Africa

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After days of fighting, IS is said to have driven government forces out of Mocimboa da Praia.

South Korea’s current Nationally Determined Contributions - which set how much a country intends to reduce its emissions by - fall far short of what we need to uphold the Paris Agreement. Credit: Miriet Abrego/IPS.

By Yujin Kim
SEOUL, Aug 12 2020 (IPS)

On 23 February 2020, the South Korean government raised the national Crisis Alert Level to the highest tier in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. Since then, we have witnessed what our society is capable of when faced with a crisis.

The government mobilised trillions of Korean Won for economic and social recovery, politicians continue to debate methods of aid for those who have been affected the most, and businesses have rushed to express solidarity for frontline workers. Seeing this makes me wonder why the same thing hasn’t happened with the climate crisis.

 

Securing young people’s future

Ever since I was six years old, I’ve dreamed of becoming an ecologist. I wanted to study rich ecosystems within the Korean Demilitarised Zone – the stretch of land that has divided North and South Korea for the past 70 years.

Us young people are the largest stakeholders in this issue, and young people’s participation is vital in helping to develop any equitable recovery and development policy

But climate change has put my dream at risk. Evergreen firs and pines are dying as a result of droughts and higher temperatures. Corals and shellfish are melting away. Birds are changing migratory patterns that have existed for centuries. Entire ecosystems are changing, and some are collapsing at the speed of the change.

My dream is not the only thing in danger. Climate change threatens my generation’s food security, peace, health, social justice and physical safety. At this rate, we will surpass the “1.5ºC temperature increase above pre-industrial levels” threshold by 2030.

The damage to our planet could be irreversible by then, and today’s young people will have to face the brunt of its catastrophic effects. Unsurprisingly, young people have been rising all around the world to demand climate action to protect our futures, and Korea is no exception.

Youth 4 Climate Action Korea is a youth-led organisation which aims to bring the Korean government to make a just climate transition in line with the 1.5ºC warming scenario. Last year, we held three School Strikes 4 Climate in coordination with youth climate groups all around the world.

We met with government officials, including the Minister for Environment, and delivered our demands for stronger climate policies and greenhouse gas emission reduction goals. However, there was little action from the government, and time was ticking. We decided to look for another way that would force the government to respond directly to our calls and possibly legally bind it to strengthen climate goals.

 

Taking matters into our own hands

In March 2020, myself and 18 other plaintiffs from Youth 4 Climate Action Korea filed a constitutional complaint on the grounds that the government’s insufficient and outdated climate policies were directly violating our constitutional rights – such as the right to a healthy environment, the right to equality and the right to pursue a happy life.

The lawsuit passed the Constitutional Court’s preliminary review ten days after we submitted the case. If successful, the government would be bound by law to strengthen South Korea’s greenhouse gas emission reduction goals in line with the 1.5ºC warming scenario.

Although we’ve seen meaningful adoptions of our demands into policies, the major changes we need to reduce our greenhouse gas emissions – such as halting the construction of seven new coal power plants and committing to 100% renewable energy before 2050 – are still barely on the table.

South Korea’s current Nationally Determined Contributions – which set how much a country intends to reduce its emissions by – fall far short of what we need to uphold the Paris Agreement. In fact, if every country on the planet were to follow South Korea’s greenhouse gas emission reduction trend, global temperatures would increase by 3-4ºC.

As the 8th largest greenhouse gas emitter in the world (as of 2018) and one of the biggest funders of overseas coal projects, we must do better. South Korea recently announced a Green New Deal as part of its recovery plan from the Covid-19 pandemic. However, many parts of the plan are redundant or don’t signify meaningful cuts in greenhouse gas emissions.

We are in a position where we have to build back from the economic and social damage brought by the pandemic. In doing so, we must make sure that it’s in a way that facilitates a transition to a low-carbon economy with social justice at its heart, with youth actively involved in each step. If we fail to alter the course of the climate crisis now, my generation will lose the world as we know it.

The transition required of us calls for unprecedented changes across all aspects of society, but it’s something that must be done if we are to have a habitable planet. And it is possible.

An increasing number of studies show that acting on the climate crisis now will have a much smaller cost than adapting to its disastrous effects in decades to come, such as irreversible changes in climate patterns and ecosystem collapses.

Moreover, researchers have already found that South Korea has the full infrastructural, economic, and geographic capacity to begin the transition to 100% renewable energy by 2050.

 

Involving the largest stakeholders

Us young people are the largest stakeholders in this issue, and young people’s participation is vital in helping to develop any equitable recovery and development policy. One way to do this is extending the right to vote to more young people so they can influence who is elected and whose interests politicians defend.

South Korea lowered its voting age from 19 to 18 in April 2020, but citizens who are under-18 are still legally and socially excluded from political participation. What’s more, over half of Korean high schools have internal policies that limit students from participating in ‘political’ rallies, and underage citizens cannot join political parties or even volunteer at one.

While the enfranchisement of more young citizens is definitely a welcome change, true political and civic empowerment must go one step further. The discussion about politics and civic engagement should begin not when someone turns 18, but from a much earlier age.

Avenues for direct political and civic participation should also be much more open so that young people can be better represented. In Korea, what’s even more alarming than the lack of political will to strengthen climate policies is the lack of representation for young people. Considering that only 13 out of the 300 members of the National Assembly are in their twenties or thirties, perhaps it doesn’t come as a surprise that the climate crisis is not at the top of the political agenda.

The decisions made today will define what kind of world that we, today’s youth, will inherit. So it is only fair that our voices are heard and our demands taken into account in the making of those decisions. What we want is simple: a healthy, habitable planet, just like the one our parents’ generation enjoyed. It is our fundamental right.

 

This story was originally published by Child Rights International Network CRIN

The post Crisis Management 101: Treating the Climate Crisis Like a Pandemic appeared first on Inter Press Service.

Excerpt:

Yujin Kim is a member of Youth 4 Climate Action Korea, a movement of youth activists fighting for a safe future for all

The post Crisis Management 101: Treating the Climate Crisis Like a Pandemic appeared first on Inter Press Service.

Six African footballers playing in Spain talk to BBC Sport Africa about the mental impact Covid-19 is having on them.

