riyadh, rather than being a global leader to ensure the survivability of our planet, a champion of sustainability, has been a disruptor.
The Saudis were among those who have been undermining the recently concluded Climate COP 29 in Baku and, to a lesser extent, the COP 16 on Biodiversity in Cali, Colombia.
But a review of what unfolded over the last two and half months, would also bring an indictment for act of omission not only to the Petro states but also to all developed nations.
Indeed, the eleventh-hour rallying cry– “courage, not compromise”– should have been embraced as the North Star by all those nations who were ready to take bold steps in the three recently concluded COP processes.
In Busan, as explained by the Center for International Environmental Law, CIEL, ” negotiators had several procedural options available, including voting or making a treaty among the willing”. Yet the most progressive nations, around 100 countries, including the EU and 38 African nations and South American countries, did not dare to go beyond the traditional approach of seeking a consensus at any cost.
Ironically what happened at COP 16 and COP 29 was equally a travesty of justice as developed nations did not budge from their positions. At the end, the final deals on biodiversity and climate financing, were in both cases extremely disappointing especially in relation to the former.
Indeed. in Cali, there was no agreement at all in finding the resources needed to implement the ambitious Kunming- Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework.
According to BloombergNEF (BNEF), in its Biodiversity Finance Factbook, ” the gap between current biodiversity finance and future needs have widened to $ 942 billion”.
The Global Biodiversity Framework Fund (GBFF), the financial vehicle to implement the Framework, is still very far from becoming a true game changer.
The millions of dollars that a small group of European nations have pledged during the negotiations in Cali, are still a miniscule contribution in relation to what was agreed two years ago in Montreal where the second leg of the COP 15 was held.
There, the final outcome underpinning the Framework, required the mobilisation of financial resources for biodiversity of at least US$200 billion per year by 2030 from public and private sources and identifying and eliminating at least US$500 billion of annual subsidies harmful to biodiversity.
What unfolded in Baku at the climate COP was also, in terms of financing, embarrassing for developed nations. The hardly negotiated agreement of tripling the US$ 100 billion per year by 2035 with a commitment to reach up to US$ 1.3 trillion by the same year through different sources of money, including difficult to negotiate levies, is far from what is required.
On this front, the embarrassment was not only on the traditional developed nations but also on countries like China and the Gulf Nations who stubbornly rejected their responsibility to play their part in climate financing.
At least, as part of a last minute compromise, the developed nations (G7 and few others like Australia) will now co-lead the responsibility of finding the resources. China and others wealthy nations that, according to an outdated UN classification are still officially considered as “developing”, will contribute but only on voluntary basis.
As we see, the final outcomes of these three COPs were far from being courageous. Compromising, epitomized by concepts like ” constructive ambiguity”, agreeing on something that can be interpreted differently by the nations at the negotiating tables, instead dominated.
At this point, considering the frustrations of these mega gatherings, what could be done? Is the existing model of the COP with its complexities and endless delays and bickering, still viable?
The influential Club of Rome, on the last days of COP 29, had released a strongly worded press release asking for a major reform of the ways negotiations were carried out. “The COP process must be strengthened with mechanisms to hold countries accountable”. The document went even further with calls to implement robust tracking of climate financing.
Also, with each COP, a series of new initiatives are always launched, often just for the sake of visibility and prestige.
The risk is having a multitude of exercises and mechanisms that drains resources that, are at the end, are neither productive nor meaningful but rather duplicative and ultimately, a waste of money.
We should be even more radical, I would say. For example, the international community should introduce the same peer to peer review process in place in the Human Rights Council that, frankly speaking, is hardly a revolutionary tool.
And yet, despite the fact that nations with a solid track record in human rights abuses remain unscathed in the Council, such a change would represent some forms of accountability in the areas of biodiversity and climate.
This could be envisioned as a reform that should accompany the implementation of the upcoming 3rd wave of Nationally Determined Contributions due by 2025. Getting rid of the consensus model is also something that should truly be considered.
