Balkans Occidentaux

Les chiens errants sont toujours une menace en Roumanie. Un problème abordé avec indifférence par les citoyens, traité avec cruauté par les autorités, et qui permet à certains malins sans pitié de s'enrichir.

- Articles / Politique, Roumanie, Courrier des Balkans, animaux, Une - Diaporama

Collien Fernandes ist seit diesem September von Schauspieler Christian Ulmen getrennt. Auf der Suche nach einem neuen Partner zeigt sie sich feministisch und mit unreiner Haut.

Janis Moser, der am Samstag einen neuen Vertrag unterschrieben hat, gewinnt mit den Tampa Bay Lightning gegen Montréal. Trotz komfortabler Führung muss am Ende das Penaltyschiessen über den Sieg entscheiden.

Prinz Andrew ist in einen der grössten Sex-Skandale der Welt verwickelt. Wegen seiner Verbindung zu Jeffrey Epstein wird er verachtet und vertrieben. Gut möglich, dass er bald auswandern wird, sagt Royal-Expertin Flavia Schlittler.

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- Agenda / Région parisienne

Le Kosovo retournait aux urnes dimanche, après une année marquée par une paralysie institutionnelle. Le Premier ministre sortant Albin Kurti et son mouvement Vetëvendosje dominent largement le scrutin, passant la barre des 50%.

- Articles / Kosovo Vetëvendosje, Politique, Courrier des Balkans, Kosovo, Une - Diaporama, Une - Diaporama - En premier

Le Kosovo retournait aux urnes dimanche, après une année marquée par une paralysie institutionnelle. Le Premier ministre sortant Albin Kurti et son mouvement Vetëvendosje dominent largement le scrutin, passant la barre des 50%.

- Articles / Kosovo Vetëvendosje, Politique, Courrier des Balkans, Kosovo, Une - Diaporama, Une - Diaporama - En premier

Inventeur, philanthrope et précurseur du populisme en politique, Ivan Kramberger fascine encore, plus de 33 ans après sa mort. Son assassinat demeure le seul meurtre politique dans l'histoire de la Slovénie indépendante. Portrait.

- Articles / Histoire, Indépendance Croatie-Slovénie, Courrier des Balkans, Slovénie, Une - Diaporama - En premier, Une - Diaporama

Die EU sanktioniert wegen Putin-Propaganda einen Schweizer – und macht ihren Gegnern damit das schönste Neujahrsgeschenk. Der schweigende Bundesrat macht die Sache noch schlimmer.

Florian Silbereisen ist zu Weihnachten als «Traumschiff»-Kapitän zu sehen und moderiert am Silvesterabend den «Silvester-Schlagerbooom». Im Interview verrät er, warum er die Feiertage trotzdem geniessen konnte.

Le Kosovo retourne aux urnes ce weekend, après une année marquée par une paralysie institutionnelle. Les enjeux pour ces législatives anticipées sont nombreux, mais la possibilité d'une sortie de crise reste incertaine.

- Articles / Kosovo Vetëvendosje, Politique, Courrier des Balkans, Kosovo, Une - Diaporama, Une - Diaporama - En premier

Le Kosovo retourne aux urnes ce weekend, après une année marquée par une paralysie institutionnelle. Les enjeux pour ces législatives anticipées sont nombreux, mais la possibilité d'une sortie de crise reste incertaine.

- Articles / Kosovo Vetëvendosje, Politique, Courrier des Balkans, Kosovo, Une - Diaporama, Une - Diaporama - En premier

By CIVICUS
Dec 26 2025 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses Generation Z-led protests in Bulgaria with Zahari Iankov, senior legal expert at the Bulgarian Centre for Not-for-Profit Law, a civil society organisation that advocates for participation and human rights.

Zahari Iankov

Bulgaria recently experienced its largest protests since the 1990s, driven largely by young people frustrated with corruption and institutional decay. What began as opposition to budget measures quickly escalated into broader demands for systemic change. The prime minister’s resignation has triggered Bulgaria’s seventh election since 2021, but whether this cycle of repeated elections will finally address fundamental questions about institutional integrity, informal power structures and the enduring influence of the oligarchy remains to be seen.