The rural-urban migration of youth household members is leading to loss of labour for agricultural production which was not compensated by hired labour. Courtesy: Charles Mpaka

By Charles Mpaka
CHIRADZULU DISTRICT/BLANTYRE, Malawi, Aug 12 2020 (IPS)

As households in Chiradzulu District in Southern Malawi start preparing their farms for the next maize growing season, Frederick Yohane, 24, is a busy young man.

Every morning, he works with his two brothers in their family field where they grow maize and pigeon peas. In the afternoon, he tills other people’s farms to raise money for his needs and to support his family.

Twice a week he cycles to nearby markets to sell the chickens that he buys from surrounding villages.

This has been his life since he was 16 when his father suffered a stroke, which paralysed his left leg and arm. Yohane finished secondary school in 2014, two years after his father fell ill. But he did not pass the final examinations.

Without a school-leaving certificate, he followed the route of many youths in this rural district who trek to Blantyre, Malawi’s commercial capital, to look for menial jobs, mainly as assistants in Asian shops or as street vendors.

“Through a friend, I found work in a hardware shop owned by an Indian. But the money was not good compared with what I was getting in the village. So, I just worked for two months and I returned to the village,” he tells IPS.

Yohane is not planning to return to town again to look for a job. He believes he can make more money in the village if he works harder.

“Besides, I am the eldest child. My father can no longer work. My mother spends much of her time looking after our father. It’s the three of us working in the field,” he says.

Yohane’s family is one of the millions in Malawi which relies on family labour for their farms.  The Food and Agricultural Organisation of the United Nations (FAO) says in its Small Family Farms Country Factsheet for Malawi that farmers account for 80 percent of the total population of 17.5 million in Malawi. Out of that population of farmers, around 75 percent are small family farms that depend on family labour.

However, like the rest of Africa, Malawi suffers a high rate of rural-urban migration, mostly by youths seeking a better life in towns.

When youths, who make up the majority of Malawi’s population, migrate to urban centres, the productivity of family labour farms declines, according to findings of a study commissioned by the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA) in Malawi in 2018 under its Enhancing Capacity to Apply Research Evidence (CARE) in Policy for Youth Engagement in Agribusiness and Rural Economic Activities in Africa.

Under the CARE programme, IITA is working with young researchers across Africa to promote understanding of the impact of poverty reduction and employment and factors that influence youth engagement in agribusiness and rural farm and non-farm economy, Timilehin Osunde, communications officer for the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD)-CARE Project at the IITA in Nigeria, tells IPS.

In the Malawi CARE study, researcher Emmanuel Tolani interviewed households in two districts of Zomba and Lilongwe. Both districts are known for their high production of maize, Malawi’s staple crop.

The CARE study focused on households where youth had migrated to urban centres in comparison with those where youths had not moved.                  

In a resulting Policy Brief titled “Youth on the Move: Welfare effects on originating households”, the research found that households, which have youths migrating to urban centres, were each producing 13 50-kilogramme bags less than they could harvest if the youth did not move out.

“This can be [attributed] to the fact that migration of youth household members was leading to loss of labour for agricultural production which was not compensated by hired labour using the remittances received,” reads the brief.

In the brief, Tolani recommends the introduction of income-generating activities among rural households to reduce the need for households to look for other means of diversifying their incomes, such as encouraging the migration of youths.

IITA’s Osunde adds that the lack of an environment suitable for agribusiness, the search for educational opportunities and access to services and resources are among the factors for the trend of rural youths leaving their homes for urban centres in Africa.

Over the years, Malawi has designed and implemented programmes aimed at improving social and economic conditions of rural areas, which could reduce rural-urban migration in Malawi.

However, rural-urban migration has not abated. Malawi’s National Planning Commission attributes this to what it says are “policy implementation inconsistencies across political regimes”.

This argument has featured highly in development discourse in Malawi such that it motivated the establishment of the National Planning Commission. Established through an Act of Parliament in 2017, the Commission’s mandate is to ensure continuity of development policies across political administrations.

On the other hand, Osunde observes that a lot of rural development programmes in Africa have failed because they are designed by policy makers without the input of the rural youth.

“These are often implemented with an up-bottom approach instead of using a bottom-up approach,” Osunde tells IPS.

To support African governments in stemming the tide of youth rural-urban migration, IITA is implementing a number of agriculture-specific programmes, besides CARE.

For instance, the Start Them Early Programme (STEP) aims at changing the mindset of young people in primary and secondary schools by providing them with basic understanding in agriculture to direct them toward agriculture-related careers, says Osunde.

IITA is also implementing Enable Youth project. This provides opportunities for underemployed young people, motivating them to establish agricultural enterprises and improve their agribusiness skills.

“[The programme] helps to create a conducive business environment by advancing youth-led policies and provides a communication network that delivers much-needed agricultural information to other youths involved in agribusiness,” Osunde says. 

In addition, the IITA Youth Agripreneurs aims to change perceptions of youths in Africa about agriculture and see that agriculture can be exciting and economically rewarding.

“With agriculture in Africa largely suffering from negative perceptions amongst youths due to the drudgery involved, insufficient financial gains and a dearth in basic infrastructure, the youth programme being implemented by IITA is aimed at changing the perception among youths in Africa while creating resources that can enable them start out as agripreneurs on the continent. These are agriculture-specific programmes that Malawi can adopt to attract youths into agribusiness,” Osunde tells IPS.

Director General for the National Planning Commission, Dr Thomas Munthali, says they are currently mapping the country into potential investment zones with bankable investment projects which, among others, could lead to the reduction of youth migration.

“The idea is to create secondary cities in such zones based on their arable land, mining and tourism potential. These will be created into industrial hubs offering sustainable decent jobs and socio-economic amenities just like in cities,” says Munthali.

As rural youths in Malawi wait for such programmes, Yohane has already decided to stay in the village. And he is dreaming big.

“We harvest enough maize for our food. But we need to make money. So we are planning to rent another piece of land this year where we can grow more maize for sale. We won’t need hired labour. In future, we want to see if we can buy more land on which we can do serious commercial farming,” he says. 

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The MV Wakashio ran aground on a coral reef on 25 July, and has leaked oil into the ocean.

A man and a woman in front of the Beirut Port, Lebanon, following the blast. Courtesy: UN Women Arab States/Dar Al Mussawir

By Samira Sadeque
UNITED NATIONS, Aug 12 2020 (IPS)

Migrant workers and refugees in Lebanon will “inevitably” suffer the most as food insecurity threatens the nation following last week’s blast.