Why not holding votes that would break the vetoes of even one single nation? Why being so attached to unanimity when we do know that it is not working at all?
As show in Busan, it is the traditionally developed nations that lack courage and farsightedness in pursuing a procedure that might backfire against them. This is, instead, a cause that at least the EU, Canada and Australia should embrace. Yet we are still very far from reaching this level of audacity.
Another fanciful thinking relates to tie nations’ actions to the possibility of hosting prestigious sports tournament. Why not forcing international sport bodies like FIFA to reward the hosting rights for its mega events only to nations which are climate and biodiversity leaders in practice rather than through empty but lofty declarations?
Unfortunately, there will never be consensus within the football federations that run FIFA governing body or say, within the International Olympic Committee. A more promising area, though also not easy to put into practice, would be to find ways in which non state actors would have a real say in the negotiations.
Both the COP 16 and the COP 29 reached some breakthroughs in relation to giving more voice, for example, to indigenous people. In Cali, it was decided to establish a new body that will more power to indigenous people.
It is what is formally known, in reference to the provision related to the rights of indigenous people of the International Convention on Biodiversity, as the Permanent Subsidiary Body on Article 8(j).
The details of this new body will be object of intense negotiations but at least a pathway has been created to better channel the demands of a key constituency who, so far, has struggled to gain its due recognition.
Also at COP 29 saw some wins for indigenous people with the adaption of the Baku Workplan and the renewal of the mandate of the Facilitative Working Group (FWG) of local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platforms.
Surely there can be some creative solutions to strengthen what was supposed to be the platform to incorporate and engage non state actors, the Marrakesh Partnership for Global Action.
The members of civil society could come up with new ideas on how to formally have a role in the negotiations. While it is impossible to have non state actors at the par of member states party to the conventions around which the COPs are held, surely the latter should be in a better place and have some forms of decision power.
Lastly one of the best ways to simplify these complex and independent from each other negotiations, would be to work towards a unifying framework in relation to the implementation of the biodiversity and climate conventions.
On this, the Colombian Presidency of the COP 16 broke some important grounds with Susana Muhammad, the Minister of Environment and Sustainable Development of Colombia who chaired the proceedings in Cali, pushing for bridging the gap between biodiversity and climate negotiations.
None of the propositions listed here are going to be easy to implement. What we need is simple to understand but also extremely hard to reach.
Only more pressure from the below, from the global civil society can push governments to make the right choice: setting aside, at least for once, the word compromise and instead chose another one that instead can make the difference while instilling hope.
This word is called courage.
Simone Galimberti writes about the SDGs, youth-centered policy-making and a stronger and better United Nations
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By CIVICUS
Dec 4 2024 (IPS)
CIVICUS discusses threats to the security, rights and ancestral lands of Brazil’s quilombola communities with Wellington Gabriel de Jesus dos Santos, leader and activist of the Pitanga dos Palmares Quilombola community in Bahia state.
Founded by formerly enslaved Africans, quilombola communities represent a legacy of resilience and freedom. But their way of life is increasingly disrupted by harmful infrastructure projects and their members face constant threats from land grabbers and speculators. Community leaders demanding justice and reparations are met with intimidation and violence while public institutions look the other way. The National Coordination of Rural Black Quilombola Communities urges the Brazilian government to grant them protection and ensure accountability.
Wellington Gabriel de Jesus dos Santos
What are quilombola communities, and what’s the focus of their struggle?Quilombola communities were born out of resistance to slavery. My community, Quilombo Pitanga, was founded by the descendants of those who fought for freedom when slavery was officially abolished in 1888. Even after slavery ended, the struggles continued because former slave owners and landowners continued to exploit and persecute our people.
Today, quilombola communities continue to fight for our land and culture. It’s important to us to preserve our heritage for future generations because it’s a testament to the strength of our ancestors, our survival and our resilience.
