Defence`s Feeds

BAE Systems has been awarded a $51.3m contract to deliver maintenance and modernisation services for the US Navy's Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Roosevelt (DDG 80).

Americas

• A new signal processor for the AIM-120 air-to-air missile is being developed by Raytheon. Carried out under the Form Fit Function Refresh program (F3R), the work is aimed at ensuring the continuation of AMRAAM production well into the 2020s. While little else is currently known about the signal processor’s development work, the missile is capable of tracking targets in electronic warfare environments. Already carried on F-16, F-15, F/A-18, F-22, Typhoon, Gripen, Tornado and Harrier fighters, the AIM-120 is also cleared for use on the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, making it the munition that has flown on more aircraft worldwide than any other air-to-air missile.

• The USAF has announced the completion of a series of upgrades on 446 Air Force and 10 Navy T-38C advanced trainer aircraft. Work carried out during the modernization saw the installation of a video data transfer system (VDTS) and speed break indicator switch (SBIS), giving pilots and the heads-up display a visual indicator of the speed brake position. The completion of the $50 million VDTS/SBIS program wrapped up its work in December 2016. Talons are expected to be in service until 2034, when they will be replaced by the next-gen T-X trainer.

• Northrop Grumman and BAE Systems have decided not to enter a bid in the upcoming $16 billion T-X trainer competition for the USAF. The official announcement comes days after Northrop CEO Wes Bush told analysts that the company was reassessing their bid and business case for the tender. A joint statement by Northrop and BAE stated that submitting a bid for the T-X Trainer contract “would not be in the best interest of the companies and their shareholders.” The only remaining interested parties are a clean-sheet design by Boeing/Saab and Lockheed Martin/Korea Aerospace Industries’ T-50A.

Middle East & North Africa

• Sales of F-16V fighters to Bahrain are likely to continue under US President Trump, according to Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman Bob Corker. Estimated to be valued at $2.8 billion, the sale of 19 of the fighters had been put on hold under Barack Obama until the Gulf kingdom had addressed some human rights concerns against their non-violent opposition. Corker added that “I’m hoping the Bahrain deal is going to roll out without the restrictions,” indicating that the original conditions imposed by the Obama administration may be lifted. Like many nations in the Arab world, Bahrain faced a wave of protests during the 2011 “Arab Spring,” which was met with a brutal crackdown by the ruling King Hamad.

• Turkey’s plan to upgrade of a batch of 200 German- and US-made battle tanks has received five bids from local industry, including surprise bids from military electronics specialist Aselsan and missile maker Roketsan. The $500 million modernization plan to upgrade 40 M60A3, 40 Leopard II A4 and 120 M60T tanks will also see bids from armored vehicles manufacturers BMC, Otokar and FNSS. While the competition is structured to be a local battle, industry sources suggest that due to the advanced technology that will be involved in the program, most business in the contract may involve foreign suppliers. Bidding is expected to be finished by the end of the year.

Europe

• Poland has received a proposal from the Lockheed Martin-led team behind the Medium Extended Air Defense System (MEADS), as part of the drive to upgrade air defense capabilities under the Wisla program. MEADS, Israel’s David’s Sling, and a French consortium were initially considered alongside Raytheon’s Patriot system, though all but the Patriot were dismissed by Warsaw due to the fact that they were still in development. However, since the procurement process has dragged on, MEADS is much closer to the fielding stage and was therefore asked to submit a proposal on request from the Polish government, triggering a head-to-head between Raytheon and Lockheed Martin. The proposal includes a potential order for 16 systems and a plan to include a work-share agreement with Polish industry.

• Alongside long-term big-ticket procurement plans for new fighters, maritime-surveillance aircraft and submarine fleets, the Norwegian government is focusing efforts on stockpiling munitions, fuel and spare parts ahead of any potential conflict in the region. The hoarding comes as Oslo is concerned about potential shortages to the support equipment vital to the country’s missions both at home and abroad and will make funding available for these supplies, which also includes development of the Joint Strike Missile. Renewed investment in military procurements and upgrades by Scandinavian and Baltic governments comes amid growing tensions and uncertainty about potential conflicts that may stem from any aggression that may come from neighboring Russia.