“People already living in poverty – including destitute migrants and refugees – will inevitably suffer the most,” Angela Wells, public information officer at the department of operations and emergencies at the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), told IPS.

This is because, prior to the blast, they were already among those most affected by food insecurity, with about 62 percent reporting inadequate access to food in July, Wells said.

Wells spoke to IPS after Najat Rochdi, United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator and Deputy Special Coordinator for Lebanon, warned at a U.N. press briefing on Monday that Lebanon is facing a potentially dire food shortage.

“We are left with only four weeks of wheat and grain,” she said, adding that there will be a “very serious food insecurity situation” in the country unless Lebanon receives assistance immediately.

The Aug. 4 blast left an estimated 200,000 people homeless or living in homes without windows or doors, according to the BBC. An estimated 200 people were killed and some 5,000 injured.

The World Food Programme has since announced they will send 50,000 tonnes of wheat flour to Lebanon, “to stabilise the national supply and ensure there is no food shortage in the country”.

This week the country’s government resigned as protestors took to the streets to express their mounting anger about the explosion and the government’s corruption.

Rochdi, who had felt the effects of the blast, spoke of her personal experience and said she was still reeling from the trauma. Rochdi said that the explosion was yet another blow to Lebanon. This past year has seen poverty and unemployment rates soar, and Lebanon has been immersed in an “unprecedented economic and financial crisis”.

Wells confirmed that a large percentage of the migrant workers in Beirut live within the “damage radius” of the explosion.

The number of migrant workers stranded in Lebanon due to COVID-19 travel restrictions will also likely increase given that the international and in-country movement will continue for a prolonged period, she added.

Refugee and migrant workers from the Horn of Africa and Asia were among the worst affected by the financial crisis in Lebanon. The COVID-19 pandemic further exacerbated this, and many migrant workers were left on the streets with no money from their employers.

For many in the community, it was also difficult to maintain social distancing, which only adds to the problem.

“Many migrant workers live or work in crowded or unsanitary conditions with limited access to clean water, sanitation or hygiene supplies,” Wells told IPS. “In these places, COVID-19 can easily spread. Their access to health care is often compromised, particularly for those who are undocumented.” 

This doesn’t help a community that was already vulnerable before both the blast and the pandemic. Refugee and migrant workers often don’t have access to social safety nets that citizens benefit from during times of crisis like this, Wells said.

For many, being undocumented means they are more vulnerable to abuse, while their access to services such as healthcare remain limited.

“The needs of migrants and refugees deserve immediate attention,” Wells said. “As a matter of priority, these include food; a safe roof over their heads or cash that helps them to pay rent; as well as health care for those whose physical or mental health has been compromised.”

At Monday’s talk, Rochdi highlighted key areas that need to be addressed immediately. This includes: assistance to help sustain emergency intensive and specialised healthcare; shelter and expansion of protection of assistance, including counselling and psychological support; support to basic water and sanitation; assistance to enable educational activities to resume; and support to ease the growing food insecurity among the most vulnerable.

“We want the Lebanese people to go back on their feet,” Rochdi said. “I encourage and urge donors to continue to be generous to ensure that no one is left behind and that the Lebanese and Beirut people know they are not alone.”

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The post Impending Food Crisis in Lebanon will Largely Affect Migrant Workers appeared first on Inter Press Service.

Juvenile desert locust hoppers. Photo: FAO/G.Tortoli

By Esther Ngumbi
ILLINOIS, United States, Aug 12 2020 (IPS)

Recently, the UK contributed £17 million to support the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) to continue their efforts to combat the desert locust surge in East Africa and improve early warning and forecasting systems.

Because of contributions like this and other contributions that have been made by countries including Germany, Saudi Arabia, the United States of America and other funders such as the African Development Bank, The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, substantial gains have been made in containing the desert locust.

Given that desert locust outbreaks and other insect related invasions are to be expected in the future, in part because of climate change, there is need for countries affected to use the funds to work with organizations such as FAO and other stakeholders that are in the frontlines in addressing insect-related challenges such as the International Center of Insect Physiology and Ecology and the Entomological Society of America.

In dealing with insect-related challenges, it is clear that many African countries continue to take a reactive rather than a proactive approach and that needs to change

They must craft both short-term and long-term approaches to manage insect pests that affect food crops, causing significant crop losses to farmers while threatening food security and agriculture.

Over and over, in dealing with insect-related challenges, it is clear that many African countries continue to take a reactive rather than a proactive approach and that needs to change.

For example, in dealing with the fall armyworm, an invasive pest that appeared in Africa in 2016 and spread rapidly, causing losses worth millions of dollars, several countries including Malawi, Kenya, Ghana and Nigeria rolled out measures to contain the pest only after it had spread.

Instead, strategically, it would benefit countries if they would use available resources and tools such as satellite data, big data, intelligence generated by predictive modelling and other tools such as the Horizon Scanning Tool, to anticipate and prepare for insect and pest related challenges.

FAO continues to rely on data to produce forecasts and early warning alerts for the desert locust and other invasive pests such as the fall armyworm.  Time is ripe to use intelligence derived from data and predictive modelling to anticipate future insect outbreaks. Doing so will allow African countries to stay ahead.

 

A man beating a bush with a stick to show desert locusts swarming near Fada, Chad. FAO toolbox shows how prevention, early warning and preparedness can help control desert locust and other trans-boundary threats. Photo: FAO

 

Accompanying data-based intelligence is the need for African countries to strengthen in country pest surveillance programs. Agriculture is a source of livelihood for over 70 percent of Africa’s population. As such, countries must safeguard agriculture by having national pest surveillance programs that are tasked with carrying out routine pest surveys and identifying and detecting new insect pests including those deemed to be invasive.

It is key for national governments to have functional agricultural pest detection systems. The good news is that there are many guiding documents that countries can tap into as they formulate their pest surveillance programs, such as the guidelines provided by the International Plant Protection Convention.

Importantly, countries must also invest in ways to share information about detected insects and the appropriate sustainable solutions to manage them. The use of mobile phones and radio are one approach that can be utilized to widely disseminate information about impending insect pest outbreaks. Moreover, keeping citizens and other stakeholders that are keen on tackling insect pest challenges can also benefit from organized meetings, workshops and conferences.

Finally, there is need to invest in long term actions, including investing in research and the training and capacity building, to ensure that African countries have the expertise and capacity to combat insect pests, now and into the future.