We advocate for justice and land rights through a combination of local and international strategies. We work with organisations such as the National Articulation of Quilombola Communities, which brings together quilombo leaders from across Brazil. We also hold protests, develop public awareness campaigns and work with international organisations to draw attention to our struggles.
What threats does your community face and who’s responsible?
My community faces significant threats, particularly from drug traffickers and powerful business interests. These threats became very real when my great-grandmother, María Bernadete Pacífico, was murdered by drug traffickers last year. She fought for the preservation of our culture and the wellbeing of younger generations, and I believe that’s what got her killed. She was part of a human rights protection programme, but the promised protection failed when she needed it most. My father was also murdered in 2017, during a battle against the construction of a landfill near our territory.
After my great-grandmother was killed, I haven’t been able to visit my family or enter the community. I live in constant fear, watching over the community and its heritage from afar.
Our community also faces institutional racism, reflected in the fact that the state built a prison on our land but fails to provide basic services such as schools and hospitals. We lack any public security, as a result of which some believe they can act with impunity. The prison, which was inaugurated in 2007, was supposed to be a shoe factory that would bring prosperity to the community. Suddenly, it was announced that it would be a prison, and it brought rising criminality and contamination of water resources and wetlands. Quilombo Pitanga dos Palmares hasn’t been the same since.
The bigger problem is that many quilombola communities, including ours, own valuable land. My community has a large territory, so we’ve been targeted by powerful interests that view our land as prime real estate for expansion. In 2012 we fought against the construction of an industrial road that would have cut through our land. There were large corporations involved, which made this fight particularly hard.
How do authorities respond?
The state not only turns a blind eye, leaving us vulnerable to exploitation, but it’s also complicit in these attacks because it protects the interests of big business rather than people. INEMA, the agency responsible for granting environmental licences to companies, has been investigated for corruption that has led to the approval of projects that harm communities like ours.
The authorities say they care about our safety, but the reality is different. The laws that are supposed to protect us are ignored and often the government is either unconcerned or in collusion with those causing harm.
What support do quilombola communities need?
Several issues need immediate attention, including securing our land rights, gaining access to basic services such as health and education and preserving our cultural heritage. A practical issue that needs attention is the toll we are forced to pay to enter the city, which constitutes arbitrary discrimination and isolates us from the wider community.
We are fighting the prison built on our land and the expansion of harmful companies that threaten our environment. We need more than words; we need tangible action, including stronger laws to protect us.
We need international support because local and national authorities often ignore or dismiss our struggles. Financial support is crucial, particularly for community leaders under threat. Many of us, including myself, face death threats. Our lives are far from normal and we need resources to ensure the safety of our families and communities.
United Nations human rights agencies could play a vital role in protecting our rights and securing the support we need. Unfortunately, despite local efforts to raise awareness, we often feel isolated in our struggles.
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The International Court of Justice is hearing 10 days of testimony in order to give an advisory opinion on climate change obligations. Credit: ICJ
By Umar Manzoor Shah
THE HAGUE & SRINAGAR, Dec 4 2024 (IPS)
At the International Court of Justice on Tuesday, December 4, 2024, Brazil called for climate justice, and Canada urged swift action on the world’s “greatest challenge,” while China advocated for equity and development rights. These countries are among the 98 that will make presentations during the fortnight of hearings, after which the court will give an advisory opinion.
The court’s forthcoming advisory opinion, expected in 2025, is seen as a critical step in delineating states’ responsibilities for addressing climate change and addressing the consequences of inaction.
The proceedings draw on international environmental law, human rights treaties, and multilateral agreements. On December 3, representatives from Brazil, Canada, and China presented their arguments emphasizing the urgency of collective action and climate justice.
