Sudan Tribune

How can the alternative media be strengthened and sustainably harnessed?

By Mohamed S. M. Yassin

Sudan is a conflict-affected and protracted crises reality where the media is facing enormous challenges, constraints and soft process of polarization. The Media under the regime of Sudan is progressively undergoing a process of securitization and adopting sophisticated numbing tactics and modalities. Freedom of expression in Sudan is twisted by a Sudanese apartheid regime, directly governing the state for almost three decades during which most of the independent media operated and replaced, displaced or forced to silence. The Regime is aggressively conducting and implementing a sort of empowerment policies for those who share or inline with its Islamo-Arabization orientation and disempowerment of all those who are rejecting this so-denominated civilization project in all the media outlets, read, listened and seen and recently trying to expand its cultural oppression to the digital media domain as well. Sudanese communities are excluded, numbed and deprived from the right to have free information and diversity of media outlets as a fundamental right of expression and assembly. Therefore, a community media as an alternative media strengthening and support mechanisms in the Sudanese protracted crises and conflict-affected territories is an imperative necessity for this dire reality. In today's world and with special emphasis on dilapidated Sudanese contemporary and in the context of the continuous struggle, there is enough knowledge but little courage to address chronic and complex challenges especially in the Media fronts, though there are encouraging signals of mobilization to break the silence and win the fear. Thus, there are attempts of thinking in identifying, selecting and implementing paradigm shifts from the conventional elite media and knowledge sharing to community media, knowledge and experience sharing at large including the average citizen, and furthermore, from State-monopolized media to community-managed media as a necessity and likely basic need for the Sudanese numbed communities. The tyrannical regimes prevailing in Sudan is erecting every possible constraining barriers and denying the access of media houses to that territories targeted by their discriminative, sophisticated modern local apartheid, scorched earth policies and at the same time practicing horrible numbing on its population. This regime has the complete State-owned or para-statal Media monopoly and absolutely do not allow any transmission of whatsoever informative news unless it undergo through rigorous control, often if not always done through dedicated security apparatus. Logically, this gloomy situation necessitates rapid and concrete actions and interventions, in particular additional and alternative media to silence-break and inform a wider public about those inhuman circumstances. Therefore, ad hoc concrete, consistent, constructive and coordinated alternative media strengthening and supportive mechanisms should be put in place to scale-up the existing fragmented and scattered local Sudanese traditional and innovative media agencies serving the local communities. New media supportive and strengthening services can be realized through web-based media tools such as web-radio, web-based TV, as well as Media Networking Smart Mechanisms. This is also possible and obtainable following innovative partnering modality. Shared visionary media projects and programs can be identified, implemented, maintained and sustained with minimum financial and economic costs and maximum social and cultural benefits for the potential partnering stakeholders. For these motivations multi-player projects, programs can be suggested in a shifting and evolving vision of media knowledge and experience sharing. Thus, participated media support projects and programs should prioritise to be SMART, simple, miserable, actionable, result-based, and time-bounded. The principal requirements for the success and sustainability of relative and relevant proposals can be identified in hard and soft infrastructures frameworks in addition to the voluntary human resource and political will. The inter-university international cooperation and community solidarity for development, among other actors can play major and proactive role in the Sudanese transformational shifts, change and beyond.

As already known, for decades and decades in the African continent and in particular in Sudan prior to its political split, and even till today people have been living in dire humanitarian situations under the eyes and conscious of the entire world except for the Numbed Sudanese themselves. The armed conflicts and successive civil wars have reduced some Sudanese communities to the limits, especially in the deprived areas. The combined marginalization and oppression witnessed are aggravating factors especially in situation of absent, silent or silenced media. Currently, many Sudanese territories are hardly accessible and completely isolated from the media world for diversity of reasons and constraints.

Even the humanitarian organizations are not allowed to denounce and voice out the deteriorating and dire situations in terms of food and nutrition insecurity, absence of reliable education structures and systems, complete lack of sanitary and health infrastructure, resource grabbing, money laundering, green-washing, social and environmental injustice and exclusion, poor governance mechanisms, not to talk about the tragic daily aerial bombardment causing massive displacements towards all the domestic and neighbouring countries, continental and intercontinental mass migration and exodus.

Especially, in the marginalized and impoverished territories, in urban slums, rural dwells, peripheral rural-urban outskirts, refugee's camps as well as reaching the populations under siege in the caves, wondering in the bush, forests, mountains and valleys. An impelling media hard and soft infrastructures are needed to be a disseminative base for just peace, social justice and cohesion, rule of law, respect of universal human rights, democratic transformation and smooth transition from warring mentalities to peaceful and co-liveable spirits, and above all human dignity restitution. The innovative social digital media and ICT can assist in that prospective and would play a proactive role in the service of the Sudanese communities and within the continent and around the globe. To address this challenging reality, there is a need to identify, suggest and implement practical solutions to this problematic scenario, considering the context specificity of the deteriorating Sudan.

Alternative media have historically been a central force in social change. However, they do not uniformly subvert the hierarchies of access that have always been fundamental to mainstream media. In fact, the media or journalistic norms and routines have always drawn on the professional standards of the mainstream. The perception of 'mainstream' and 'alternative' as a misconception arguing that they have always existed on the same continuum and continue to converge [1]. In conflict-borne realities, alternative activist and community-managed media can play the role of the mainstream conventional media and the digital revolution is paving the pathways to the attainment and accomplishment of this affinity.

Media is related to different communication typologies, for instance, in scientific communications, communicating to the public involve three main groups of actors (scientist, journalist and the public) [2]. Likewise, in isolated conflict-affected areas, the communication mainly involves politicians (militarized or civil), ITC professionals and the dynamic public (communities). Media is a medium for the human development structuring, conduction and performance maintenance. As long as the human development is a process of enlarging people's choices—as they acquire more capabilities and enjoy more opportunities to use those capabilities to enhance well-being. Media is entrusted to inform the persons about the essence of the human development and that it their development implies that people are not only beneficiaries of development, but must influence the process that shapes their lives. Media is entrusted to inform and form the collective conscious about the rights to development in social, environmental and economic dimension, and importantly that in all this, economic growth is an important means to human development, but not the goal as there is no automatic link between economic growth and human development. In today's world, the Media is shouldered by more responsibilities of surpassing the limits of not only informing and influencing but to providing elements of information rights and ownership.

Some consideration and appreciation also should be spent on the role of the International Media present in Sudan, though some of them are donor-driven media, who sometimes reports on the Sudanese dire reality, while keeping low profiles and sometimes being anodyne in their reporting or operation in consideration of not to be expelled. International media correspondents suffer a lot in getting their permission or license realized and renewed, and in many times they are denied the free movement within the country, which is a typical regime blackmailing and corrupted tactics.

In Sudan, there is complex dilemma of lack of peace, security, and stability associated with a participated sustainable development and appropriate governance aggravated by lack of deliberative democracy and respect of the basic and fundamental human rights. The government is calling for peace while at the same time contradicting itself by igniting wars against its own populations. Calling and imposing securitized cordon on itself while its security apparatus is jeopardizing the security of its opponents by jailing and sending them to pseudo-voluntary exile or at least neutralizing or silencing them through fear and terror. The regime is trading stability while destabilizing elsewhere. It is pretending democracy through falsified electorate and buying and selling supportive pseudo-opponents. It is deceiving the governance system through decorative figures entrusted to reflect an apparent diversity and participation in the governance mechanisms. Arrogantly and falsely defending the human rights while filling its jails, detention and torture centres with thousands and thousands of opponents and political rivals and rejecters to its injustice and barbaric assaults on public wealth and authority. It is evident that the regime is adapting and adopting oppressive tactics, strategies and deliberated policies of igniting and sustaining conflicts in the country to trade on it. Knowing that the conflict avails a disabling environment for the Sudanese who are calling for their rights in development and justice, but continue to deepen and widening it. For staying in that dilemma and limbo, it is exercising numbing and regime oriented propagandistic state-and para-statal media. Therefore, the alternative Media, especially the social and community based media, are vital for the Sudanese communities who are exposed to cultural transient and transformational environments and deserve to be included in enabling and empowering information technology and communication projects and programs, which will allow and enhance their capability expressions for full economical, social, political and cultural inclusion and participation in non deprivable developmental arena.