Insect-pest related challenges will continue to challenge African agriculture. African countries must use the available tools to anticipate, prepare and stay ahead of the next pest-related challenge. Ensuring food security for all, especially in Africa, will depend on how we harness data and available intelligence to stay ahead of insect pests including staying ahead of the next desert locust outbreak.

 

Dr. Esther Ngumbi is an Assistant Professor at the Entomology Department and African American Studies, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign. She is a Senior Food security fellow with the Aspen Institute.

The post To Stay Ahead of the Next Insect Outbreak, Harness Available Data Intelligence appeared first on Inter Press Service.

Cassandra is visually impaired and learning remotely during lockdown in Nigeria has presented several problems.

By External Source
Aug 12 2020 (IPS-Partners)

Is it weird for fishers to release fish? Not at all. It’s actually smart to let some fish go back to the ocean: fish that are under the minimum size limit or are protected during their spawning season. Fishers who catch them and release them alive give them a chance to reproduce and become bigger. Also, fish that are poisonous or not edible should go back to the ocean because they help keep the reefs alive and healthy.

This training video gives tips to build and use descending gear to allow fishers to send a live fish back down to the bottom. Ready? Let them go!

Join us to promote sustainable fishing practices by sharing this video. This video was produced by the Pacific Community thanks to the New-Zealand funded Effective Coastal Fisheries Management project and the Pacific-European Union Marine Partnership #PEUMP Programme. #sustainablefisheries #PacificFisheries #FishBetter #fishforever #releasefish New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs & Trade #EuropeanUnion #Sweden

Source: Pacific Community SPC

 

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Enoch Adeboye riles social media critics with his views on women, but this has not dented his standing.

How Ebola prepared one doctor in the Democratic Republic of Congo to treat coronavirus.

Youth at the Grand Médine town hall in Dakar, Senegal. Senegal has a large youth population, half of which is under the age of 18. By 2025, 376,000 youth are expected to enter the job market that offers only 30,000 jobs. And this number will rise to 411,000 in 2030, according to the Wilson Centre. Credit: Samuelle Paul Banga/IPS

By Steven Rebello
JOHANNESBURG, Aug 11 2020 (IPS)

As the world marks International Youth Day on August 12, it is difficult to ignore the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on young people – particularly on efforts towards youth economic inclusion in Africa. Meaningful and swift action is needed from African states to ensure the damage is not long-lasting.

Recent United Nations data forecast that the number of youth in Africa could double from 226 million by 2055. Furthermore, 19 of the 20 countries with the youngest populations are all from Africa.

The potential and challenges posed by this growing number and representation of youth, in countries across Africa, was strongly noted in the World Bank’s 2007 report entitled, Development and the Next Generation.

Steven Rebello

This report suggested that with the right policies focusing on education, further training and employment creation, a larger percentage of economically active individuals could contribute to greater local through to regional economic growth. However, a failure to tap in to this potential could exclude greater numbers of youth, potentially contributing to their increased risk and frustration and ultimately, greater economic and political instability.

Some strides have been noted since 2007. This included the African Union’s development of the African Youth Charter, ratified by 38 member states as at 2016, which in turn contributed to the development of national youth policies and increased spending on large-scale youth programmes, such as the Kenya Youth Employment Opportunities Project.

However, there are still many challenges. In South Africa, for example, we have high youth unemployment rates with less than half – only 43% of people between the ages of 15 and 35 – being employed.

Furthermore, while World Bank data has suggested that countries such as Uganda and Rwanda have youth unemployment levels lower than 20%, statistics from the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) suggest that such figures belie the fact that more than 75% of African youth work in the informal sector, either self-employed or employed in family microenterprises, with many being employed but continuing to live in extreme poverty (less than 2US$ a day).

While painting a grim picture, COVID-19 and efforts to curb the pandemic have contributed to both short and possibly long-term social, economic and political consequences for African youth. This has included mass job losses and unemployment, with conservative estimates (based on the South African National Treasury predictions) suggesting that many countries could expect a 5 to 10% increase in their national unemployment rates.

A failure to tap in to this potential could exclude greater numbers of youth, potentially contributing to their increased risk and frustration and ultimately, greater economic and political instability

COVID-19 restrictions also mean that many others were unable to work, losing their source of income, potentially having to exhaust any financial savings or forced to borrow money. Furthermore, the economies or gross domestic products of many countries have also been greatly reduced, with major national and global recessions being likely.

So what are some of the potential means of mitigating the effects of COVID-19 on youth unemployment or structural economic exclusion?

Firstly, states and policy makers should recognise that superficial or patronising forms of youth consultation or participation are only likely to increase young people’s frustration and sense of exclusion.

Youth violence is, in itself, indicative of their sense of exclusion. Many answers can be found by bringing youth to the table and learning from their lived experiences.

Secondly, while hoping that states will proactively include youth, youth should continue to formally organise themselves in ways that are likely to ensure that their needs are better represented. Youth should continue to recognise the power of the youth vote, and regional or continental bodies, such as SADC and the AU, should change existing policies to ensure that state or political violence is not allowed to continue as a means of maintaining the status quo.

Thirdly, given its prominence, policy makers should take the informal sector more seriously. This would include making it easier for micro and small business owners to register their businesses, find credit or financing, find approved spaces for trade in urban and peri-urban areas, as well as creating more formalised or recognised conditions of employment, especially given the often precarious nature of employment in this sector.

A fourth recommendation would be for states to move away from simple social support grants towards public employment programmes (PEPs) or employment guarantee schemes.

The Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation’s (CSVR) research on PEPs across Africa has highlighted both the tangible (infrastructure development, wages and skills) as well as intangible benefits (increased social cohesion or social capital) of such programmes, which in turn, can increase young people’s prospects of gaining employment or self-employment skills.

In this regard, it is important that PEP budgets are geared towards skills development and training rather than part-time employment as a means of keeping youth busy.

A fifth point would be recognising the contradictions in the entrepreneurship panacea. While multiple organisations (such as the OECD previously mentioned) have highlighted the reality of many young Africans being self-employed or employed in the informal economy, many are reluctant entrepreneurs. This reluctance partly signifies a failure of the state to create an environment that is conducive to job creation.