Brazil’s Vision of Inclusivity Where No One is Left Behind
Representing Brazil, Luiz Alberto Figueiredo, the nation’s Ambassador for Climate Change, highlighted Brazil’s vulnerability to climate change and its leadership in global climate governance. Figueiredo underscored Brazil’s proactive measures, including a revised Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) that pledges to cut emissions by up to 67 percent by 2035 relative to 2005 levels.
“Brazil has consistently championed international cooperation in addressing climate challenges. Our efforts, despite socio-economic constraints, reflect a vision of inclusivity where no one is left behind,” said Figueiredo.
He emphasized Brazil’s exposure to climate-induced disasters such as severe droughts, floods, and wildfires, disproportionately affecting marginalized groups, including Indigenous communities. Advocating for climate justice, he urged global actors to consider the principle of Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDRRC), which assigns greater responsibility to historically high-emitting nations.
Legal Arguments for Climate Equity
Brazil’s legal advisor, Professor Jorge Galindo, reinforced the CBDRRC principle as a legal mechanism for ensuring fairness in climate governance. Citing precedents from the Paris Agreement and advisory opinions from international tribunals, he called for developed nations to lead by achieving net-zero emissions sooner, investing in clean technologies, and offering financial support to developing countries.
Galindo also urged the ICJ to recognize the legal value of decisions made by the Conferences of the Parties (COPs) under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). “COP decisions reflect genuine interpretations of treaty obligations and must guide the court’s opinion,” he said.
Galindo further stressed the importance of balancing climate policies with trade obligations, warning against the misuse of environmental measures as trade barriers. “Free trade and climate goals must coexist,” he added.
Canada committed to unified treaty-based approach
Canada’s representative, Louis Martel, described climate change as a profound threat, with the Arctic warming three times faster than the global average. Martel highlighted its cascading effects, including permafrost thaw, increased forest fires, and food insecurity for Indigenous communities.
Reaffirming Canada’s commitment to international climate instruments like the Paris Agreement, Martel emphasized the importance of collective and individual state responsibilities. He called attention to the global stocktake and enhanced transparency framework as essential mechanisms for ensuring accountability.
While supporting the “no harm” principle obligating states to prevent cross-border environmental harm, Martel expressed reservations about its consistent application to climate change under customary international law. He also questioned whether principles like “polluter pays” and “intergenerational equity” have achieved the status of binding legal norms.
“Canada remains committed to a unified treaty-based approach that strengthens global climate governance,” Martel said.
China Plea For Fair and Inclusive International Approach
China, represented by Ma Xinmin, advocated for equitable climate action, highlighting the principle of CBDRRC as fundamental to balancing responsibilities between developed and developing nations. Ma underscored the disproportionate vulnerabilities of developing countries and the necessity of recognizing their right to sustainable development.
China criticized unilateral measures by developed nations, such as trade restrictions targeting developing countries’ green industries, describing them as counterproductive to global climate goals. Instead, Ma urged collaboration that accounts for historical emissions and respects nations’ varied capacities to combat climate change.
“Addressing climate change involves not only emission reductions but also ensuring sustainable development and poverty eradication,” Ma argued. Highlighting China’s contributions, he reaffirmed the country’s commitment to climate action while calling for a fair and inclusive international approach.
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Excerpt:
Springbok in Sossusvlei, Namibia. IPBES 11 is scheduled to be held in Windhoek, Namibia from December 10-16. Credit: Gregory Brown/Unsplash
By Joyce Chimbi
NAIROBI, Dec 3 2024 (IPS)
The Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services’ (IPBES) first Plenary session in Africa is a “crucial acknowledgement of Africa’s important contribution to biodiversity conservation, which is a global public good, a heritage that Africa has the privilege to share with the peoples of the world,” says Dr. Luthando Dziba, from South Africa, co-chair of the IPBES Multidisciplinary Expert Panel.
The eleventh session of the IPBES Plenary—IPBES 11—is scheduled to be held in Windhoek, Namibia, from December 10-16, 2024.