Asia Pacific

• The Iranian government has confirmed that they have tested a new missile, but denied claims that the move was in breach of a UN Security Council resolution to curb nuclear development. In response to the test, the new US ambassador to the UN, Nikki Haley, condemned the move stating that the “United States is not naïve. We are not going to stand by. You will see us call them out as we said we would and you are also going to see us act accordingly.” While Tehran has conducted missile testing since the 2015 nuclear accords, it is the first during the Trump administration. Trump said in his election campaign that he would stop Iran’s missile program.

Today’s Video

MEADS capability notes:

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Since the EU adopted its Counter-Terrorism Strategy in 2005, it has focused on forging closer ties with third countries in the fight against terrorism. Cooperation with the Southern Neighbourhood in this field is particularly important. Every single country within this region is affected by terrorism to different degrees and terrorist attacks on European soil are increasingly linked with the Middle East and North Africa. The EU adopted a wide-ranging counter-terrorism approach in the South including actions that go beyond the strictly military and security interpretations of counter-terrorism. In line with the UN’s 4-pillar approach, the EU’s counter-terrorism measures can be broadly subdivided into four fields: (i) building state capacity (particularly in the areas of border control, criminal investigation and prosecution, and countering the financing of terrorism); (ii) strengthening the rule of law and respect for human rights; (iii) fostering regional cooperation; and (iv) preventing and combating terrorism. This study outlines and contextualises current counter-terrorism activities in the region.
Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

ATLAS ELEKTRONIK GmbH has received an order from the Federal Office of Bundeswehr Equipment, Information Technology and In-Service Support (BAAINBw) for the modernisation of three minehunting vessels of the Frankenthal class (Type 332) in service wit…

On 6 February, the SEDE committee invites Herbert Salber, EU Special Representative for the South Caucasus and the crisis in Georgia, EEAS, Natalie Sabanadze, Ambassador of Georgia to the EU and Amanda Paul, Senior Policy Analyst, European Policy Centre, Brussels, to discuss the new developments in the increasing Russian influence in the South Caucasus.
Further information
Draft agenda and meeting documents
Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

The Taleban appear to have woken up to the importance of organisational symbols and their political meaning. Compared to how little they cared about their image during the 1990s and the initial years of the insurgency, the Taleban now project an increasing consciousness of their ‘brand’. This is seen in both their media and the actions of fighters and officials on the ground. Borhan Osman traces this change through one phenomenon – the Taleban’s use of their flag.

This piece is part of series looking at the Taleban in transition. Read previous pieces of this series: here, here, and here. This dispatch discusses the heightened importance that the use of the flag has gained among the Taleban as a possible indicator of the movement’s increased self-awareness of its political brand. It first describes the different fields in which the Taleban now assertively showcase their flag and then analyses the apparent reasons for this.  

The proliferation of the flag: from the Qatar office to the battlefield

One area where the Taleban’s sense of a political identity has become most visible is in the use of their flag, which has a white background inscribed with the shahadah, the Islamic statement of faith and sometimes, also, the movement’s official name, the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The flag is now on display wherever there is a Taleban presence. This is in sharp contrast with the movement’s years of rule.

During the 1990s, the core of the emerging Taleban movement was drawn primarily from the students of village madrasas who had rarely had any exposure to concepts of protocol used by modern political organisations. Neither fighters or commanders wore uniforms or carried symbols of affiliation. Their clothing was that of any other man from the south ­– black turbans, worn by most men in provinces such as Uruzgan, and loose trousers with particularly long shirts, again normal for southern Pashtun village men. Former fighters recalled in conversations with the author how, on the frontlines, they would have been at risk of losing track of where their own territory ended and that of their enemies began had it not been for the fact that Northern Alliance forces were more distinctively clothed and had flags. The same attitude continued when the Taleban insurgency began around 2003. Until around 2009, as per the author’s observation, it was hard for a stranger visiting the countryside to tell government-controlled from Taleban-controlled territory, unless the Afghan national flag was flown on a government building or armed Talebs were physically in sight. Telling the two sides apart has now become much easier.