Finally, African states should learn from what they and other stakeholders have already been doing well. CSVR’s draft regional review of youth policies and programmes has highlighted how far too many policies and programmes are based on good intentions rather than best practices. States should work with youth and other stakeholders to find both international and local examples of what has worked well and dedicate far greater resources to monitoring and evaluating policy and programme outcomes.

As can be noted by these recommendations, addressing issues of youth exclusion and particularly youth economic exclusion is no small task. Be this as it may, the challenges posed by COVID-19 are likely to make it even more important for states and other stakeholders to meaningful engage around the challenges and potential of greater youth economic inclusion.

Steven Rebello is a senior researcher at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) and a counselling psychologist based in Johannesburg, South Africa. His areas of focus include youth and community-based research.

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Amid the worst education crisis of our time caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, ECW’s new Results Report provides evidence on progress made in delivering inclusive, equitable quality education in emergencies and protracted crises.

By PRESS RELEASE
GENEVA / NEW YORK, Aug 11 2020 (IPS-Partners)

Education Cannot Wait launched its ‘Stronger Together in Crises – Annual Results Report 2019’ today, reaffirming itself as the global fund for education in emergencies and protracted crises. Since the Fund’s inception in 2016, its investments have reached nearly 3.5 million children and youth in many of the world’s worst humanitarian crises.

“Education Cannot Wait works to serve the 75 million children and youth – 39 million of whom are girls – whose education has been disrupted by armed conflicts, forced displacement, climate-change induced disasters and protracted crises. This new Annual Results Report shows ECW advancing from strength to strength, just three years into its operations,” said the Rt. Hon. Gordon Brown, UN Special Envoy for Global Education and Chair of the ECW High-Level Steering Group. “The report comes at an unprecedented time when the global education crisis is exacerbated by COVID-19. The pandemic has swept across the world, threatening decades of hard-won development gains: 90 per cent of the world’s school-age children and youth have had their education disrupted. As an innovative fund, Education Cannot Wait is breaking new ground, but more needs to be done. Financing is absolutely essential.”

The report provides evidence that ECW’s partnership model is spurring progress in delivering inclusive, equitable quality education for children and youth caught in emergencies and protracted crises. It shows growing political commitment for the emergency education sector and increased prioritization of education in humanitarian appeals: humanitarian funding for education grew five-fold from 2015 to 2019, with more than US$700 million committed in 2019. The share of funding dedicated to the education sector as part of the total sector-specific humanitarian aid globally also continued to rise, reaching 5.1 per cent in 2019.

To date, ECW has mobilized $662.3 million, including $252.8 million from both public and private donors in 2019. The Fund substantially increased its operations in 2019, disbursing $130.7 million to 75 grantees to support education in emergencies and protracted crises responses in 29 countries. The report shows that ECW is providing the impetus for quicker education responses in the face of sudden-onset crises, and is strengthening coherence between humanitarian and development aid interventions. It also captures encouraging trends in terms of strengthening national and local capacities to respond, as well as improving data, evidence and accountability for the sector.

ECW-financed education in emergency activities reached 2.6 million crisis-affected children and youth in 2019 alone. The Fund’s focus on the most vulnerable and marginalized children and youth is translating into real results: while girls often face additional barriers to access education in crises settings, nearly half of ECW’s beneficiaries (48 per cent) are girls. In all, 30 per cent of the Fund’s beneficiaries are refugees, 15 per cent are internally displaced children and youth, and 55 per cent are other crises-affected children and youth, including those from host communities.

“ECW champions the inherent human right to an education for children and youth left furthest behind in humanitarian emergencies and protracted crises,” said Yasmine Sherif, Director of Education Cannot Wait. “Our undivided focus is on the realities on the ground and the more than 75 million children and youth whose education is disrupted by crises. They demand our attention and action. Where there is commitment, progress has been made. The primary enrolment ratio for refugee children improved from 53 per cent to 75 per cent in Uganda in just two years; and, in Afghanistan, where 60 percent in our investments are girls, out-of-school girls now have the opportunity to return to the safety and protection of an education thanks to the government’s community-based education approaches and the partnership with civil society and UN agencies. Yet, to further scale up what works requires significant, urgent funding.”

Indeed, more remains to be done. Funding appeals for education in emergencies and protracted crises remained significantly underfunded in 2019, with only 43.5 per cent of the required funding secured; and, the gap risks widening further with the compounding effect of the COVID-19 pandemic and the stress it is exercising onto education and aid budgets worldwide.

“To answer the UN Secretary General’s recent call to avoid a generational catastrophe that could waste untold human potential, undermine decades of progress, and exacerbate entrenched inequalities, ECW and its partners are working to urgently mobilize an additional US$310 million to support the emergency education response to the COVID-19 pandemic and other ongoing crises. Together with in-country resource mobilization, this will allow us to reach close to 9 million children annually,” Sherif said.

In just the past four months of 2020, ECW’s total First Emergency Response investments span 33 countries and crisis-affected contexts, with a record amount of US$60.1 million rapidly allocated by ECW for vulnerable children and youth, who are now doubly impacted by COVID-19.

Highlights of Key ECW 2019 Results by Country:
• Afghanistan: A successful model of community-based education has reached 57 per cent of girls amongst its beneficiaries. An ECW grant to Save the Children and the Afghanistan Consortium for Community-based Education and Learning achieved substantial results in literacy and numeracy. At the beginning of the intervention, only 2 per cent of students were able to read a story and answer related questions correctly; after the intervention, 48 per cent of students were able to read and understand a basic story.

• Central African Republic: ECW partner, Norwegian Refugee Council, delivered an 8-month accelerated learning programme for 720 conflict-affected children (45 per cent girls). 85 per cent of children who completed the programme were able to re-enter the formal system after receiving the required certification.

• Democratic Republic of the Congo: ECW investments delivered through AVSI, NRC and UNICEF supported reintegration of formerly out-of-school children into formal education, protection for children at school and at home, the provision of psychosocial support, and upgraded school infrastructure and the distribution of learning materials. About 10,000 children attended catch-up courses and took the end-of-cycle exam for primary school, enabling them to re-join the formal education system. Exceeding targets, over 46,000 children have been reached in all, 49 per cent of whom are girls.

• Ethiopia: Following a US$15 million initial investment grant implemented through by UNICEF, the primary gross enrolment ratio for refugee children rose to 67 per cent, up from 62 per cent in 2018.