Africa is one of the most ecologically diverse continents on Earth and is home to eight of the world’s 34 biodiversity hotspots. Its unique ecosystems, species, and genetic diversity thrive in a wide range of spectacular landscapes and seascapes, including wide-open plains, deserts, mountains, forested cliffs, coral reefs, mangrove forests and the Great Rift Valley.
This rich biodiversity offers significant benefits to people but also presents a number of challenges and opportunities amid a spiralling global biodiversity crisis.
Dziba told IPS that the Plenary is the governing body of IPBES, made up of the representatives of IPBES member States—currently 147 from around the world—who meet annually to “either consider requests from countries for new scientific assessments or consider reports of assessments that have been conducted by IPBES experts, and to consider work related to the other functions of IPBES of knowledge generation, policy support and capacity-building.”
“The IPBES members approve the summaries for policymakers of the IPBES assessment reports and also accept the full reports as well. IPBES Plenary sessions are spaces for the co-production of science-policy relevant information by both scientists and policymakers.”
Dr. David Obura, IPBES Chairperson. Credit: IPBES
Role of Biodiversity in Human Well-Being, Economy
IPBES primarily seeks to strengthen the science-policy interface for biodiversity and ecosystem services for the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity, long-term human well-being, and sustainable development.
IPBES plays a unique role in harnessing the best expertise from across all disciplines and knowledge communities—to provide policy-relevant knowledge and to catalyze the implementation of knowledge-based policies at all levels in government, the private sector, and civil society.
Dr. David Obura, IPBES Chair, says he is fortunate to be chairing his first Plenary in Africa as the first ever African Chair of the platform.
“The African continent still has some of the most intact biodiversity remaining. But it is not just about biodiversity for itself; it is also how society and the economy depend on nature,” Obura says.
“We, therefore, need to deepen our understanding of this connection, and this knowledge should in turn reflect within our policy processes across our countries. The importance of healthy nature and biodiversity in supporting our economies cannot be overstated, particularly because a large proportion of Africa’s population is rural. These are farmers, pastoralists, and fishers who directly rely on productive and healthy ecosystems.”
Dr. Luthando Dziba, co-chair of the IPBES Multidisciplinary Expert Panel. Credit: IPBES
Obura added that it is crucial to understand that ecosystems can only provide security for people if they are healthy, and that the IPBES work in Namibia over the next two weeks can help to propel continental and global ambitions in line with the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework, which seeks to halt and reverse the decline of biodiversity and nature’s contributions to people.
Obura also referenced the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification and the urgent need to halt further losses in Africa in ways that are good for people as well. “It is all about supporting people while securing biodiversity,” he said
Amplify African Voice on Science-Policy Through IPBES
Dziba agrees. He says this first ever African Plenary session for IPBES gives African countries an even louder voice as part of an important science-policy platform. The IPBES member States make requests for new scientific assessments that respond to or address their specific policy priorities.
The governments that are IPBES members essentially have “first access to scientific products that help guide policy on various topics such as invasive alien species, pollination and management of pollinators to support agriculture production, or other areas such as sustainable use of wild species, including Africa’s biodiversity.”
Dziba says that the eleventh session of the Plenary will be an opportunity to also raise the profile of IPBES with African experts, enabling a wider diversity of African researchers and knowledge-holders to see firsthand the value of IPBES as an intergovernmental science policy platform.
Even though Africa and its natural heritage have been a subject of scientific research for centuries, Dziba speaks of an ongoing struggle to improve participation by African experts in IPBES work. “The importance of bringing them on board is to leverage their extensive knowledge of the continent, the knowledge gaps they see and the opportunity to contribute from an African perspective. This inclusion will also give IPBES a stronger, more inclusive voice and help shape positive global narratives about Africa.”
A majority of the newest members of IPBES over the past two years are governments from the African continent. Ultimately, the goal is to ensure universal IPBES membership of all governments so that no region is left behind, towards a healthy and sustainable planet suitable for all life on Earth.
Obura speaks of the untenable state of lives and livelihoods—of large populations living hand-to-mouth—and the disconnect between people and nature as people migrate to cities where disconnection from nature increases.
Black-backed jackal on a misty beach, Hentiesbaai, Namibia. The IPBES-11 host country has five of the 13 biomes on the African continent and a wide biodiversity. Credit: Ria Truter/Unsplash
Rich Biodiversity Supports Health, Water, and Food Systems
Obura explains that among the most important business of this first African Plenary session will be the consideration of two new landmark IPBES reports. The ‘nexus assessment’ will explore the critical interlinkages among crises in biodiversity, water, food and health—in the context of climate change. It will also explore dozens of specific options for action to address these crises sustainably together, rather than in single-issue silos, with a focus on ensuring the conservation and restoration of biodiversity for people and nature.
Dziba says there are lessons that member States can take from Africa too, as “the IPBES Regional Assessment Report on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services for Africa found the African continent is the last continent with a largely intact assemblage of megaherbivores (animals larger than 1,000 kilograms) such as elephants, giraffes, buffalo, rhino, and hippos.”
He emphasized that this signifies that Africa “has done well in conserving its biodiversity. Africa also has the largest diversity of large carnivores, such as lions, leopards, cheetahs, wild dogs, and hyenas. And so, as a continent, we are the last bastion of biodiversity conservation, and this is both a privilege and an immense responsibility to continue to protect that biodiversity.” But that assessment also showed that Africa, like other regions of the world, is losing biodiversity at a rate unprecedented in human history.
The second assessment to be considered and launched at the upcoming session looks at transformative change—what it is, why it is so necessary, and how to achieve it for more just and sustainable futures, especially amid the ongoing global crises that are “expanding rapidly in their impacts on people. Africa is particularly vulnerable to these crises for many historical and current reasons. The question for all countries is how to initiate the deep positive changes needed across societies, economies, technology and governance to move in these nature-positive directions. The report will help lay out building blocks and tools to achieve that.”
Ultimately, Obura says, the aim is to have the two reports accepted by the IPBES members in the Plenary to better inform and serve global and African stakeholders and governments in their decisions and actions.
“No effort will be spared to make the reports accessible to enable people to find what they need to make better decisions and choices towards a healthy and sustainable coexistence with nature.”
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A group of women and children cook and chat in a displacement shelter in Léogâne. Credit: UNICEF/Maxime Le Lijour
By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 3 2024 (IPS)
As a result of the ongoing hostilities from gang violence in Haiti, children continue to bear the brunt of the humanitarian crisis. Armed gangs have committed various human rights violations, many of which compound issues surrounding food insecurity, displacement, and social instability for millions of children in Haiti. Children have also lost their access to education and continue to be recruited into gangs. It is crucial for the international community to prioritize the multifaceted crisis facing Haitian children in order to avoid losing an entire generation to violence.
According to the latest estimates from the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), more than 1.3 million children have been affected by gang violence over the course of this crisis. More than 700,000 people have been displaced, with over 50 percent of that population being children. These figures are predicted to have increased in the recent weeks due to the intensification of violence across capital city Port-Au-Prince and its surrounding areas.
On December 2, the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) held a special meeting at UN Headquarters to discuss the deepening social insecurity that is unfolding in Haiti and how children have been hit the hardest. UNICEF Executive Director Catherine Russell addressed the council to stress the urgency of the current situation.
“Armed groups are regularly committing grave rights violations against children, including killing and maiming. So far this year, we have seen a staggering one-thousand percent increase in reported incidents of sexual violence against children,” said Russell.
Due to accelerating violence, particularly in the capital, access to education for thousands of children has been greatly compromised. According to Russell, over 1.5 million children have lost access to education. Additionally, armed groups are actively recruiting children for use in gang operations. Current estimates indicate that 50 percent of all gang members in Haiti are children, marking a 70 percent increase in child recruitment over the past year. These children are being used as cooks, informants, and sex slaves, with many forced to commit violent acts themselves.