In hindsight, the opening of the formal Taleban office in Qatar in 2013 was a landmark moment. For the first time since their fall, the Taleban opened a formal office, in the Qatari capital Doha in June 2013; it was intended to become the movement’s first public face to the world. The office’s opening, with official Qatari hosting and United States endorsement, amounted to some kind of political recognition for the Taleban after they had fought for more than a decade against adversaries – the Afghan government and its foreign backers – who labelled them as mere malcontents and terrorists. The Taleban celebrated the opening of the office as a step in this direction and one towards victory. However, the Afghan government was furious at the way the office was presented to the world as that of some sort of ‘alternative government’ during the inauguration ceremony. At the heart of the dispute was the Taleban’s white flag and the office’s insignia which bore the inscription ‘the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, the official name of the Taleban as a movement and its name for the country before it lost power.

Qatari officials, under pressure from Kabul and Washington, lowered the flag and removed the insignia. The Taleban officially closed the office in protest. Although the office has remained de facto open, with officials running their operations not so covertly, the movement’s drastic reaction underscored the value it attaches to its brands of identity, the flag and the name – given how closely it links these to its claim of legitimacy. The proliferation of the flag, however, continued, on the ground and virtually.

The first thing that catches a visitor’s eye when entering ‘Taleban territory’, these days, is their white flag. They are planted on landmarks, such as the rooftops of mosques, the public squares of villages and schools and along major travel routes. When insurgents capture new areas, no matter how small or large, one of the first things they do is mark it by planting their flag. According to the author’s observation and accounts by local residents, in places such as Wardak, Helmand and Ghazni, where the Taleban-controlled territory lies only a stone’s throw away from the bases of the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF), the flags of the two conflicting parties fly almost side by side. At least that is how it looks from a distance.

Nowadays, according to consistent accounts from local residents living in Taleban-controlled areas in a number of provinces (for example, in Helmand, Kandahar, Zabul, Paktika, Ghazni and Nangarhar), Taleban squads rarely travel without carrying a flag even when they consist of only a few motorbikes or cars. Since the Taleban have in recent years seized many ANSF vehicles, such as the police’s Ford Ranger pickup trucks, and the army’s Humvees, the main identifier distinguishing who is driving is the flag carried. The logos of the army and the police on these vehicles are left intact, but the official tricolour flag is replaced with the white one.

In military training and marches, fighters also carry out synchronised flag waving. They carry the flag when marching, fly it over the vehicle’s flagpole in motorcades and plant it in ground if they are at a training site. These practices are not only carried out in front of the camera for the sake of recording and broadcasting, but have increasingly become part of the movement’s routine exercises in the field.

White headbands modelled after the flag have also been trending among those conducting military exercises, and sometimes, among fighters on the frontline. In some cases, small hand-written banners are pinned on the outside of homes frequently visited by the Taleban (whose residents are usually sympathisers). These banners, as seen by the author or reported by locals in Logar and Ghazni in 2016, bear slogans such as, “Long live the Islamic Emirate,” and, “Long live Amir ul-Mumenin Haibatullah Akhunzada,” and are signed by the local commander.

The use of the flag is not confined to the military sphere. Since a Taleban shadow civil administration of sorts has emerged in recent years, the white flag has also entered the ‘civilian arena’. It is an unmistakable feature in meetings with community members, conferences with education officials and other ceremonies that Taleban organise. Whether fixed or makeshift, the offices where Taleban ‘civilian officers’ work are also decorated with the flag. According to accounts from local people and videos seen by AAN, it is also put on display on the sites of construction projects supervised by the Taleban and paid for with money gathered by the movement from local residents. In 2016, these included the paving of sub-district roads in Kunduz, Baghlan and Nangarhar. In addition to being put on display in fixed sites, the flag was also flown for ground-breaking and inauguration ceremonies. This routine use of the Taleban’s flag is a marked departure from the movement’s years of rule when flags were seen ­relatively rarely and even senior officials did not necessarily have them on their desks.

What does the surge in the use of flag mean?  

The proliferation of the flag in recent years can be explained on several grounds.

First, it (possibly) stems from a sense of increased need for unity among the Taleban. That need is obvious when comparing how the Taleban operate today to how they operated during the 1990s. When Taleban were in the privileged position of comprising the state and the ruling party, it was far easier for them to stick together than now, during an insurgency when they are chased as outlaws and rebels by both ANSF and foreign forces. The flag has emerged as a powerful political symbol and an effective tool for enhancing emotional unity in turbulent times.