• Nigeria: ECW partner Street Child successfully increased learning levels in reading and mathematics in areas affected by the Boko Haram insurgency. The grant provided non-formal education for 5,206 children between the ages of 4 and 14 who were either out-of-school or had fallen behind in the formal education system. As a result of the intervention, the percentage of children who were able to recognize letters rose from 1 per cent to 50 per cent. The percentage of students able to read words increased from 9 per cent to 43 per cent.

• Uganda: Following ECW’s support to the Education Response Plan for Refugees and Host Communities (ERP) through the Fund’s multi-year resilience programme, the primary gross enrolment ratio for refugee children improved by 22 per cent – from 53 per cent in 2017 to 75 per cent in 2019 (reaching 71.4 per cent for girls).

• Yemen: 1.8 million students in war-torn Yemen were able to sit for their exams with support from Education Cannot Wait and its partners. Through an initiative implemented by UNCEF, 128,000 teachers received cash incentives.

 

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The post STRONGER TOGETHER IN CRISES’ – EDUCATION CANNOT WAIT REACHES 3.5 MILLION CHILDREN AND YOUTH IN HUMANITARIAN CRISES WORLDWIDE appeared first on Inter Press Service.

Excerpt:

Amid the worst education crisis of our time caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, ECW’s new Results Report provides evidence on progress made in delivering inclusive, equitable quality education in emergencies and protracted crises.

The post STRONGER TOGETHER IN CRISES’ – EDUCATION CANNOT WAIT REACHES 3.5 MILLION CHILDREN AND YOUTH IN HUMANITARIAN CRISES WORLDWIDE appeared first on Inter Press Service.

Credit: RAP

By Steve Rushton
LONDON, Aug 11 2020 (IPS)

“With advertisements removed in Grenoble you can see the city’s beauty and the mountains beyond. Adverts create obstacles. Without them you can breathe,” explains Khaled Gaiji, national mobilisation coordinator of the French anti-advertising organisation Résistance à l’Agression Publicitaire (Resistance to Advertising Aggression, or RAP). “Advertising is like an iceberg: the largest impact is below the surface. Adverts colonise our imagination.”

In 2014 Grenoble’s then newly-appointed Green mayor Éric Piolle cancelled a contract for 326 outdoor advertisements, including 64 large billboards. Trees and community noticeboards replaced them – or nothing at all. The lost revenue was recouped by reducing allowances, including official vehicles. Despite Piolle’s attempts to make Grenoble Europe’s first ad-free city, bus and tram stops still have adverts, as the contract is controlled by the regional authority.

But that hasn’t stopped the ad-free fervour from spreading across France. There are 29 RAP groups across the country, up from five in 2016. They work autonomously with tactics including pressuring politicians like the mayor of Paris, Anne Hidalgo, who paused plans for new digital advertising boards on the city’s streets. To halt this RAP encouraged people to participate in a public consultation.

Ninety-five per cent of over 2000 participants were against the new digital ads. Their reasons speak to why people are resisting outdoor advertising the world over: their negative ecological impact, including the way they drive consumption, as well as the fact that they are invasive, obtrusive and omnipresent.

Outdoor adverts are not consensual: “I can avoid ads in magazines or online. But if I’m walking my baby to the park or if I just want some quiet time outside, I don’t want to be told to buy fast food, fast fashion or cars. However, I can’t avoid these ads on billboards.”

Nationally, RAP co-organised a petition, with other organisations, which collected 60,000 signatures that pressured then finance minister Emmanuel Macron, in 2016, to stop plans to spread advertisements across France’s small towns and villages. In Lyon, 150 activists from RAP protested in March 2018 and 2019 in support of global anti-advertising action, while in October 2019 200 activists marched there in solidarity with ‘Alex’, a RAP participant who went to court for his part in covering advertising spaces in posters. His case is adjourned until June 2020.

Gaiji, who is also president of Friends of the Earth France, says: “Grenoble stopping the advance of advertisements shows that we have a choice. It is like when people ask what has 50 years of environmental activism achieved? But imagine how bad thing would be if [we hadn’t done anything]. We say: ‘Action is life, silence is death’”.

The anti-advertising movement is loud in France, but it has roots further afield. In 2006, São Paulo became the first place in the world to ban outdoor advertising. Then mayor Gilberto Kassab described it as ‘visual pollution’. Within a year, 15,000 billboards were down, along with 300,000 large store signs, in south America’s largest megacity. Cities in India including New Delhi, Mumbai and Chennai have all restricted outdoor advertising. For ten days in 2015, Tehran replaced all advertising with art.

 

Britain’s anti-advertising clamour rises

The south-west English city of Bristol hosted the UK’s first national anti-advertising conference on 26 October 2019. Organised by Adblock Bristol, it attracted people from across the British Isles, including members of Adblock Cardiff, which was set up in Wales last year. Attendees from the UK’s second largest city of Birmingham set up their own group after the conference.

“Our big focus is challenging new planning applications for digital billboards, where the industry is expanding. Working with local communities we have stopped 18 new digital screens in Bristol and have successfully lobbied to have some old static billboards removed,” explains Nicola Round from Adblock Bristol.

Round explains that outdoor adverts are not consensual: “I can avoid ads in magazines or online. But if I’m walking my baby to the park or if I just want some quiet time outside, I don’t want to be told to buy fast food, fast fashion or cars. However, I can’t avoid these ads on billboards.”

The conference showcased other successes: lobbying against Bristol council’s plans to extend advertising into green spaces; working with local communities and art projects to showcase alternatives and covering adverts with paper for a day to let people express themselves.

One workshop explored how advertising drives sexism. “Advertising featuring sexualised images of perfect bodies not only encourages us to objectify and dehumanise the women pictured, it trains us to objectify all women,” Sophie Pritchard who co-ran the workshop explains. She is from TIGER (Teaching Individuals Gender Equality and Respect), a local grassroots co-operative working with young people.

“Advertising often presents women as submissive, as possessions to fulfil the needs of men, and men are shown as strong and dominant. These are the core beliefs underpinning domestic abuse,” Pritchard explains, citing numerous studies that have shown that way in which sexualised advertising drives body shaming, mental health problems and misogyny.

 

Selling unhappiness

The public relations industry stands accused of driving other prejudice. One advert in Thailand linking success with lighter skin was withdrawn after public backlash against racism. Similar public condemnation forced German cosmetic giant Nivea to stop a campaign selling skin lightening products in west Africa.