Departing from a previously published paper on the alternative media strengthening and support mechanism in African protracted crises and conflict-affected territories: can paradigm shifts assist and relief?, a paper presented by Mohamed Yassin and Renato Kizito and published in the proceedings of the III Congress of the Italian University network for development Universities (CUCS2013) held in Torin, Italy 19-21 September 2013. The theme was imagining cultures of cooperation: university networking to face the new development challenges. In our Sudanese case, we have not embarked in the old development process to indulge in the new development challenges, which are touching and affecting the Sudanese population. The Author is writing a discussion working paper on the role of the alternative media in Sudan and posing some questions on how can the alternative media be supported, enhances, strengthened, sustainably sustained to play its role.

Media knowledge sharing and education does not necessary travel hand in hand with the major Media Freedom and the wealth of the nations does not necessarily reflect media freedom and immunity from manipulations.

This introductory abstract and concepts are circulated to stakeholders for participation in answer the following questions. Answers could be sent written, orally registered, or through direct interviews and e-consultations or in a format of storytelling and experience sharing. The expected feedbacks will be elaborated and shared with public upon completion. The methodology to be adapted and adopted and followed for the extension of this discussion working paper is a blend of direct experience and observations of the Author, simple open-ended ad hoc questionnaire basing through e-consultation and posting in digital media outlets; and lastly but not least semi-structured interviews with privileged informants.

The direct experience of the author will be reported in a sort of story telling additional to others to be narrated by the other and engaged stakeholders, being from and living in protracted crises and conflict-affected territory in Sudan and neighbouring countries. Worth to mention that, the protracted crises and conflict-affected territories are characterized by the longevity and succession of crises, prevalence of aid flow and fragile economic and food and nutrition security status.

The questionnaire is composed of seven core compulsory questions and 2 optional enquiries. The core questions asked are the following:
1. What role can the alternative media play in Sudan?
2. Do you agree that the Alternative Media is playing major roles than the conventional Media? If yes, please explain.
3. How can the Alternative Media be strengthened and sustainably supported?
4. How can the International Media engage with or assist in supporting the Sudanese Alternative Media?
5. How do you evaluate the Sudanese alternative media position in terms of ICT and e-learning specially in the context of the protracted-crises and conflict-affected realities?
6. Do you agree that Media Knowledge and Experience sharing are effective in pushing towards major Mediatisation and Mass Communication Educational Scaling-up? If yes, please explain
7. Do you know any sort of innovative social Media, capacity building, ITC and or e-learning instrument applicable in protracted-crises and conflict-affected realities?

While the optional enquiries were:
8. What sort of improvement and/or inquiry can be added to the questionnaire provided?
9. Do you have any additional inquiry to add? If yes, what is it?

Other complimentary questions:
What are the requirements to create effective and efficient functional alternative media?
What are the potentials of the alternative media?
What type of professionalism is needed to create and support the alternative media?
What are the major missions of the writing, web-broadcasting, photo and video journalist?
Why are journalists frequently in marathon behind the authorities and reporting what they deem suitable, instead of adopting professionalism and non-biasness?
What are the reasons behind the under and misreporting?
Why do some journalists use their media power to shine or gloom rivals?
How to isolate the useless Media operators, and place the suitable person in the right positions?
Why does governments avail all the state Media apparatus only to the journalist expressing their mainstream lines?

Methodology:
The questionnaire will be sent to targeted stakeholders, and posted in the personal social media and web page related to the principal author and blogs of the participants. Respondent to the questionnaire have had sufficient but limited time to formulate their answers and sent it back. The responses are expected to be satisfactory enough, in particular from those who are active in the Alternative and Activist Media. Alternative and Activist New Media [3] could be a suitable outlet in protracted crises and conflict affected Sudanese realities.
While the semi-structured interviews will be conducted via skype (teleconference program) with expert journalists in the Diaspora, and if possible to carry it with another journalists in the war-affected areas in case of overcoming the logistical and security constraint.

The wider public in the social media (Personal Facebook and Twitter pages and You-tube of the Author) is expected to react to the questions with likes, shares and comments.
The time will be major constraint to collect many answers and revert backs. However, the will be told stories, returned questionnaires, and conductible interviews will be sufficient to address the themes put on the table for this e-consultation.
One of the shortcoming and limitation of the questionnaire is that it is formulated in English language, which might be difficult for some potential respondents, and if possible it will be translate that in local languages, however, the author does not have very limited time and means to carry that task.

Internet links to the event and author digital posting will be reported in the questionnaire [4].

Of course the Alternative Media is playing major roles than the conventional Media. Alternative media has proven to challenge existing powers, to represent marginalized groups, and to foster horizontal linkages among communities of interest. Its dimensions in this case we talk of its content, aesthetic, modes of production, modes of distribution, and audience relations has given the reality on the ground unlike what we consume from the mainstream media. The convectional media has been playing to the gallery of its commercial interest or the government manipulation without key interest of championing for the human rights. Communication scholar Robert W. McChesney [5], inspired in part by the work of Chomsky [6] and Herman [7], has linked the failures of the mainstream press primarily to corporate ownership, pro-corporate public policy, and the myth of "professional journalism." He has published extensively on the failures of the mainstream press, and advocates scholarship in the study of the political economy of the media, the growth of alternative media, and comprehensive media policy reforms.” Alternative media are important because they can reach everybody and can be used by everybody with minimal training, and in certain difficult conditions they can gather and disseminate information that the institutional media cannot or do not want to access.”

Actually, the alternative media has played great and influential role in transforming the society in North Africa and specially in contexts where there are oppressive regimes denying freedom of expression and basic and fundamental rights, access to media and gagging and harassing journalists. In realities such as Sudan, the number of Social Media users was very limited, but it is efficient and effective and used by activists inside and outside the country. Through the Social media and personal websites, the information become available even for users in very remote areas and villages, through the phones connected to satellite internet, digital remote webcams, and the world has become ever connected with that remote areas not like in the past. So any change or notable event become widely disseminated and diffused within no time and transmitted consequently. The current social mobilization, strikes, students uprising and protest, and civil disobedience the Sudanese are using the social Media in growing numbers and that will lead to a benchmark and critical momentum to accomplish an inspired change. But this process is an accumulative process and its impacts will need time and resources.

For instance, in Egypt, Tunis, and other aggressive and oppressive regimes, the youth gained and took advantage of the available social media and achieved and developed great communication capacities and led the wide public through that innovative instruments of the social media, so the social media constituted alternative media counter opposing the regimes mainstream conventional media. Despite of the close surveillance and controls by those authoritarian regimes, some external institutional arrangements assisted those youth and activists and through certain systems of codifications and creation of alternative nicknames and fantasy modalities, they managed to communicate effectively and timely. So, substantially, the alternative media is becoming popular and playing a role of the mainstream conventional areas and continue to do so and that will lead to tangible change in the Sudanese reality.

In Sudan Alternative Mass communication is essentially depending on the financial availability and support and willingness to build the capacities of the needy. For example, there are no means and instruments such as cameras, laboratories, training materials, to prepare capable medial professionals, furthermore, recently the universities have lost their spirit of conducing genuine preparations of their students, and limited the freedom of research and journalistic investigation, and by that the universities become only universities in names without much substances, eluding the students and wasting precious time and resources of the students. In the past the students used to prepare concrete projects and participate in the public awareness and social enlightening, combat the socially destructive habits such as the FGM, conducing scientific and practical tours to the remote areas and even to Europe, but the students are mobilized for ideological and religious governmental interests. Add to that the teachers are increasing leaving the country and migrating to the Arab countries in scandalous human resource grabbing, and those who remain are not sufficiently dedicated and less qualified to carry their mission.