What sparked recent protests?

Bulgaria has been in a prolonged political crisis since 2020, when mass protests first erupted against corruption and state capture. Although they didn’t immediately lead to a resignation, these protests marked the beginning of a cycle of repeated elections and unstable governments. Since 2021, Bulgaria has held several parliamentary elections, and no political settlement has lasted.

The latest protests, which erupted on 1 December, have probably been the largest since the early 1990s, during Bulgaria’s transition from communism to democracy. They were initially sparked by a controversial 2026 budget that raised taxes to fund public sector wages, but while economic concerns played a role, the protests were primarily centres on values. People reacted to the fact that democratic rules were being openly disregarded and governance was increasingly being shaped by informal powers and personal interests.

Several incidents reinforced the perception that institutions were being systematically undermined. One symbolic moment was the treatment of student representatives during parliamentary debates about education, including proposals for mandatory religious education. Members of parliament publicly shamed student council representatives, which many people saw as emblematic of a broader contempt for citizen participation and government accountability.

Other cases reinforced this perception: environmental laws were weakened without debate, key oversight bodies were left inactive for over a year and proposals that threatened freedom of expression were introduced, and only withdrawn following public backlash. Together, these incidents created a sense that institutions were being hollowed out.

The budget acted as a trigger, but public anger had been building for months. Throughout the government’s short mandate, there was a clear pattern of sidelining public participation and bypassing parliamentary procedures. Laws were rushed through committees in seconds, major reforms were proposed without consultation and controversial decisions were taken at moments designed to avoid opposition.

What made these protests different from previous ones?

One striking difference was the speed and scale of the mobilisation. What began as a protest linked to budget concerns quickly turned into huge demonstrations involving tens of thousands of people. Estimates suggest that between 100,000 and 150,000 people gathered in Sofia, the capital, during the largest protest. For such a small country, this was impressive. Also unlike previous mobilisations, these protests spread well beyond Sofia to many cities across the country, something unusual for Bulgaria’s highly centralised political system.

Another important difference was the strong presence of young people, which led to the protests being described as Gen Z protests. While young people also played a role in big protest movements in 2013 and 2020, this time the generational identity was much more visible and explicitly embraced. Young people were central as communicators as well as participants. Social media campaigns, humour and memes played a significant role in spreading information and mobilising support.

Additionally, these protests were not driven by a single political party. Although one party provided logistical support in Sofia, the extent of participation and the geographic spread made clear this was a broad social mobilisation, not a partisan campaign.

What role did organised civil society groups play in sustaining the protests?

There were a couple of civil society groups that were involved in the organisation of protests, but organised civil society’s main role was not in mobilising but in providing crucial long-term support. For years, civil society groups and investigative journalists have documented corruption, challenged harmful laws and mobilised public awareness around environmental and rule-of-law issues.

As traditional media came under increasing control, civil society helped fill the gap by exposing abuses and explaining complex issues in accessible ways. This helped counter the narrative that ‘nothing ever changes’ and empowered people to believe protest could make a difference.

At the same time, attempts by politicians to discredit or intimidate civil society organisations, including proposals resembling laws to stigmatise civil society as foreign agent, underscored how influential civil society has become.

Who are the figures at the centre of public anger, and what do they represent?

The two key figures are Boyko Borissov and Delyan Peevski, who represent two different but deeply entrenched forms of political power. A former mayor of Sofia and prime minister who has dominated Bulgarian politics for over a decade, Borissov retains a loyal voter base despite major scandals, and has repeatedly returned to power through elections. He built his image on strongman rhetoric and visible policing actions.

Peevski is a different figure. Sanctioned under the Magnitsky Act — a US law targeting people involved in corruption and human rights abuses — he has never enjoyed broad public support but wields enormous informal influence. Despite leading a political party, he operates largely behind the scenes. Over the years, he has been linked to deep penetration of the judiciary, influence over regulatory bodies and media control. His role in governance has become increasingly visible despite his party not formally being part of the ruling coalition.