Overall, swathes of studies link advertising with selling unhappiness, making us want things we do not need. Fighting against this, different campaigns worldwide focus on limiting specific adverts. Singapore has banned unhealthy food and drinks promotion, including on billboards, going further than similar moves in Mexico, the United Kingdom and Canada. Paris in March 2017 followed Geneva and London to ban sexist and homophobic adverts. In 2005, World Health Organization rules banned all tobacco advertising for its 168 signatories; but investigative research by the Guardian shows that big tobacco still targets children in at least 23 countries of the Global South.

The climate emergency also amplifies another argument against advertising.

“Bristol was the first UK council to declare a climate emergency, so it makes no sense to then install new digital advert screens,” Round explains. “We know from planning applications that a double-sided digital bus advertisement uses the same annual energy as four households. So imagine the big ones, let alone the environmental impact of the over-consumption encouraged by these advertising boards.”

Adblock Bristol has mapped how advertisers target the city’s major roads, noting that areas with the most billboards suffer the highest air pollution. Anti-advert campaigners also want to raise broader questions about environmental justice: why should impoverished areas suffering the worst air pollution – largely due to traffic – host adverts for cars out of the price range of many local people? In the end, selling more cars to motorists stuck in traffic jams only worsens air quality and the climate disaster.

 

Reclaiming the public visual realm

The Bristol conference featured a ‘subvertising’ workshop – a term that refers to replacing or altering billboard images with art. Early subvertising campaigns started as early as 1973 in Australia, focusing on tobacco. More recently, carbon intense industries have been targeted, including adding cigarette-style warnings to car adverts.

“We set out to subvert the dominant narrative forced onto us by corporate advertising. It is important to reclaim the public visual realm – especially when we are being straight up lied to, as is the case with widely used greenwashing,” explains Michelle Tylicki, an artist who has collaborated with subvertisers.

Her work has included making a spoof film poster about the UK fracking firm Cuadrilla – in the style of the horror movie Godzilla. Fracking in the UK has now been suspended following years of pressure from campaigners.

Tylicki also made a poster series that was displayed during 2018’s climate negotiations in Poland. “[It was] to challenge the greenwashing and ‘business as usual’. At this summit it was decided that they will ignore the key 1.5 degrees IPCC report. This shouldn’t come as a surprise considering the ‘climate summit’ was sponsored by Polish coal companies.”

During the summit, the right to protest was severely restricted. One of her billboards (in Polish) read: “Belchatow power station emits more CO2 than is absorbed by all Polish forests. Poland, business as usual. High time for climate justice.”

She tells Equal Times: “Coal still provides 1/3 of electric power in the world. Current CO2 emissions cause 45,000 premature deaths in Poland each year. It is a beastly industry that will continue to walk over dead bodies for profit – unless we challenge it.”

The subvertising movement aims to end the monopoly corporations increasingly have over public space. It organises skill-shares so that more people can democratise their cities and towns.

One reported impact of removing billboards in São Paulo was that it revealed vistas of the impoverished areas that existed behind them. Anti-advertising projects around the world tend to focus on valuing these areas rather than dismissing them as mere ‘slums’. These projects also help us imagine how all cities could be without adverts.

In Mumbai, the NGO Chal Rang De (Let’s Go Paint) has painted houses made from corrugated iron in bright colours. Similarly, the council in Medellín, Columbia’s second city, has transformed severely impoverished neighbourhoods, suffering violence from the drugs trade, by daubing the walls with murals and providing amenities, services and hope. Likewise, in Ghanaian capital city of Accra, artist Mohammed Awudu is guiding young people to turn the informal settlement of Nima into an art city.

Round chaired the conference’s closing session on what should replace corporate advertisements. This, she says, should be up to the local communities. “In Bristol some say more art, like the Burg Arts Project, a rolling series of art by local artists and the local community. Primarily we would like to see advertising gone, perhaps to reveal beautiful buildings. Other communities might want to plant and rewild, or paint murals. There are many ways communities could take this.”

 

This story was originally published by Equal Times

The post The Growing Global Movement to End Outdoor Advertising appeared first on Inter Press Service.

At least 10 people are killed in a heavy exchange of fire at a jail in Somalia, officials say.

South Africa's Gabola church believes in connecting with God by consuming alcohol.

Credit: United Nations

By Saber Azam
GENEVA, Aug 11 2020 (IPS)

The US detains essential keys to the political and economic stability of the planet. The last four years have been challenging for Americans, their allies, and the rest of the world.

The forthcoming US elections would be a game-changer and UN-related affairs high on the winner’s agenda. If Mr. Trump is re-elected, he may continue his mistrust toward the world body, paving the way for its eventual demise. Should Mr. Biden win, he would be confronted with diverse views from the day one of his administration.

The UN is an inefficient bureaucracy. Political nepotism, waste of resources, outdated mandates, incoherent modus operandi, and fractured image characterize it. However, there is no alternative to the UN.

The winner of the presidential race should not rush to dismantle the body or re-establish “business as usual.” After 75 years of questionable “service to humanity,” it is time to mend the deficiencies, making the organization once again relevant. The following could constitute the basis of food for thought:

The Charter of the UN defines its primary purposes as follows:

(i) “maintain international peace and security” to “save succeeding generations from the scourge of war,”
(ii) “develop friendly relations among nations” to “establish conditions under which justice and respect for obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained,” and
(iii) “achieve international cooperation …. and respect for human rights” to safeguard “freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion” and “dignity … of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small.”

The UN received the necessary support to achieve its goals. It created scores of bodies and received trillions or quadrillions of US dollars. However, a glance at the performance of the organization would imply that:

(a) Wars could not be prevented; their number increased. Terrorism and proxy clashes through unlawful armed groups emerged as new threats to world peace and stability. The UN failed in its prime objective of “maintain[ing] international peace and security.” Worst, peacekeepers have been accused of inaction during the genocide in Rwanda and sexual abuse of local populations in numerous countries. Questions are raised regarding their “complicity” in the massacre of Srebrenica.

(b) Antagonism among Member States continued to prevail, preventing the world from “develop[ing] friendly relations among nations.” Agreement on, accession, and ratification of international instruments by Member States, particularly during the UN’s prime ages, constitute its most significant achievement. However, their implementation has proven challenging. Dignity of the human person, fundamentals of human rights, and respect for diversity remain imaginary notions in most parts of the world. Often, Member States violate their commitments without being subject to “penalty.” Secretaries-General have often been tamed to the desire of the most powerful countries.