Generally, the Alternative Media be strengthened and supported by:
a. Empowering the community to learn the skill of storytelling to increase the content of the alternative media.
b. Replacing the current libertarian media model with one that operates democratically, rather than for profit
c. Strengthening public service broadcasting
d. Incorporating the use of alternative media into a larger discourse
e. Increasing the role of citizen journalism
f. Turning a passive audience into active participants
g. Using mass media to promote democratic ideals
h. Training and popular education.
i. Training of trainers, in absence of pollicised governments, oppressive security and intelligence apparatus
j. Formation of small clubs and information points with a minimal technical support that with a minimal cost can be sources of knowledge and information.
k. Through direct donations
l. Building websites as platforms for alternative media outlets
m. Facilitate accessibility to the world wide web
n. Upload ready contributions
o. Enhance and encourage data and information collection and correspondence
p. Protect the activist by obscuring the physical locations
q. Diffuse songs, short stories, novels, news, photos
r. Train in the main journalistic capacities such as interviewing capacities, public opinion
collection, news gathering, journalistic investigation
s. Offering jobs in media houses and encourage popular journalism
t. Build capacities in photo and video journalism, Event organisation coverage
u. Research for original and historic cultural master pieces of song, poetry and heritage
v. Provision of useful electronic links
w. Moral support
x. Constructive criticism
y. Organization of workshops and symposium and constitution of panel of experts and
stakeholders to deeply address that challenging and imperative Media domain.
z. ….
aa. Erect institutions to defend the alternative media and their defenders.

In summary, from the previous brief participatory action research, emerged that the Alternative Media is becoming more popular in protracted crises and conflict-affected territories, such as the current South Sudan. There are plenty and blended strengthening and supporting mechanism, and there are many ways of enhancing it through the International Inter-university cooperation and solidarity, which can play a proactive role in boosting such enabling pathways. As previously the participants in the mentioned paper on the alternative media recommend organization of workshops and symposium and constitution of panel of experts and stakeholders to deeply address that challenging and imperative media domain, still this proposal remain valid and urgent.

With the advancement and improvements in the ICT tools, some states and particularly the Regime in Sudan exploited these major technological and digital advancements in processes of control and monitory of activist and crackdown on the opponents' media outlets and social media personal pages. The regime has been investing in recruiting operators to discourage, distract and diverge opponents and erected what is called the electronic jihadist, but there is growing popular rejects and isolation of those operators nicknamed the “Electronic Hens”. Actually the alternative media stakeholders should think strategies to intervene electronically and remotely when the Regime blocks or slowdown the Internet connection. It is true that the improvements in the ICT has capacitated the Regime to control and monitor and the opponents to the regime sometime confiscating their tools, instruments, computers and obscuring some websites and practicing sophisticated censorship, however, also the advancement in the ITC has provided platforms to the counterpart to inflict victories over the regime and the regimes recent public discourse has provided evidence that the regime is fearing the alternative media too much and gathering resources to crackdown on it. The regime is working for the collapse of mainstream media of their opponents and by reducing its profitability through the augmentation of the production costs and post-production-confiscations and knowing that will result in greatly reduced budgets for news gathering and dumbing down across the sector, this is further worsened by the cost and complexity of trying to operate in places like the Sudan, which is considered by the Regime as their sole and exclusive territory.

Though the wide spread social media are covering wide spectrum of the Sudanese population, but still it is not covering a critical mass or reaching a benchmark to overweight the prevailing one. It has limited temporal and spatial coverage and the people are suffering limitation of resources and time-constraints to follow all what occurs in the social media. If we consider the Facebook, it has the limit of 5000 co-users or friends, but that might have the accumulative effect and impact considerable number of community members, especially when the messages or posts are shared in groups and groups of groups. Still the twitter is more effective and efficient in reaching wider number, but it has its limit in the telegraphic length of the message limiting it to 140 characters, we have also the Instagram and the YouTube Channels but that are not massively used. To increase the coverage, the alternative media should move better and up-scape and out-scale its reach. Media in the IDP and refugees camps is important and the experience of Nuba report, Aien and filmmakers are useful experiences and need to be taken as good practices, among others, which are capable in generating public opinion. Now the alternative media can restore to the live broadcasting and pre-registered voice or video messages, and that might be effective and efficient tool for mass communication through the alternative media outlets. The Sudanese social alternative media should pass from the individualism, regionalism, localism, social classes and other forms or socio-economic and geographic aggregations to the collectivism to reflect major representation and deliberative voices.

All in all, also Sudan is gradually embarking the post-factual digital economy and media with the new forms of social media replacing considered journalism, and the Sudanese Alternative media will progress and gain momentum even after the tyrannical regime change. Let us hope and work together so that the alternative media play its complementary or substitutive role in yielding the inspired comprehensive change, through genuine solidarity and for inclusive prosperity.

Department of Agro-food, Environmental and Animal Sciences (D4A), University of Udine, Italy,Personal e-mail: yassintowers@gmail.com

By Ban Ki-moon

This year marks the fifth anniversary of the world's newest country, South Sudan. I attended the 2011 independence celebrations in the capital city of Juba. Hopes were high that the long-suffering people of the oil-rich country would finally see the fruits of a peace dividend after a prolonged civil war. Instead, the people of South Sudan now face a more dismal anniversary. This week marks three years since the country plunged into fighting with a terrible and mounting toll.

Tens of thousands have been killed. The social fabric of South Sudan has been shattered. The economy is in ruins. Millions have been displaced from their homes. Hunger and poverty are rampant.

Today, more than 6 million people in South Sudan require life-saving aid. As the conflict intensifies, that number is rapidly growing. Meanwhile, restrictions imposed by the Government of South Sudan on the U.N. Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and humanitarian organizations continue to tighten.

The people of South Sudan held out hope after independence following decades of war. Yet their leaders bear the primary responsibility of betraying the people's trust and bringing the country to ruins and more misery.

President Salva Kiir has pursued an ethnically-based strategy to suppress dissent, muzzle the media, exclude significant South Sudanese actors in the peace process and unilaterally implement an agreement to reach elections. Fighting has now spread across the country.

At the same time, actions by South Sudanese leaders including Riek Machar and other armed opposition actors are intensifying the conflict and manipulating ethnicity for political gain.

The risk of these mass atrocities, which include recurring episodes of ethnic cleansing, escalating into possible genocide is all too real.

South Sudan WFP site looted

Yet while the people of South Sudan suffer, the Security Council and the region stand divided. This has merely allowed time to mobilize resources to continue the slaughter.

Given the scale of this disaster, the United Nations Security Council, regional organizations and the international community must step up to their responsibility. Key actors, such as former Malian president Alpha Oumar Konaré—the African Union High Representative for South Sudan—have made significant efforts. But we must all do more to end this crisis.

I have taken a number of decisions to improve the performance of UNMISS itself. Yet simply reinforcing this peacekeeping mission to better perform and protect civilians will not end the conflict. There must be a political solution.

This means there must be a cessation of hostilities, followed by a genuinely inclusive political process. If this does not happen immediately, the Security Council should impose an arms embargo and targeted sanctions to change the calculations of the parties and convince them to choose the path of peace.

In addition, accountability is crucial so that those responsible for these despicable crimes face justice—from the highest levels to the foot soldiers following orders.

Time is running out as the warring parties ready themselves for another vicious cycle of violence after the end of the rainy season. The responsibility for restoring an inclusive dialogue is squarely on all the leaders of the country.

If they fail, the international community, the region, and the Security Council in particular, must impose penalties on the leadership on both sides. We owe this to the people of South Sudan, who have suffered far too much, for far too long.

Ban Ki-moon is the outgoing U.N. Secretary-General. He will step down on December 31 and be replaced by António Guterres

December 17, 2016 (JUBA)- A South Sudanese rebel commander has dismissed as untrue allegations that they received guns from the United Nation Mission in South Sudan in the oil-rich Unity state, prior to the mid-December 2013 outbreak of civil war.

Arms and light weapons have been used by both warring parties in South Sudan to commit abuses (Photo courtesy of SSANSA)

In an interview with Sudan Tribune on Saturday, Gen. James Koang Chuol, denied any knowledge about alleged delivery of UN weapons to the opposition forces.

The said report, Choul stressed, also failed to mention how the guns were sent to the armed opposition territories, as it was earlier alleged.

The rebel official strongly denied allegations that their forces targeted and raped civilians in the Unity state capital, Bentiu after they recaptured the town from pro-government troops in April 2014.