Second, the flag is also useful for boosting the morale of fighters. This is especially relevant on the battlefield. The more a territory is dotted with flags, the more it persuades fighters of their influence. Such prolific marking of conquered territory is also more significant for the Taleban of today than in the 1990s. During their time in government, the Taleban were in control of most of Afghanistan and their dominance was taken for granted and, away from the frontlines, rarely challenged. Today, territorial control is scattered along very localised geographical lines. Areas remain contested between ANSF and Taleban often down to the district level. Perhaps nothing else can invoke a sense of the expanding presence of the movement as easily as displaying the flag.

Third, flying the flag is a way for the Taleban to try to demonstrate to the population that they, not the government, are the legitimate rulers of Afghanistan. The Taleban constantly frame their campaign as a struggle to restore Afghan sovereignty, rather than just pursuing territorial control. They consider the current government as having been illegally imposed by foreigners. Bringing back their flag is an unequivocal declaration that they are back as the ‘legitimate’ government. This is best manifested in their use of the flag in civil arenas (eg courts and construction works) that they believe signals local governance.

Fourth, the heightened emphasis on the flag arises from the Taleban’s attempts to project their legitimacy to a global audience. The movement craves political legitimacy and recognition not only among the local population, but also from a much broader audience. While it does not have an opportunity to display its flag on international platforms, with the exception of briefly when it opened its office in Qatar, it instead uses its media to showcase this primary indicator of its brand. Taleban media products are directed at various audiences, including foreign governments and nations. Be it visual media, such as films and photographs, or written materials such as magazines and website articles, the white flag is invariably exhibited in a prominent manner.

Conclusion 

The Taleban’s flag has been prominently displayed in their communications in recent years, in evident contrast with the movement’s years in rule, and in a bid to promote the movement’s political brand. The proliferation of the use of flag is based on various rationales and follows practical purposes in different contexts. In general, this is a pattern that, at a macro level, appears to manifest a notable increase in the Taleban’s self-awareness of its political identity as a distinct political force. It may also indicate the Taleban’s enhanced savviness in modern political practices and publicity techniques. This is a phenomenon that also expresses itself through several other trends as well, including the way the Taleban increasingly refer to their movement using its formal name, ‘the Islamic Emirate’, and themselves as ‘Emiratis’. It can also be seen in the concerted way a distinct political identity is promoted on Taleban media and. These other trends will be discussed in future dispatches as part of the Taleban in transition series.

 

Edited by Kate Clark, Thomas Ruttig and Sari Kouvo

 

 

The US Navy has started a new training programme for 2017, Full Speed Ahead, to enhance the navy's existing efforts to prevent destructive behaviours across its fleet.

General Atomics (GA) has been awarded the sole source production contract modification for the electromagnetic aircraft launch system (EMALS), which is to be fitted on the US Navy's Gerald R. Ford-class aircraft carrier Enterprise (CVN 80).

General Dynamics' Bath Iron Works has laid the keel and conducted authentication for the US Navy's third and final Zumwalt-class (DDG 1000) guided missile destroyer, USS Lyndon B. Johnson (DDG 1002).

Americas

• Raytheon has been contracted to deliver Small Diameter Bombs (SDB) to the USAF. While the exact value of the contract modification was undisclosed, the company received $62 million at the time of the award. The contract calls for the delivery of low-rate initial production for 312 SDB II Lot 3 munitions for the branch, and also includes 413 SBD Lot 3 single weapon containers, 20 weapon conversions for guided test vehicles, 20 production reliability incentive demonstration effort captive vehicles and training and maintenance services. SBDs are being integrated on a number of USAF and US Navy aircraft, and provide warfighters with the ability to engage their targets when faced with poor weather and other adverse conditions.

• A once available report, questioning the logic in the Canadian procurement of an interim fighter to replace its fleet of of CF-18s, was pulled from the Department of National Defence website once Ottawa decided to procure F/A-18 Super Hornets as an interim fighter. The report had recommended against buying a “bridging” fighter aircraft, citing “disproportionately high costs during the bridging period.” In response, the government stated that “the aggregate of the information contained in the report speaks to the capability of the Canadian Armed Forces and is sensitive in nature,” hence its pulling.