____________________
[1] The term UN applies to all United Nations Headquarters components and affiliated organs around the world.

(c) International cooperation through multi-lateral approaches had timid or quasi no effects. Serious questions have been raised on the impact of trillions of US dollars allocated to develop the socio-economic infrastructures of least developed countries. A simple examination of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) demonstrates that practically no country achieved them.

Therefore, the UN proved to be an inadequate machinery. Mistrust regarding multilateralism has well-founded reasons. The organization cannot address its current and future pressing challenges without a complete overhaul of the system. It is only then that it can become once more relevant.

Political Reform:
The possibility of reforming the essence of bodies that affect the UN Charter would be quasi-impossible. It is vital to aim at improving their structure and functionality as much as possible. The need for political reform is focused on the membership of the Security Council.

The Charter gives the extra-ordinary veto power to only 5 Member States. Given the context and realities, an increase in the number of permanent members and a profound political reform would not be feasible. Efforts should focus on areas that can effectively be improved.

Reducing the Secretary-General and senior political appointees’ service to only one term of five years would increase the organization’s efficiency. Most often, the concern surrounding re-election or re-appointment diminishes significantly the ability of incumbents to fulfill their noble tasks. Some individuals are rotating in senior positions for decades, causing apathy and sclerosis to the organization.

Mandates of Bodies and Agencies:
Countless organs have been created, and few abolished, leading to an endless proliferation of entities. A significant part of UN inefficiency also stems from the confusion of respective bodies’ mandates. The overcast lines between department and/or agency mandates engender not only misunderstanding, but also needless competition for relevance and resources.

Such a streamlining exercise would also allow evaluating the efficiency of a particular organ. UNHCR, UNICEF, WFP, WHO, and IOM have been efficient, and credentials are there to prove it. Others have less than satisfactory effects, particularly UNDP, considered a money-wasting institution. It makes sense to dismantle completely similar bodies, strengthening focused development agencies such as UNFPA, FAO, UNWOMEM, etc.

It is also high time to terminate endless Headquarters pseudo reforms to accommodate most senior officials. This practice has so far reduced the efficiency of the UN system considerably.

Structure:
The UN Headquarters are transformed into heavily staffed and expensive centers of bureaucracy. Political (Headquarters) and operational (field) dimensions of the body must be clearly defined. The Headquarters component should be at its strictly minimum, while the field components need-based.

Each organization has a Branch Office in as many countries as possible, regardless of actual need—leading to thousands of staff and perhaps billions of US dollars expenditure without a justifying added value. This practice should be revised and made unequivocally need-based and flexible.

Management:
Manifold sets of rules and procedures have been elaborated in the fields of human resources, financial management, and supply. There is no reason that the UN system should not obey the same rules. However, humanitarian emergency response supply procedures should preferably be field/operations-based to increase efficiency.

Culture/Ethics of the Organization:
Since its creation, the UN has developed a multi-dimensional culture that negatively affects its performance. National/political nepotism, safeguarding the image of the organization at all costs, lack of accountability, dubious promotion and appointment processes, exhaustive meetings, expensive travels and missions, careerism at the expense of efficiency, efforts to please the Member States at the detriment of respect for/defense of principles are a few examples.

Vacancy announcements for crucial positions are “bogus” to show that “process is respected” while, in fact, incumbents are already “selected” beforehand. The same unwritten rules apply for assignments and promotions. In some entities, senior appointments and promotions are at the supreme manager’s discretion, making the fear of favoritism, nepotism, or abuse real.

The image of a perfect organization, not making any mistake, seems more important than standing by the principles the organization was founded upon. The sexual abuse by peacekeepers of the population they are supposed to protect is no longer “taboo.” Often, states that violate human rights get a pass by the UN leaders.

Fear of accountability has led to a lack of innovative initiatives within the organization. It is perceived to be “safer” to do business as usual, than to take a risk in the name of innovation or principle. Hardly someone has faced justice for grave mistakes that have either cost lives or financial losses. A more in-depth look reveals a lack of accountability at multiple layers.

Extensive mission costs and long meetings have become a trademark and synonym for efficiency. The culture of senior staff making every effort to remain at Headquarters and circulate endlessly from one position to another, leads to apathy.

The problem of top leadership competence in the UN system is chronic. The second SG had to resign. Another proved to be a Nazi officer. It is high time to revise the culture of the organization.

Delivering as One (DaO) and UN Development Assistance Framework (UNDAF):
The UN leadership introduced the philosophy of DaO to ensure the success of MDGs. Their assumption was completely wrong. The world faced more instability, insecurity, and humanitarian challenges.

DaO has been interpreted as all UN entities in a given country should be involved in solving a challenge, irrespective of their relevant expertise and capacity. As a result, bodies are fighting for relevance and resources.

Often, efforts are not well-coordinated, and donors fund whom they want. The notion of “one leader, one program, one budgetary framework, and one resource mobilization mechanism” is unrealistic. The role of the Resident Coordinator is superficial.

Without taking stock of MDGs’ failure, the UN leadership proposed the even more formidable Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). At a glance, some would realize that under the current status of world affairs, they are doomed to fail too.

One meaningful reform would be to rotate the role of Resident Coordinator among the few critical agencies in a given country. This will ensure objectivity and focused action. It will also prevent bureaucratic approaches, meaningless leadership, and waste of resources. UNDAF should change into a more realistic mechanism in a given country, such as UN Action Framework (UNAF).

The Way Forward:
External experts of some ten world-class personalities with critical views about the organization could compose a UN Reform Team. It will elaborate a strategy, timeline, and budgetary requirements.

The Team would rely on the advice of renowned researchers, politicians, diplomats, and experts for in-depth studies of the challenges posed, including a cost/result analysis and propose the way forward. Such reforms should be initiated and supervised by the Security Council through a Resolution as any internal endeavor would prove biased and inefficient.

 

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The post Reform of the United Nations Organization appeared first on Inter Press Service.

Excerpt:

Saber Azam is a former official of the United Nations and author of the recently-released book, “SORAYA: The Other Princess”, a historical fiction that overflies the recent seven decades of Afghan history.

The post Reform of the United Nations Organization appeared first on Inter Press Service.