“I would like to clarify that this report is not true. We haven't killed any civilians, not even a single civilian in Bentiu town. This is not true, it is a real fabrication of lies from those who have reported it”, he said.

Choul said when the fighting started in the heart of Juba on 15 December, 2013, he was at the time in charge of the fourth division headquarters in Unity state and that he protected all civilians.

The killing of civilians in the oil-rich Unity state, he further said, were carried out by the Justice for Equality Movement (JEM), a Sudanese rebel group operating in Sudan's western region of Darfur.

Sudan Tribune was unable to independently verify the rebel official's claims.

A senior United Nations official recently warned of possible genocide in the young nation, should the international community fail to address the ongoing conflict between South Sudan's warring factions.

(ST)

December 17, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan's opposition umbrella Sudan Call on Saturday has participated in a training workshop on conflict resolution organized by the Carter Center in Nairobi.

On 7 December, the Carter Center, on Wednesday, said a delegation of experts would conduct unofficial meetings with the Sudanese stakeholders to explore ways to bring peace in Sudan, pointing the meetings “are not part of the official mediation that the African Union is conducting, but rather supplemental, exploratory gatherings designed to begin to identify points of common ground among all key Sudanese parties”.

On Saturday, the Carter Center organized a training workshop for the opposition umbrella Sudan Call in Nairobi with the participation of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM-MM) led by Minni Minnawi, Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), National Umma Party (NUP), a splinter faction of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the Civil Society Initiative (CSI).

It is noteworthy that the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N) boycotted the workshop, saying the movement decided to stop all political contacts with the regime.

In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune Saturday, the participants said the workshop focus was on conflict analysis and resolution, pointing they learnt about peacemaking and transitional justice experiences in various countries including South Africa, Philippines, Northern Ireland, Tunisia and Yemen.

According to the statement, the participants in the workshop included Mariam al-Mahdi from the NUP, Ali Trayo from SLM-MM, Ahmed Mohamed Tugud from the JEM, Al-Tom Hago from the DUP and Babiker Mohamed al-Hassan from the CSI.

Sudanese army has been fighting SPLM-N rebels in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states since 2011 and several armed movements in Darfur since 2003.

The African Union has been seeking to end the conflicts for several years. However since last August the peace talks are deadlocked over cessation of hostilities and humanitarian access deals

CIVIL DISOPEDIENCE

Meanwhile, the participants in the Carter Center's training workshop have expressed support for the December 19th civil disobedience calling on the Sudanese to actively engage in the general strike.

Sudanese activists have launched a wide electronic campaign to mobilize the Sudanese to engage in a second civil disobedience action on December 19th to protest recent austerity measures.

The statement described the civil disobedience as the “appropriate means to confront the regime”, stressing the need to continue the general strike until the Sudanese people achieve their objective.

The participants further called on Sudan Call leadership office to hold an urgent meeting to follow the course of events during this crucial time of struggle against the tyrannical rule.

They also praised the brave stances of all political prisoners and hostages of war and called for their immediate release.

The Sudan Call, which was established in Addis Ababa on 3 December 2014, includes the NUP, the two factions of the rebel umbrella Sudanese Revolutionary Front (SRF), and the CSI.

Sudan Call internal groups include the Sudanese Congress Party (SCoP), Sudanese Baath Party (SBP), Center Alliance Party (CAP), Sudanese National Party (SNP) and Sudanese National Alliance (SNA).

(ST)

December 17, 2016 (JUBA)-The Jieng (Dinka) Council of elders on Saturday denied reports claiming there was a possibility genocide could occur in South Sudan, equating such claims to another regime change strategy from "people with personal interests".

President Salva Kiir Kiir with members of the Dinka (JIENG) Council of Elders. Its chair Ambrose Riny Thiik apprears to his right (Photo: Larco Lomayat)

Joshua Dau, a leading member of the group, claimed the whole thing about claims of looming genocide is another strategy for regime change.

“They have re-branded the strategy by resorting to the old game of pitting the same people against their own in order to achieve their own objective. They were talking about targeted killings and when it was proven that nothing of sort was taking place, they changed their strategy and are all over claiming a possibility of a potential genocide and ethnic cleansing, which is not true," Dau told Sudan Tribune on Saturday.

"All this is an attempt to find a way to implement their regime change agenda," he added.

He claimed there were some South Sudanese leaders were spearheading regime change agenda on behalf of people whose prime objective is to destabilise the young nation.

“There are people who have forgotten their responsibility under the constitution to protect the country. They are only looking after their own interests and they are willing to give away the country any at price, including the loss of sovereignty, loss of the lives and properties of their own people. They are the people you find day and night running their mouths about the efforts of the council to end this senseless war and reconcile the country”, he explained.

He claimed the group of South Sudanese leaders being used to advance foreign agenda to advance their own interest , primarily to extract natural resources like oil, gold, copper, tin, zinc, cobalt, uranium and arable fertile land which they have failed to get under the administration of president Salva Kiir.

“The people of South Sudan should appreciate the council and the president of the republic for remaining steady fast to protecting the rights and sovereign”, he stressed.

(ST)

December 17, 2016 (JUBA)- South Sudan has cautiously welcomed the United Nations Security Council's decision extending the mandate of its mission in the country (UNMISS) until 15 December 2017.

Daniel Awet Akot (ST)

The new mandate will increase number of its troops from the existing 13,500 to 17,000 including the 4,000 regional intervention forces.

The core elements of the mission include “protection of civilians, monitoring and investigating human rights, creating the conditions conducive to the delivery of humanitarian assistance”, and “supporting the implementation of the agreement”.

It also authorized the Regional Protection Force to “protect routes in and out of Juba, take over the Juba International Airport and key infrastructures around Juba and fight any party that attacks or is ready to attack the UN, non-governmental organisations, their staffs and civilians, but it did not include arms embargo and targeted sanctions.

It remains unclear whether the government would accept to handover key infrastructure and installations to be under the control of the regional protection force as most officials initially expressed deep concern at the security situation in South Sudan and the possibility of an outright ethnic war.

Speaking during an interview on Saturday, the presidential advisor on military affairs said the government has not yet received any official briefing from the United Nations about the new mandate

“I have heard from the media yesterday of the renewal of the mandate of UNMISS (United Nations Mission in South Sudan) but we have not yet received an official briefing from the leadership of UNMISS here. May be this would be the work of the coming week”, Daniel Awet Akot told Sudan Tribune.

He expressed disappointment at the Council for what he described as the continued unilateral action on issues of peace and security without adequate consultations with the government and the African union.

“Issues about peace are supposed to be coordinated since the objective one. They are not supposed to be unilateral. The council should indeed work with the government to implement the peace agreement rather than using threats of sanctions and punishment. What is needed now is a positive and constructive agenda that included the return of security and stability”, he explained.

(ST)

December 16, 2016 (JUBA) - Holocaust and genocide memorials across the world Thursday called on the international community to prevent "what could become the 21st century first major genocide".

In a joint statement to mark the on the third anniversary of South Sudan's war, seven genocide museums and memorials for genocide of Armenian and holocaust of Jewish in Armenia, Netherlands, Belgium, United Kingdom, Germany and South Africa joined calls by UN officials on the need to stop violence on ethnic basis in the troubled country.

The statement pointed to the UN reports speaking about attacks on atrocities and war crimes committed in South Sudan, saying "the signs are already there".

"The government and military of South Sudan is already dominated by the Dinka ethnicity, stoking tension and grievances among other ethnic groups. Polarizing propaganda is being used to stoke the fires of hatred on social media. Killings are happening ever more frequently along ethnic lines and no one is being held accountable," said the statement mentioning statements by UN officials.

The signatories who described themselves as "the custodians of humanity's darkest memories" further called on South Sudanese and East Africa leaders to work with a "determined resolve" to end the conflict stressing "genocide is never inevitable".

"And we will need leaders in the broader international community to use every means of political leverage they have – stopping the flow of weapons, holding perpetrators of violence accountable – to avert yet another genocide from happening on our watch".

Last November in a press conference held in Juba, U.N. special adviser on prevention of genocide Adama Dieng warned that South Sudan violence risks spiralling into genocide.