• While no contract details have been announced, US President Donald Trump has claimed that the Lot 10 production for 90 F-35s will be $600 million cheaper, thanks to his pressure. The comments come after weeks of hand wrangling with lead contractor Lockheed Martin over pricing. Trump had criticized the fifth-gen fighter during his election campaign, but during his recent comments called the F-35 a “great plane” that’s “now in good shape.” Despite the detente, Trump added that Boeing will still be asked to compete for orders against the F-35 saying “they [Boeing] will be competing during the process for the rest of the planes because there are thousands of more airplanes coming.”

• The latest variant of the Predator B UAV, SkyGuardian, has been launched. Developed by General Atomics with collaboration from the German Military Aviation Authority, SkyGuardian meets international standards for flying in civilian airspace and is fully compliant with NATO’s UAV System Airworthiness Requirements (defined in STANAG 4671) and Britain’s DEFSTAN 00-970 standards. Once operational, the UAV will be used to protect ground forces as well as participate in non-military missions like border-surveillance, maritime patrol, and relief over-watch in cases of natural disasters. It can also carry a variety of sensor and communications payloads and can transmit high-resolution video to manned aircraft and ground forces.

Middle East & North Africa

• Efforts are being made by the US DoD and Iraqi diplomats to allow Iraqi F-16 pilots effected by President Trump’s controversial travel ban enter the USA. The executive order on immigration, which suspended travel for citizens from several Muslim majority countries, including Iraq, to the US for a period of 90 days, prevents the pilots from continuing their training in the US with the US Air Force. It is hoped that an exemption would be granted to the pilots under the reasoning that Iraq is a significant ally in defeating the Islamic State.

Europe

• A light-weight version of the Indo-Russian designed BrahMos cruise missile is to be developed for Russia’s 5th-gen T-50 PAK FA fighter aircraft. Already available in naval, submarine, and land variants, Indian and Russian developers will now collaborate on designing smaller variants of the short-range ramjet supersonic cruise missile with the specification that it will “fit the size of a torpedo tube and be almost 1.5 times smaller by its weight.” Other potential warfighters that could have the new munition integrated include the MiG-35, recently selected to operate as Russia’s newest multi-purpose fighter.

Asia Pacific

• India has reversed a policy to give big-ticket orders only to state-owned companies announcing that its first homemade 155mm/52-caliber towed artillery gun, the Advanced Towed Artillery Gun System (ATAGS), will be built jointly by private sector companies. Next year will see New Delhi award private industry a $350 million award for the production of 114 guns, with production expected to start two years from the order’s placement. Developed by the state-owned Defence Research and Development Organization (DRDO) in partnership with two private sector firms — Kalyani Group and Tata Power SED- the Indian Army has a requirement for more than 1,500 towed guns, with a potential value of up to $4.5 billion.

• Claims made by Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte-that US troops were building arms depots in five Philippine bases in defiance of a security deal has been rejected by the US ambassador to the South-Asian nation. Duterte claimed on Sunday that the US had stockpiled weapons, including tanks, in three locations in the Philippines, which could provoke China and put his country in harm’s way. In response to the claims, Ambassador Sung Kim said that his country could not build anything on Philippine bases against the consent of the Philippine government, and its facilities are “not related to weapons.” Instead, any planned facility building was for the purpose of storing equipment for disaster response.

Today’s Video

The fifth test of David’s Sling:

Singaporean Terrex 2 Amphibious Armored Personnel Carrier

The European Union sees its relationship with Russia as a ‘key strategic challenge’. Its members are alarmed by Russia’s violations of international commitments and increased military activity in Europe. Russian recently updated basic strategic documents are full of indications about Moscow’s world vision and security concerns. They indirectly point to a tension between Russia’s internal (economic, demographic, societal) weaknesses and its claim to be recognized as one of the ‘centers of influence’ in the emerging multipolar world order. The West, including the EU, is clearly perceived as the major challenger to both Russia’s great power ambition and security. At the same time, various indicators suggest that Moscow is probably not fully confident that it will obtain a gratifying role in the emerging new international landscape. All this has led Russia to rely massively on its restored military capabilities, while pursuing a very active diplomacy, in which the relative importance of the EU has declined in recent years. The EU nonetheless has an important role to play in promoting the second engine of the ‘double-track Russia strategy’ that the West (the EU, NATO, the United States) has been pursuing –– strengthening defenses on the one hand, pursuing dialogue and cooperative engagement on the other hand.
Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Curtiss-Wright's INDAL facility combines a high level of engineering and manufacturing capability with expertise in the management of large and complex defense programs to produce specific solutions for the world's navies.