María Isabel Salvador, Head of the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) adds, “Across Haiti, gang violence has turned schools into battlegrounds, disrupted healthcare, and left thousands of children malnourished and traumatized. Alarmingly, children are increasingly being recruited into gangs, robbing them of their innocence and turning them into tools of violence.”
Across Haiti, approximately 5.5 million people, including 3 million children, are in dire need of humanitarian assistance. According to the latest statement released by the World Food Programme (WFP), more than 700,000 people, including 365,000 children, are internally displaced and living in overcrowded shelters. Additional data from the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) suggests that one-in-two Haitians do not have enough to eat, with roughly two million people facing emergency levels of hunger. At least 6,000 internally displaced Haitians are facing catastrophic hunger, which is the most severe form.
“Food security and the nutrition situation continues to be a challenge. The highest levels (of hunger) were reported this year, with a record level of 5.4 million people being acutely food insecure, which is close to half of the population in Haiti. Half of that number is children. 125,000 children are acutely malnourished,” said Wanja Kaaria, Representative for WFP.
Additionally, the collapse of the healthcare and water sanitation systems continues to put the lives of children and families in Haiti in grave danger. This has given way to the rampant spread of illness and infectious disease, with cholera being a major concern.
According to a statement from the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), it is estimated that there are “87,616 total suspected cases, 4,858 confirmed cases, 85,071 hospitalized cases, 1005 institutional deaths and 314 community deaths.” Much of these cases are attributed to the dwindling supply of clean water, failing water systems that have been damaged from ongoing hostilities, and a severely strained healthcare system due to an influx of injured persons.
Haitians continue to face medical emergencies and deaths caused by gang violence, with limited access to healthcare. Since the escalation of violence in Port-Au-Prince began on November 11, medical facilities have been greatly overwhelmed by the sheer scale of needs. According to PAHO, the volatile and unpredictable security situation in the capital has created significant difficulties in accessing medical services for patients with chronic illnesses and pregnant women, leading to an increase in dire medical emergencies and complications.
“Hundreds of thousands of children and families living in besieged communities are largely cut off from humanitarian aid,” stated Russell in the recent ECOSOC conference. This is largely due to persisting access challenges caused by social insecurity. Despite these issues, the United Nations is on the frontlines of this crisis, distributing essential resources to affected communities.
With conditions continuously deteriorating, it is urgent that humanitarian responses are scaled up. The 2024 Humanitarian Response Plan for Haiti is currently only 43 percent funded. The UN urges member states and donors to contribute to meet the growing needs.
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Audiovisual/G20
Lutfiyya Dean (center), head of the South African delegation at Youth 20, stands with representatives from South Africa and the African Union at the Youth 20 Summit, where they discussed a transformative agenda for the G20 under South Africa's presidency.
By Mkhululi Chimoio
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 3 2024 (IPS)
In 2025, South Africa will assume the presidency of the G20, a pivotal moment in the African country’s international diplomatic efforts.
The Group of Twenty (G20), is an intergovernmental economic forum comprising 19 countries and two regional unions – the European Union (EU), and recently the African Union (AU). It represents 85 per cent of the global economy, 75 per cent of world trade and 67 per cent of the global population.
South Africa’s leadership of this group therefore presents a unique opportunity to shape global policies and advocate for Africa’s interests on the world stage. The G20 countries include Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, South Korea, Turkey, UK and US, as well as the EU and AU.
Chrispin Phiri, the spokesperson for the Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, says the theme for South Africa’s presidency will be “Fostering Solidarity, Equality, and Sustainable Development.” It seeks to address critical global challenges, with a strong focus on Africa’s development.