"Throughout the week, conversations with all actors have confirmed that what began as a political conflict has transformed into what could become an outright ethnic war," he said at the end of one week visit to South Sudan.

(ST)

December 16, 2016 (JUBA) – South Sudanese leaders bear the primary responsibility of betraying the people's trust and bringing the country to ruins and more misery, Ban Ki Moon, the outgoing United Nations Secretary General said on Friday.

Ban Ki-moon (Photo UN)

“President Salva Kiir has pursued an ethnically-based strategy to suppress dissent, muzzle the media, exclude significant South Sudanese actors in the peace process and unilaterally implement an agreement to reach elections,” Ki moon wrote in an op-ed article.

He added, “Fighting has now spread across the country”.

Ki moon said actions by South Sudanese leaders, including rebel leader Riek Machar and other armed opposition actors were intensifying the conflict and manipulating ethnicity for political gain.

Since the conflict broke out in December 2013, tens of thousands of people have been killed and over two million displaced in the country's worst-ever outbreak of violence since its independence.

“The social fabric of South Sudan has been shattered. The economy is in ruins. Millions have been displaced from their homes. Hunger and poverty are rampant,” said the outgoing UN Secretary General.

“Today, more than 6 million people in South Sudan require life-saving aid. As the conflict intensifies, that number is rapidly growing,” he added.

He decried what he described as the restrictions imposed by the Government of South Sudan on the U.N. Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and humanitarian organizations continue to tighten.

He said risks of mass atrocities, which include recurring episodes of ethnic cleansing, escalating into possible genocide is all too real.

“Yet while the people of South Sudan suffer, the Security Council and the region stand divided. This has merely allowed time to mobilize resources to continue the slaughter,” he further stressed.

The outgoing Secretary General urged the Security Council to impose an arms embargo and targeted sanctions to change the calculations of the parties and convince them to choose the path of peace.

“In addition, accountability is crucial so that those responsible for these despicable crimes face justice—from the highest levels to the foot soldiers following orders,” said Ki moon.

“Time is running out as the warring parties ready themselves for another vicious cycle of violence after the end of the rainy season. The responsibility for restoring an inclusive dialogue is squarely on all the leaders of the country,” he further added.

Meanwhile, the outgoing United States president, Barrack Obama said he felt responsible when millions of people had been displaced. I feel responsible for murder and slaughter that's taken place in South Sudan that's not being reported on partly because there's not as much social media being generated from there.

“There are places around the world where horrible things are happening, and because of my office, because I'm President of the United States, I feel responsible. I ask myself every single day, is there something I could do that would save lives and make a difference and spare some child who doesn't deserve to suffer,” said Obama.

(ST)

December 16, 2016 (KHARTOUM) – Sudan's President Omer al-Bashir on Friday criticized without naming him the leader of the opposition National Umma Party (NUP), Sadiq al-Mahadi, while the latter has postponed his planned return to Khartoum.

FILE - Sudan's President Omer Hassan Al-Bashir (R) talks with opposition's National Umma Party leader and former Prime Minister al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi on 24 March 2011 (Reuters)

“Do not listen to the speech of the deceivers who are living (abroad) in the hotels, sold the country for dollars, play tennis and celebrate their birthday," said al-Bashir in a public meeting held in Al-Managil, Al-Jazirah State.

''And (do not forget that) our people say do not try what you have already tried,'' he further said without naming al-Mahdi who served twice as Sudan's prime minister.

The second mandate of the elected prime minister was interrupted by al-Bashir who toppled his government in a bloodless coup d'état backed by the Sudanese Islamists on 30 June 1989.

Lately, social media users shared photos of Sadiq al-Mahadi playing tennis. Also, he used to celebrate his birthday.

The opposition leader is residing in Cairo since August 2014 after sealing a political alliance with the armed groups in Paris when he signed the 'Paris Declaration'.

Nearly three months ago, he announced his return to Sudan on 19 December, citing the need to be with his party and to fix some internal problems.

Khartoum was hoping to persuade him once he is at home to abandon his alliance with the rebel groups and other left parties gathered under the umbrella of the 'Sudan call' alliance.

But, in a statement released on Friday, al-Mahdi delayed his return to 26 January, saying he does not want to disturb calls for general strike on 19 December.

"Lest my return disturb the determination of the civil disobedience," he wrote in a short press statement.

Al-Mahdi underlined that his return will coincide with the "Khartoum Liberation Day" when his grandfather Mohammed Ahmed al-Mahdi captured Khartoum on 26 January 1885.

The National Umma Party intends to organize a popular reception for its leader when he returns from his self-imposed exile.

Al-Mahdi party was part of the internal national dialogue process but it suspended its participation in the process in May 2014 following the arrest of its leader. After what, the opposition group called to ensure freedoms, and to hold inclusive negotiations with rebel groups.

(ST)

By Ban Ki-moon

This year marks the fifth anniversary of the world's newest country, South Sudan. I attended the 2011 independence celebrations in the capital city of Juba. Hopes were high that the long-suffering people of the oil-rich country would finally see the fruits of a peace dividend after a prolonged civil war.

Instead, the people of South Sudan now face a more dismal anniversary. This week marks three years since the country plunged into fighting with a terrible and mounting toll.

Tens of thousands have been killed. The social fabric of South Sudan has been shattered. The economy is in ruins. Millions have been displaced from their homes. Hunger and poverty are rampant.

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Today, more than 6 million people in South Sudan require life-saving aid. As the conflict intensifies, that number is rapidly growing. Meanwhile, restrictions imposed by the Government of South Sudan on the U.N. Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and humanitarian organizations continue to tighten.

The people of South Sudan held out hope after independence following decades of war. Yet their leaders bear the primary responsibility of betraying the people's trust and bringing the country to ruins and more misery.

President Salva Kiir has pursued an ethnically-based strategy to suppress dissent, muzzle the media, exclude significant South Sudanese actors in the peace process and unilaterally implement an agreement to reach elections. Fighting has now spread across the country.

At the same time, actions by South Sudanese leaders including Riek Machar and other armed opposition actors are intensifying the conflict and manipulating ethnicity for political gain.

The risk of these mass atrocities, which include recurring episodes of ethnic cleansing, escalating into possible genocide is all too real.

Yet while the people of South Sudan suffer, the Security Council and the region stand divided. This has merely allowed time to mobilize resources to continue the slaughter.

Given the scale of this disaster, the United Nations Security Council, regional organizations and the international community must step up to their responsibility.

Key actors, such as former Malian president Alpha Oumar Konaré—the African Union High Representative for South Sudan—have made significant efforts. But we must all do more to end this crisis.

I have taken a number of decisions to improve the performance of UNMISS itself. Yet simply reinforcing this peacekeeping mission to better perform and protect civilians will not end the conflict. There must be a political solution.

This means there must be a cessation of hostilities, followed by a genuinely inclusive political process. If this does not happen immediately, the Security Council should impose an arms embargo and targeted sanctions to change the calculations of the parties and convince them to choose the path of peace.

In addition, accountability is crucial so that those responsible for these despicable crimes face justice—from the highest levels to the foot soldiers following orders.

Time is running out as the warring parties ready themselves for another vicious cycle of violence after the end of the rainy season. The responsibility for restoring an inclusive dialogue is squarely on all the leaders of the country.

If they fail, the international community, the region, and the Security Council in particular, must impose penalties on the leadership on both sides. We owe this to the people of South Sudan, who have suffered far too much, for far too long.

The author Ban Ki-moon is the outgoing U.N. Secretary-General.

December 16, 2016 (NEW YORK) – The United Nations Security Council (UNSC), while approving a one-year extension of its mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), demanded an end to the fighting in the country, and decided that the mission shall “use all necessary means” to deter and prevent sexual violence within its capacity.

The UN Security Council votes unanimously to impose sanctions on those blocking peace in South Sudan (Photo: UN/Devra Berkowitz)

The mission will, in accordance to the new mandate, also “monitor, investigate and report incidents of hate speech,” in the country.

The 15-member Security Council unanimously adopted on Friday a resolution, extending the mandate of UNMISS to 15 December 2017.

Over the next one year, however, the UN mission in South Sudan will maintain its core functions, while also maintaining a troop ceiling of 17,000, including a 4,000-strong Regional Protection Force (RPF), and increasing the police ceiling to 2,101 police personnel, and 78 corrections officers, and requesting the Secretary-General to take the necessary steps to expedite force and asset generation.

South Sudan has been in turmoil since December 2013 when forces loyal to President Salva Kiir clashed with those allied to his former deputy, Riek Machar displacing thousands of the nation's population.

The crisis, according to the world body, has produced one of the world's worst displacement situations with immense suffering for civilians.

However, despite the August 2015 peace agreement that formally ended the South Sudanese civil war, conflict and instability have also spread to previously unaffected areas in the Greater Equatoria and Greater Bahr-El-Ghazal regions of South Sudan.

The Security Council, during its meeting, reiterated its increasingly grave alarm and concern regarding the political, security, economic and humanitarian crisis in South Sudan resulting from a political dispute within South Sudan's ruling party (SPLM) and subsequent violence caused by the nation's political and military leaders.

It also expressed its intention to consider sanctions against those whose actions undermined peace, stability and security in South Sudan.

The Security Council demanded that South Sudan's leaders implement the permanent ceasefire declared in the peace agreement and respective ceasefires, but also expressed grave concern at the findings of the UN Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict, Zainab Hawa Bangura of the systematic and widespread use of sexual violence as a tactic by parties against the civilian population, particularly against the country's women and girls.

As such, the 15-member Council also resolved that UNMISS would “use all necessary means” to deter and prevent sexual and gender-based violence within its capacity and areas of deployment, and “monitor, investigate, verify and report specifically and publicly on violations and abuses committed against children and women.”

The Council tasked UNMISS with monitoring, investigating and reporting on incidents of hate speech and incitement to violence in cooperation with the UN special adviser.

(ST)

December 16, 2016 (JUBA) – The South Sudanese Pound (SSP) has lost about 80% of its value, nearly 12 months since the Central Bank floated the exchange rate against the U.S dollar, as most South Sudanese families anticipate tough times during this festive season.

Thousands of people match in Bor, Jonglei State to celebrate Christmas Eve (ST/File)

“My children want new clothes, but I am not sure of what they will eat tomorrow. It is not about new cloths now,” Mary Yar, a mother of three, told Sudan Tribune Friday.

A resident of Lologo, a Juba surburb, Yar moved to the South Sudan capital in 2014, after conflict displaced her from Bor in Jonglei state.

For her children, however, Christmas is a season for new clothes.

“I would buy each of them a pair of shoe, trousers and everything they required but now, I have to use any money on what they will eat,” narrates the mother of three.
Yar does not have a permanent job. At the moment, she works in a restaurant as a waitress, earning a daily wage of 100 SSP (about $1).

Yar is among the millions of South Sudanese calling off luxurious celebrations during this festive season. Millions of South Sudanese have, as a result of war, been displaced from their homes and face severe food shortages. Government has not paid its workers for months and this, for instance, saw teachers strike in Jonglei state.

Presently, one U.S dollar trades between 90 and 100 SSP in the parallel market.

There is scarcity of hard currency in South Sudan, a landlocked country that depends on imports of food and medical among others from neighboring countries.

On Wednesday, South Sudan President Salva Kiir duly acknowledged the hard situation in the country, saying he too felt the pain most families faced, but offered no remedies to the situation.

“I was planning to spend my Christmas in Nairobi but have to think twice,” John Moro, a resident of Juba told Sudan Tribune on Friday.

Moro said he earns about 3,000 SSP, a substantially good pay in a nation where most civil servants are paid less than 1,000 SSP monthly.

“Juba is now very expensive and very hot,” explains Moro.

A meal, in most Juba restaurants, now costs SSP 100 or more, but prices are higher in hotels due to the deteriorating economic situation.

“If I was to spend my Christmas or New Year day with friends in a good restaurant, it will cost me three months pay,” stressed Moro.

The festive seasons, which are meant to host friends, buy new cloths and make trips to the countryside, would pass unnoticed. Some Christian Churches organ street marches on the eve of Christmas and children, like Yar's, want to attend when dressed in new attires.

“My prayer is tranquility in the country. If there is peace, I may choose to leave in the country and my children will be happy and enjoy celebrations without fear of hunger or failure to buy new cloths,” said Yar.

(ST)

December 16, 2016 (JUBA)- South Sudan president Salva Kiir said Friday he hopes the 2017 would be a year of peace, reconciliation and forgiveness, declaring his willingness to extend amnesty to armed opposition to participation in his recently announced national dialogue to end more than two years conflict in the young nation.

President Salva Kiir adresses a joint press conference on 9 July 2016 (Reuters Photo)

"I hope the coming year would be a year of peace, reconciliation, unity and forgiveness. And I therefore called on the people of this country to embrace one another. We fought together in order to have a country. We didn't fight together so that when we have got our country in our own hands, we destroy it. That is not the meaning of liberation. If this was the meaning, then I am sure some people like me would not have been part of such liberation”, president Kiir told a group of senior government officials who paid him a courtesy call at presidential palace on Friday.

The group comprising imminent personalities and Like's advisers congratulated him for launching a national dialogue aimed at resolving differences between people at different levels.

South Sudan's defence minister, Kuol Manyang said Friday that the government would accept the outcome of the national dialogue; saying it was the only way to end conflict.

“I fully agree with what the president told me recently that war is not a substitute to dialogue. This shows how interested he is in bringing this conflict to an end so that the country returns to peace and stability," Junk told Sudan Tribune in the capital, Juba.

He added, "You can also see that the president has also demonstrated his willingness to the end this conflict by personally accepting those still carrying arms against the government to come and participate in the dialogue, which is the only people resolve their difference."

Violence broke out in South Sudan in December 2013 when the country's rival leaders disagreed politically. Tens of thousands of people have died and millions have been displaced.

(ST)

December 16, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - The hybrid peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID) has expressed serious concern over recent protests by some of its former staff members saying they are “not peaceful in nature”.

On 5 December, dozens of UNAMD's former local staff protested in front of the mission's premises in four capitals in Darfur for non-payment of financial dues owed to them since 2010.

In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune Friday, the mission said the former employees “have on a number of occasions forcefully blocked movement in and out of UNAMID camps and obstructed access of Sudanese nationals employed by the Mission to their workplaces”.

“We, as a Mission, take our responsibilities towards the people we serve, including separated staff members, seriously. However, we cannot condone demonstrations that are not peaceful in nature and are based on unfounded accusations and demand for payments that are not in line with the rules and regulations of the United Nations,” stated the Head of UNAMID, Joint Special Representative Martin Uhomoibhi.

The mission stressed that “all national staff that separated from the Organisation on 31 December 2015 have received all benefits owed to them for the period of their service with UNAMID, except for a relatively small group whose pension entitlements are being processed”.

“UNAMID is working closely with the United Nations Joint Staff Pension Fund, the body solely responsible for administering pension benefits, to finalize this category of payments” added the statement.

It is noteworthy that the former staff members protested seven times during this year in four Darfur states to demand overtime pay.

Chairman of the Dismissed Staff Committee, Hafiz Abiad, had earlier told Sudan Tribune that his committee represents 263 Sudanese staff who were dismissed and their financial rights denied in Nayla, Zalngei, El-Geniena and El-Fasher.

He pointed that the protesting staff demanded to be paid their pensions' entitlements which was agreed on with UNAMID in March, saying the mission didn't recognize some of their rights.

Abiad added that they made a complaint to a court within the United Nations to demand the overtime pay, saying the court asked them to provide a document proving their claim of the previous financial rights.

“We sent the document and we are still waiting [for the court's decision]," he said.
The hybrid mission has been deployed in Darfur since December 2007 with a mandate to stem violence against civilians in the western Sudan's region.

It is the world's second largest international peacekeeping force with an annual budget of $1.35 billion and almost 20,000 troops.

(ST)

December 16, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan's National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) on Friday has seized print runs of the independent daily Al-Jareeda for the eighth time within three weeks without giving reasons.

Chief-Editor of Al-Jareeda Ashraf Abdel-Aziz told Sudan Tribune that the NISS agents confiscated copies of the newspaper on Friday morning while it was on its way to the distribution outlets.

He pointed that the daily has received some financial contribution from readers abroad, saying they paid six-month subscription fees in advance to support the newspaper and compensate for the loss caused by the repeated confiscations.

Last week, Al-Jareeda launched a campaign entitled the “Prudent Reader” to enable each reader to donate price of one seized copy.

Al-Jareeda also said it would take legal action against the NISS due to repeated seizure of its copies during the last two weeks.

NISS has recently intensified crackdown on newspapers for publishing news reports and articles on the nationwide civil disobedience act which took place between 27 and 29 November. During the last couple of weeks, it seized copies of various dailies 22 times.

Al-Jareeda has been one of the most newspapers in Sudan subject to suspension and confiscation. Last May, the NISS had confiscated copies of the newspaper four times during five days.

Journalists working for the newspaper had earlier told Sudan Tribune that the NISS seeks to put pressure on Al-Jareeda to change its editorial policy and mitigate harsh criticism of the government contained in the Op-ed articles and in particular by columnists Osman Shabona and Mohamed Wida'aa.

However, the newspaper's administration refuses to succumb to the NISS's pressures and rejects the idea of dismissing any journalists or columnists.

Sudanese newspapers complain of the far reaching powers of the NISS which routinely punishes dailies through confiscation or suspension.

Following the lift of pre-publication censorship, the NISS started punishing newspapers retroactively by seizing copies of newspapers that breach unwritten red lines inflicting financial and moral losses on these media houses.

In February 2015, it seized copies of 14 newspapers from printing press without giving reasons.

Journalists say that NISS uses seizures of print copies of newspapers, not only to censor the media but also to weaken them economically.

Last July, Al-Taghyeer newspaper decided to suspend publishing and laid off its staff following large financial loss incurred due to repeated confiscations.

(ST)

December 16, 2016 (JUBA) - A South Sudanese minister in the government of national unity has resigned, a decision that has taken many in the young nation by surprise.

First meeting of the Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU) chaired by President Salva Kiir Mayardit and attended by the First Vice President Riek Machar Teny and the Vice President James Wani Igga in Juba on May 6, 2016 (Photo Moses Lomayat)

The Deputy Minister for Labour and Public Service, Nasike Allan Lochul, cited lack of political will on the part of President Salva Kiir and members of his administration to implement the 2015 peace agreement, which he signed with armed and non-armed opposition groups to terminate the over two-year war in the country.

The minister said political "unwillingness" to implement the peace deal and incitement of hate speech by the president and senior members in government forced her to quit.

“As a politician who have interest to serve my people, I have decided to leave the fake TGONU (Transitional government of national unity) for unwillingness to implement the resolution on the agreement of the conflict in the republic of south Sudan and incitement of hate speeches by the president and many senior government officials in politics and in the army”, Lochul wrote in the letter, which Sudan Tribune also obtained.

The official declared her allegiance armed opposition faction under the leadership of the former vice president Riek Machar, saying it has the vision to transform and unity the country than president Kiir.

“I am declaring my allegiance to the Sudan People's Liberation Movement, SPLM-IO, that is working tirelessly to help avert a catastrophic collapse of our nation, by relying on grassroots for support and that has a vision and make this country for all 64 tribes of South Sudan," the deputy minister said in her resignation letter.

"I, therefore, quit the current tribal and tyrant regime in Juba to join the voices of freedom and democracy, the SPLM-IO to protect the innocent and humble people of South Sudan”, she addes.

Lochul, until her resignation, was a member of parliament representing Eastern Equatoria at the national legislative assembly, a position to which she was selected by her people in 2005 and retained during the 2010 and after secession from Sudan in 2011.

(ST)

An assessment of the non-violent campaign for change in Sudan

By Nico Plooijer

Late last month, many people in Sudan took part in a three-day campaign of civil disobedience. People stayed home from work, school or any other activities in order to protest government policies, in particular the recent lifting of subsidies for fuel and gas. This led to enormous price hikes. Prices of basic commodities have risen so much that people can barely afford to pay for food, transportation or medicine.

Did the campaign of civil disobedience succeed? According to media coverage of the protest, it did not. There simply was not much to see, certainly no mass demonstrations in the streets. This was because Sudanese activists had learned their lesson: in September, 2013, the government cracked down on mass demonstrations, leading to the deaths of more than 200 protestors.

However, the media coverage overlooked the impact on the government or on the country as a whole. As this form of protest is new to Sudan, it can be difficult to measure its impact. But the campaign did elicit a reaction from President Omar al-Bashir himself. He called the campaign a “one million percent failure”.

A non-violent campaign for change
Last month's protest was only the latest of a number of events expressing opposition to the government. In April, large scale student protests erupted at the main universities all over the country, sparked by the killing of a student. In October, doctors went on strike citing unpaid wages and the need for improved working conditions. In November, the pharmacists followed, protesting the decision to remove a subsidy for imported medicines, leading prices to double or in some cases triple. Independent of these developments, the Sudanese Congress Party has been actively pursuing a non-violent campaign, it's members giving speeches on buses and trains and at public markets. The speakers raise awareness of people´s rights and how these rights are not respected by the government.

The non-violent campaign did not end with last month's three days protest, either. Small-scale demonstrations are still going on and an online campaign using WhatsApp and other similar apps aims to mobilise more people.

In response, the government has been quietly repressing the nascent movement. More than 90 people have been arrested, and are being held in secret locations with no possibility to communicate with the outside world.

But the question remains, is it successful?
According to the “Checklist to end tyranny” developed by Peter Ackerman and Hardy Merriman, there are three key capabilities of successful civil resistance movements: the ability to unify people, operational planning and nonviolent discipline. How does the current campaign in Sudan measure up to this checklist?

Unity
To achieve unity, non-violent campaigners need a shared and inclusive vision, and a leadership that is seen as legitimate. While many see the need for fundamental reform in the way Sudan is governed, a unifying and mobilising vision has yet to emerge.

The recent three-day protest was triggered by price hikes, but long before that it has been clear that many people are unhappy with the way this government has been running the country for the last 27 years. The government´s stock defence that the US sanctions and the loss of oil income after South Sudanese independence are the reasons for the dismissal economic and political situation is no longer credible. People wonder what happened to the billions of dollars of oil revenue the government has earned from concessions to oil companies since the 1990s, since it has not been used to develop the country. And people who can´t afford to buy food resent the fact that 40 to 70% of the national budget is spend on security, including ongoing conflicts in Darfur, the Blue Nile region and the Nuba Mountains. President al-Bashir went even further recently in a speech at the headquarters of the Sudan Air Force, saying that even if the entire government budget was spent on security, it still would not be enough.

Given all of the above, activists confer frequently about formulating a unifying message to protest the mismanagement of the country.

As for leadership, the campaign was instigated by people not directly connected or representing any institutional group or party. That makes sense given the history of repression of organized labour. When the current regime came to power, it moved quickly to dismantle the labour unions that had been at the forefront of popular uprisings in October 1964 and April 1985. Al-Bashir had learned his lesson, and sought to prevent labour unions from playing a mobilising role again. In response, people have organized themselves separately from the unions, leading to well-organised professional groups. In addition, people organize around specific issues such as hydroelectric dam projects, women tea sellers and neighbourhood groups addressing issues of land grabbing and the lack of basic service delivery.

Sudan also has protest movements such as Grifna and Reform Now that were at the forefront of protests in 2013 and were keen to join the recent call for action. The traditional opposition parties and armed movements have been slower to join the recent campaign. Activist are cautiously reaching out to these groups in order to ensure their commitment, although the core of the activist leaders refuse to give up control of this non-violent movement to these traditional actors.

In the current situation in Sudan, it is strategically wise to keep a decentralised and multi-layered leadership structure, instead of relying on one or two leading figures. This makes it more difficult for the regime to supress the leaders of the protest movement.

Operational planning
The second element in Ackerman and Merriman's “Checklist to end tyranny” is operational planning. The current protest movement's operational planning is, like its leadership, local and dispersed. Different activities and initiatives are developed throughout the country. Despite the prevalence of government monitoring of communications, people are able to share their thoughts and initiatives. For instance, lists have been distributed of pro-government singers and journalists so that people can boycott them. There have also been calls to boycott the visits of government officials. These are low risk ways of showing support for the campaign and are difficult for the government to supress. Planning is mostly done online. The government does at times manage to infiltrate online groups, leading to conflicts online between pro-government ´keyboard warriors´ and anti-government ‘electronic chickens'.

One indication of how well this system of de-centralized planning works is the relatively quick agreement to hold another day of civil disobedience on December 19 – the anniversary of Sudan's declaration of independence in 1955..

Non-violent discipline
The third element on the “Checklist to end tyranny”, remaining non-violent even when provoked, is an important indicator of the success of such a movement. To date, the current campaign has maintained a disciplined, non-violent, peaceful movement. Even efforts by the security forces to lure people into violent confrontations in the streets have been unmasked and ridiculed online. The armed movements in Sudan have publicly supported the civil disobedience campaign. The question remains whether the armed groups will continue to commit to the non-violent action, whether people will have the patience to continue the non-violent campaign, and whether they will continue to have confidence in the effectiveness of non-violent methods. Some may give in to the feeling that they need to use violence to protect the people and the protests. This would play into the government´s hand, since the government clearly has the advantage when it comes to violent clashes.

If people don't obey, the rulers cannot rule.
In conclusion, the current campaign has all the ingredients to be successful. It is too soon to say whether or not it will succeed, but it has more potential than the armed rebellions of the last few decades. The question remains whether Sudanese activists will be able to build a campaign that will provide opportunities for broader support, and whether they can define short-, mid- and long-term objectives under a united vision while maintaining nonviolent discipline.

Non-violent struggles are similar to armed struggles in that they are not won overnight. Last month's three days of civil disobedience are a starting point showing that many Sudanese people desperately want change are willing to run risks to obtain it.

Non-violent action is based on the insight that social, political, economic and military power is dependent on the consent and obedience of the people. On December 19, we will see how many people in Sudan understand this fundamental insight and are willing to voluntarily engage in a struggle for peaceful change.

The author is PAX programme leader

December 12, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Trial of a college student charged with murder for allegedly killing a police officer during protests at Khartoum University (UofK) in April is scheduled to resume on Wednesday in Khartoum.

Asim Omer Khalifa, who faces charges under article 130 “premeditated murder” of the Criminal Code, is a member of the student chapter of the opposition Sudanese Congress Party (SCoP).

The court of appeals has returned the case file to the Khartoum North criminal court after considering an application for examination by the General Prosecutor's Office against the court's decision to deny appearance of one of the prosecutors before the court and removal of his name from the prosecutors list.

It is noteworthy that the Judge at Khartoum North criminal court last September has prevented some members of the prosecution and defence teams from appearing before the court after they had engaged in sharp verbal altercation inside the courtroom.

In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune on Monday, SCoP said the accused student didn't enjoy the rights stipulated by the Criminal Code throughout the period of his arrest.

“He [the accused] has neither been notified of the charges against him nor has he received a copy of them to exercise his right to appeal. Also, the prosecution repeatedly denied requests from his defense team to meet him, and these are rights guaranteed by the laws and Sudan's 2005 interim constitution,” read the statement.

It added the trial would resume after the accused has spent eight months behind bars, pointing the delayed justice is injustice even if the court acquits the accused.

“We have followed with complete satisfaction the Khartoum North court proceedings which showed clear desire for a fair and speedy trial, however, we are concerned about the delay at the court of appeals and we are confident that no matter how long it takes, the dawn of truth will shine at the end of the long tunnel of injustice” added the statement.

In April, massive demonstrations erupted at the (UofK) following press statements made by some officials about government intentions to transfer the university from its current location and to lease out its premises for investment purposes.

Dozens of students were arrested and others wounded in the protests when the police intervened with tear gas and rubber bullets.

(ST)

December 12, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Sudanese President Omer al-Bashir on Monday said the civil disobedience wouldn't topple his government stressing he won't hand over the country to those who hide behind the “computer keyboards”.

Sudanese President Omer Hassan al-Bashir (AFP Photo/Ashraf Shazly)

Groups of activists have launched a wide electronic campaign to mobilize the Sudanese to engage in a civil disobedience action on December 19 th to protest recent government decision to lift fuel, electricity and drug subsidy.

Sudanese opposition forces and armed groups expressed support for the general strike and called upon their affiliates to play an active role to ensure its success.

In his address before a crowd in Sudan's eastern city of Kassala on Monday, al-Bashir said the government wouldn't be overthrown by the “WhatsApp”, pointing he wouldn't hand over the country to the activists who oppose the government via the social media.

“You hear about those who seek to defeat you through the keyboard and the WhatsApp..I won't hand over the country to them, and I say to them: If you want to topple the regime, meet us on the streets, however, we are certain that you won't take to the streets because you are aware of what had occurred in the past,” he said.

In September 2013, over 200 people were killed according to rights groups in the spontaneous popular protests after the announcement of the first austerity plan.

The Sudanese president urged his supporters not to listen to the calls of those who he called the “mercenaries” who want to “sell the country for a few dollars”.

He further pointed to the crowed with his cane saying “Inqaz (salvation) regime is not the government or Omer al-Bashir, it is you”.

“Some said the president has fled the country..I won't flee because I represent the pride and dignity of the Sudanese people.. Sudan is precious,” he added.

It is noteworthy that al-Bashir's speech in Kassala was the first of its kind since the government announced the second austerity plan in November.

The government decision stirred up large protests across Sudan last month. Also, large segments of the Sudanese had engaged in a three-day civil disobedience action from 27 to 29 November.

In an interview with the UAE-based Al Khaleej newspaper on 29 November, al-Bashir said the general strike was a “one million percent failure”, pointing that all residents were keen to go to their workplaces.

(ST)

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

December 12, 2016 (ADDIS ABABA) – A diplomat from the opposition faction of the South Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement (SPLM-IO) on Monday called on the regional bloc IGAD member states and the world not to turn a blind eye on the atrocities allegedly committed by President Salva Kiir led regime in Juba.

Miyong Kuon SPLM-IO representative to UN (Getty Image)

In an email exchange with Sudan Tribune, Miyong Kuon SPLM-IO representative to UN in New York alleged that government sponsored wide ranging atrocities are being carried out in Equatoria state and else where in the country.

However he said the international community has given little attention and urged to the international body to launch probe into it.

The two rival SPLM factions signed peace deal in 2015 however commitment to implement it has become a major challenge leading for continued fighting and suffering of the people.

“The ARCISS has been hijacked and abrogated by the regime,” Kuon said adding “We have nothing left there to implement unless an inclusive approach is taken and the 4,000 force allowed in Juba is deployed”.

The Opposition official further urged the international community to condemn the forceful removal of Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) humanitarian chief out of the country.

The NRC he said had been instrumental in providing humanitarian aid and in saving the lives in South Sudan since 2004.

“Removing its chief out of the country is another tool used by the regime to increase the suffering of the people affected by war,” Kuon added.

Meanwhile the office of SPLM IO Deputy Representative to the United Republic of Tanzania commended Ethiopian Prime minister, Hailemarian Desalegn for calling on his counter-parts to have the IGAD head of states meeting to address issues of peace and stability in the region with South Sudan and Somalia on top of the Agenda.

In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune the Tanzania mission office welcomed the decision of the IGAD head of states to revive the August peace agreement.

“It is the only way to ending the suffering of our people and bring about peace, stability and prosperity to our country and people,” it said.

It said any peace implementation that excluded opposition leader, Riek Machar won't bring durable peace and stability in South Sudan.

SPLM/A IO Deputy Representative to the United Republic of Tanzania, Peter O. Kleto said there is a tendency by a small clique in Juba to remain in power at all cost at the expense of the suffering of masses.

The group further opposed a remark made by government official who said the transitional government is more harmonious after the Departure of Riek Machar from Juba.

“This statement is unfounded and false concocted to mislead South Sudanese and the world,” Kleto said.

Instead the opposition official added that the security and economic conditions has become worse after Machar was chase away from Juba.

He urged the leaders of IGAD, AU and the wider international community to put pressure on President Kiir to accept a “genuine peace”.

(ST)