Curtiss-Wright's Defense Solutions division today announced that its INDAL business unit will give a presentation on its innovative low-cost, single operator Manual Aircraft Straighten and Traverse (MAST) Aircraft Handling System (AHS) at Surface War…

Poland’s Lodz-based WZL-1 (Wojskowe Zakłady Lotnicze Nr 1 S.A. (Military Aviation Works No. 1) has completed the modernisation, conducts maintenance, repair, overhaul of a Mil Mi-24V (6W-HCA) attack helicopter for the Senegal Air Force. The secondhand rotorcraft is understood to have been acquired from a former Soviet-era operator.

Acceptance flights were conducted on 12 January by a team of Polish and Senegalese personnel, and witnessed by the customer air force’s commander-in-chief, Brig Gen Birame Diop. This is the first Mi-24 to have been acquired by Senegal, and it is unclear whether the West African nation intends to field additional examples.
Flight Fleets Analyzer records the Senegal air force as already operating a pair of 11-year-old Mi-35s, which it acquired directly from Russia.

WZL-1 is one of the leading aviation companies in Europe. The company established its position on local, national and foreign market thanks to untypical activity which generally covers:
• overhaul, maintenance and modernization of the following helicopters: Mi-8, Mi-14, Mi-17, Mi-24, W-3 Sokół and SH-2G Kaman;
• general overhaul of SO-3/W aviation engines and TW3-117 (III s, M, MT, W) family engines.

Tag: SenegalMi-24Poland

Americas

• Northrop Grumman has remained coy on their participation in the USAF T-X trainer competition, with CEO Wes Bush remaining non-committal to the program despite having designed and developed a prototype. Bush’s tone shocked some analysts and has led some to speculate that the company would rather lose out on the $16 billion competition than have a price war eat away at its bottom line. Northrop recently won the development contract for the USAF’s next long-range bomber, the B-21 Raider, a greater priority.

• In other T-X news, Raytheon’s withdrawal from collaboration with Leonardo boiled down to pricing disagreements. The team was set to offer a variant of the Italian firm’s M-346 trainer, however Raytheon wanted to drop the cost of the trainer by a third. Disagreements within the camp initially surfaced last October in a row over control of the program, but the final straw seems to have come over the ultimate cost of the procurement.

• A US Navy contract has tasked Charles Stark Draper Laboratory with Trident D5 MK 6 guidance system production. Valued at $53 million, work carried out under the deal will include the performance of several services for the submarine-launched ballistic missile including failure verification, testing, repairs, recertification of inertial measurement units electronic assemblies, and electronic modules. The Trident II D5 program will replace the current Polaris and Poseidon systems currently used by the US and UK armed forces.

Middle East & North Africa

• In what has been a rather hectic week for the White House (and those reporting on it), US Senator John McCain has spoken out against President Trump’s recent travel ban. The measure, according to McCain, will prevent Iraqi F-16 pilots from training with Arizona Air National Guard’s 162nd Wing. McCain stated that he has expressed his concerns with director of the Central Intelligence Agency, David Petraeus, saying, “I talked with Gen. Petraeus last night, he is very concerned about the special visas for those interpreters whose lives are literally in danger as we speak.”

Europe

• The MiG-35 has been selected by the Russian military to act as their new light multi-purpose fighter. Flight tests on the 4++ generation jet commenced last Thursday and it is expected that serial production of the fighter will commence in 2019. Developed on the basis of the serial-produced MiG-29K/KUB and MiG-29M/M2 aircraft, the MiG-35 will have eight weapons bay points (up from six), and the potential for the integration of new weapon technologies such as lasers.