Together, these two figures embody what protesters see as the fundamental problem: a ‘mafia-style’ system of governance, where access, decision-making and protection depend on proximity to powerful individuals rather than transparent institutional processes.

Does the government’s resignation address the underlying problems?

This was a political response, but it does not resolve the structural issues that triggered the protests. Bulgaria’s institutions remain weak, key oversight bodies continue operating with expired mandates and the judiciary continues to face serious credibility problems.

What happens next will depend largely on voter participation and political renewal. Turnout in recent elections has fallen below 40 per cent, undermining any legitimacy claims and making vote-buying and clientelism easier. Mass turnout would significantly reduce the influence of these practices and could be our only hope for real change.

However, lasting change will require action to restore institutional independence, reform the judiciary and ensure regulatory bodies function properly. Otherwise, any new government risks being undermined by the same informal power structures that brought people out onto the streets.

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SEE ALSO
Anti-euro protests continue; arrest of Varna mayor sparks protests CIVICUS Monitor 28.Jul.2025
Unprecedented protests in Bulgaria’s public media CIVICUS Monitor 27.May.2025
Bulgaria: stuck in a loop? CIVICUS Lens 24.Oct.2022

 

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Cinq nouveaux membres, sur un total de onze, ont été élus au sein du Conseil des hauts procureurs de Serbie, mais de nombreux recours ont été déposés, y compris par le président Vučić, signe de l'intense lutte de pouvoir au sein de cet organisme judiciaire.

- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Vucic, Défense, police et justice, Serbie, Une - Diaporama, Politique, Une - Diaporama - En premier

Cinq nouveaux membres, sur un total de onze, ont été élus au sein du Conseil des hauts procureurs de Serbie, mais de nombreux recours ont été déposés, y compris par le président Vučić, signe de l'intense lutte de pouvoir au sein de cet organisme judiciaire.

- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Vucic, Défense, police et justice, Serbie, Une - Diaporama, Politique, Une - Diaporama - En premier

Cinq nouveaux membres, sur un total de onze, ont été élus au sein du Conseil des hauts procureurs de Serbie, mais de nombreux recours ont été déposés, y compris de la part du président Vučić, signe de la lutte de pouvoir au sein de cet organisme judiciaire.

- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Défense, police et justice, Serbie, Une - Diaporama

Cinq nouveaux membres, sur un total de onze, ont été élus au sein du Conseil des hauts procureurs de Serbie, mais de nombreux recours ont été déposés, y compris de la part du président Vučić, signe de la lutte de pouvoir au sein de cet organisme judiciaire.

- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Défense, police et justice, Serbie, Une - Diaporama

La crise en Europe, la guerre en Ukraine et la concurrence de la main-d'œuvre à bas coût de pays comme le Bangladesh ont mis l'industrie textile de Macédoine du Nord à genoux. Depuis le début de l'année, une dizaine d'usines ont déjà fermé leurs portes dans l'est du pays et d'autres vont suivre.

- Articles / Radio Slobodna Evropa, Une - Diaporama, Macédoine du Nord, Economie

La crise en Europe, la guerre en Ukraine et la concurrence de la main-d'œuvre à bas coût de pays comme le Bangladesh ont mis l'industrie textile de Macédoine du Nord à genoux. Depuis le début de l'année, une dizaine d'usines ont déjà fermé leurs portes dans l'est du pays et d'autres vont suivre.

- Articles / Radio Slobodna Evropa, Une - Diaporama, Une - Diaporama - En premier, Macédoine du Nord, Economie

Die Frauen-EM in der Schweiz hat in diesem Sommer eine Euphorie ausgelöst, mit der vor dem Turnier nur überzeugte Optimisten gerechnet haben. Ein wahres Fussballfest, das beim Ertönen der Hymne im Eröffnungsspiel seinen ersten Höhepunkt hatte.