Among the key areas the presidency will focus on include addressing the triple challenges of poverty, unemployment, and inequality; as well as Africa’s development which entails placing Africa’s development at the forefront in alignment with the African Union’s Agenda 2063, ‘The Africa We Want’.
Also expected to form part of the South African priorities is tackling poly-crises such as climate change, energy, food security, and debt that disproportionately affects Africa and other developing nations. Issues of infrastructure development and global governance reform initiated by previous G20 presidencies.
Phiri says South Africa’s foreign policy is deeply intertwined with its domestic priorities, and aims to foster a better, stable, and prosperous South Africa, Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, and Africa.
“South Africa’s presidency is poised to have significant implications for the broader African region, particularly within the SADC. The nation’s strategic position within the G20 will enable it to lobby for policy gains that benefit South Africa, the SADC, and the entire continent, in which key areas of focus include promoting policies that ensure economic benefits for all South Africans, particularly the economically marginalized, for economic benefits,” said Phiri.
Phiri highlighted the importance of South Africa’s coordination with the African Union (AU), particularly in leveraging the G20 presidency to advance regional integration and cooperation.
As G20 president, South Africa will also focus on addressing global economic challenges and promoting sustainable development. The nation’s policy agenda will be informed by its National Development Plan, Agenda 2063, and long-standing issues within the G20 framework.
Phiri said South Africa will advocate for reforming the global debt architecture to prevent debt crises from undermining the realisation of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs); and also mobilise financing to address the substantial development financing gap, which has increased post-COVID-19; as well as address the issue of (Illegal Financial Flows) IFFs, which drain approximately $88.6 billion annually from the continent, impeding progress toward Agenda 2063 and SDG targets will be key.
Professor Danny Bradlow, a Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Advancement of Scholarship at the University of Pretoria, says South Africa’s priorities should include addressing debt and development financing, particularly for Africa.
Prof Bradlow wants South Africa to co-chair the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable alongside the IMF and the World Bank. The forum offers an opportunity to push for a more creative approach to managing debt, linking it to broader discussions on development and climate finance.
“This presidency provides an opportunity to address some longstanding bottlenecks facing regional integration in Africa. For instance, one of the key challenges faced by the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) are bilateral trade agreements that undermine Africa’s regional integration efforts,” says Prof. Bradlow.
He urged South Africa to use the momentum of the AU admission and its G20 presidency to highlight these and push for commitments that support regional integration, in close coordination with the relevant AU organs and knowledge partners.
Prof. Bradlow notes the need for South Africa to inherit and advance initiatives from Brazil’s G20 presidency, such as the Hunger and Poverty Alliance and discussions on global taxation, particularly the contentious issue of a wealth tax on billionaires. He acknowledges that, while these are complex issues involving questions of sovereignty, they are crucial for generating resources for development finance.
On her part, the CEO of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), Elizabeth Sidiropoulos, stressed the importance of enhancing regional cooperation and integration.
“From a policy vantage point, South Africa’s G20 Presidency seeks to respond to global economic and environmental challenges and sustainable peace, bearing in mind efforts to achieve the SDGs, the AU’s Agenda 2063, as well as reforming institutions of global economic governance,” said Sidiropoulos.
She pointed out that with the AU now being a member of the G20, there is a greater opportunity to amplify African priorities, and suggested that South Africa should focus on deepening the continent’s advocacy within the G20, selecting key issues where it can make a significant impact.
She recommended that South Africa use its presidency to address longstanding bottlenecks facing regional integration in Africa
South Africa’s presidency of the G20 in 2025 is a pivotal moment for the nation and the continent. With the AU’s recent inclusion in the G20, there is a historic opportunity to reshape global governance in a way that reflects the aspirations and challenges of the Global South.
Prof. Bradlow says South Africa’s success will depend on its ability to balance immediate priorities with long-term global goals and ensuring that the G20 remains a platform for inclusive and equitable growth.
Source: Africa Renewal, United Nations.
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