• Israel and the US government have granted Israeli manufacturer Rafael permission to discuss the David’s Sling air-defense system with Poland as part of a wider export push for co-developed interceptor systems. The announcement comes as the anti-ballistic system was recently cleared during a fifth round of trials. Tel Aviv has been developing multi-tiered missile defense system with US and local industry for some years now, with their Iron Dome, Arrow and David’s Sling systems all being offered to foreign customers.

Asia Pacific

• North Korea has expressed concern over “mad-cap drills” conducted by US and South Korean marines during recent military drills. Pictures of shirtless marines on the ski slopes of Pyeongchang, site of next year’s Winter Olympics, seemingly worried and/or confused Pyongyang, where up to over 300 marines from the USMC and RoKMC practiced hand-to-hand combat drills. The annual drills will run between Jan. 15 and Feb. 3.

• Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd (HAL) has completed their first swap out of foreign-made equipment on their Hawk MK132 advanced trainer aircraft. Designated as Hawk-i, the jet had imported mission computer and data transfer units upgraded with Indian-made components and includes additional capabilities such as digital map generation. Other additions include a secured voice communication and data link capability by integration of Softnet Radio.

Today’s Video

South Korea completes deployment of upgraded AH-64E helicopters:

David’s Victory
(click to view larger)

David didn’t need high technology to defeat Goliath, just some stones and a sling. But in the modern world, David is getting some high-tech help from the likes of Raytheon and Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, who are developing a missile defense system called David’s Sling Weapon System (DSWS).

The DSWS is a joint short-range ballistic missile defense program between the US Missile Defense Agency and the Israel Missile Defense Organization. The system is designed to defeat short-range ballistic missiles, large-caliber rockets and cruise missiles in their terminal phase of flight.

Raytheon received 2 contracts from Rafael worth more than $100 million to build DSWS components.

The 1st contract was awarded to codevelop the missile component of the DSWS called the Stunner Interceptor. Stunner is a hit-to-kill interceptor designed for use in the DSWS and allied integrated air and missile defense systems.

The 2nd contract was awarded for the development, production and integrated logistics support of the missile firing unit (MFU), the launcher component of the DSWS. The MFU will provide the DSWS with vertical interceptor launch capability for 360-degree extended air and missile defense.

Other joint US-Israel missile defense efforts include coproduction of the Arrow missile defense system interceptors and an initiative to provide Israel an upper-tier missile defense system. According to Defense Update, the United States and Israel have begun development of an upper-tier component to the Israeli Arrow 3 missile defense architecture. According to Arieh Herzog, director of Israel’s Missile Defense Program, the main element of this upper tier will be an exo-atmospheric interceptor, to be jointly developed by Israel Aerospace Industries and Boeing.

Updates

January 31/17: Israel and the US government have granted Israeli manufacturer Rafael permission to discuss the David’s Sling air-defense system with Poland as part of a wider export push for co-developed interceptor systems. The announcement comes as the anti-ballistic system was recently cleared during a fifth round of trials. Tel Aviv has been developing multi-tiered missile defense system with US and local industry for some years now, with their Iron Dome, Arrow and David’s Sling systems all being offered to foreign customers.

January 30/17: Israel and the US have completed a fifth series of tests on the David’s Sling missile defense system. The Israel Missile Defense Organization (IMDO) and US Missile Defense Agency (MDA) collaboration was tested at the Yanat Sea Range in Israel, with the system’s Stunner interceptors successfully engaging its targets. The David’s Sling project is for defense against large-caliber rockets and short-range ballistic missiles.

March 4/16: The Israeli Air Force (IAF) has begun to take possession of the David’s Sling Weapon System (DSWS). The first phase of the gradual delivery of components include multimission radar by Elta Systems; Stunner interceptors by Rafael and its US partner, Raytheon Missile Systems; and the Golden Almond Battle Management Center by Elbit Systems Elisra. Once these are in place, an integration testing of all system components will take place prior to a declaration of initial operational capability by the IAF. The DSWS has been developed to bridge the gap between the lower and upper tiers of Israel’s four-layer active defense network, deployed above Israel’s Iron Dome and below the upper-atmospheric Arrow-2 and exo-atmospheric Arrow-3.

Israeli X95 Carbine

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP