European Union

Three sisters have perished in a presumed arson attack on a Roma family in Rome. They lived together with their parents and eight other siblings in a caravan parked outside a shopping centre. Italy's press is shocked and calls for urgent action in view of the moral decay in the capital and the failed integration of minorities.

An adviser at the EU’s top court had the first go at trying to define Uber and came up with a simple answer to what is a complex question: in short, Uber should be treated as a transport company.

The reasoning is clear and thoughtful. The full opinion can be read here in French. The edited highlights, in English, are below.

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General : Migration has been an EU priority for years. Since 2015 the EU has taken several measures to manage the migration crisis as well as to improve the asylum system. According to the latest Eurobarometer poll, 73% of Europeans still want the EU to do more to manage the situation. However, 58% of respondents think the EU’s actions regarding migration are inadequate, eight percentage points less than last year. Read on to discover what measures the European Parliament is working on.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

General : Migration has been an EU priority for years. Since 2015 the EU has taken several measures to manage the migration crisis as well as to improve the asylum system. According to the latest Eurobarometer poll, 73% of Europeans still want the EU to do more to manage the situation. However, 58% of respondents think the EU’s actions regarding migration are inadequate, eight percentage points less than last year. Read on to discover what measures the European Parliament is working on.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Krijgsman
Transport
An air carrier which is unable to prove that a passenger was informed of the cancellation of his flight more than two weeks before the scheduled time of departure is required to pay compensation to that passenger

Krijgsman
Transport
An air carrier which is unable to prove that a passenger was informed of the cancellation of his flight more than two weeks before the scheduled time of departure is required to pay compensation to that passenger

Asociación Profesional Elite Taxi
Freedom of establishment
According to Advocate General Szpunar, the Uber electronic platform, whilst innovative, falls within the field of transport: Uber can thus be required to obtain the necessary licences and authorisations under national law

Asociación Profesional Elite Taxi
Freedom of establishment
According to Advocate General Szpunar, the Uber electronic platform, whilst innovative, falls within the field of transport: Uber can thus be required to obtain the necessary licences and authorisations under national law

As that wise old owl of eurosceptic theorising, Dr Richard North, once observed, there are no Brexit experts, for the simple that Brexit hasn’t happened. It’s good to be reminded of this from time to time, if only to reflect on the variety of opinion that’s out there.

The past weeks have served up two fine examples of this.

Firstly, the central claim of Theresa May that she needs a larger majority in the Commons to strengthen her mandate in Article 50 negotiations: despite this claim not standing up to any inspection, it remains at the heart of her campaigning in this snap election.

Secondly, Emmanuel Macron’s victory in the French presidential election on Sunday has prompted numerous pieces on the impact on Brexit: from none (here) to some negative (here) to some positive (here).

In this pile of comment, we can pick out a number of basic observations:

1. Macron’s agency is going to be much limited by how successful he is in the legislative elections next month: without a working majority, he will not be able to push through the domestic agenda on economic reform and social inclusion that forms the core of his political project. Even at this stage in proceedings it is impossible to see how this will play out, given the febrile nature of the centre-left and centre-right these days;
2. At the same time, the French presidency does have a domaine réservée in foreign policy, so he is not completely hamstrung. However, the EU has become increasingly intertwined with domestic policy, so it is hard to pursue much in the way of independent action;
3. Macron’s EU focus has been primarily on the future of the EU, rather than Brexit per se. He sees the Union as vehicle for pursuing and embedding domestic reform, with neo-Gaullist echoes in the buy European ideas. In this, he stands very clearly in the same line as all his Fifth Republic predecessors: “Faire l’Europe sans défaire la France.” For many across the Union, the return of a more active France will be welcome, but at the price of getting a more active France [sic].

Thus, Macron will be limited in both his desire and his ability to focus on Brexit: for him, the key priorities are reinvigorating the French/Eurozone economy and putting the Eurozone crisis to bed. The UK’s departure is thus tangential, rather than central.

The only caveat to this comes with the specific opportunities that Brexit offers France. The most obvious part of this the status of the Le Touquet treaty, on location of border controls. Both Macron and Le Pen had said they would revisit the treaty, and Macron might see this as a way to demonstrate that he understands the concerns of those around Calais, and that he stands solidly with the EU, plus it’s a bilateral commitment so he’s not got to get caught up in the broader Article 50 process. Of course, there are any number of problems linked with doing this, but for a President looking to make a quick mark, it’s not the worst option on the table.

But there’s another side to all this, namely the EU.

Recall that May’s majority is not a determining factor in the negotiations, for the simple fact that Article 50 is driven by the EU, not the departing member state. So too, the process is the result of a bargained position between the EU27: one of the most striking aspects of the process to date has been the consistency of that position and the complete lack of defection by any member state (read this excellent series of posts by David Allen Green).

In short, France is important, but it is not determinant in Article 50. Indeed, there is nothing in the European Council mandate that obviously causes problems for Macron, so the working assumption has to be that France will not push for changes to that mandate. Thus all the articles about Macron being ‘tough’ on Brexit tend to neglect that France was always going to be tough, and in a pretty consistent way.

If you like, Brexit is a process that is in no one body’s control. It has an emergent quality that comes from the interaction of numerous actors. This gives it some stability, but also highlights the limits of agency available to any one involved. The only real question at this stage is how happy is everyone to go with the flow.

The post Brexit à la française appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

For the European Union, the value of promoting democracy and stability abroad has been proven without doubt. From Greece, Spain and Portugal to the first democratic openings in Eastern Europe the EU has an impressive track record of engaging with young democracies, strengthening their civil societies and bringing them more fully into the liberal international community.

Lately this focus has broadened to Europe’s southern neighbourhood, and the promotion of democracy has been embraced as part-value, part-interest by a more outward-looking Union. In the Middle East and North Africa the EU will need to forge partnerships with local democratic actors and learn the stories, traditions and idiosyncrasies of people of different cultures and beliefs who nevertheless desire freedom, inclusion and peaceful prosperity.

Establishing this dialogue is critical. In Arab societies around the Mediterranean and beyond the ideal partners are political parties that stand for democratic governance and give a voice to local people. But this dialogue has been impaired by a widespread misconception of an inherent incompatibility between Islam and democracy. Such an assertion is categorically incorrect and the product of stereotypes, divisive propaganda and the condemnable actions of the small and violent minority that preaches a perversion and perpetrates terrorism.

The best way to understand the compatible nature of Islam and democracy in the modern era is to examine where the two have already come together. One of the most notable success stories is that of Tunisia, a country that, as the birthplace of the Arab Spring, remains the best hope for democracy in a fragile region. Tunisia could successfully navigate the transition to an open and democratic society largely thanks to Muslim democrats, in the form of the Ennahdha Party.

“Muslim democracy has an important role to play in providing stability and fighting extremism”

Ennahdha was founded in the 1980s on the principles of guaranteed individual freedoms, liberal rule and an Arab Muslim identity, in direct opposition to a repressive regime. A decades-long track record of activism at home and in exile, in favour of individual freedoms and against dictatorship, propelled Ennahdha to first place in the first Tunisian democratic elections in generations in 2011. As such, the party was instrumental in embedding freedoms of religion and expression in the new constitution.

Under the new constitution Tunisians enjoy full freedom of worship and the right to express their convictions and beliefs without fear. With these rights guaranteed, Ennahdha no longer needs nor accepts the label of ‘Islamism’ – a concept disfigured in recent years by radical extremists for their own purposes. The new compromise enshrined in the Tunisian constitution requires religion to be free from the control of the state, but equally for politics to be free of control by religion.

Religion still has a role to play in public and political life, but at the level of values. Key to this – and to understanding Muslim democrats – is the recognition that Ennahdha does not call for a separation between religion and politics but between the religious and political fields. This subtle difference indicates that the separation is not a cognitive but a functional one; – the political field is autonomous from religion, but can be influenced by its principles. This is an approach that was ratified overwhelmingly by Ennahdha’s members in summer 2016. Ennahdha’s evolution should serve as an example to the region: Islam and democracy are indeed compatible, and Islamic movements can play a central and constructive role in successful democratic transitions.

As well as a focus on social justice, economic well-being and national development – key principles for Ennahdha – Muslim democracy has an important role to play in providing stability and fighting extremism, which promotes violence against all moderate faiths and against democratic societies. The only way to truly defeat extremism is to offer a hopeful alternative to millions of young Muslims around the world. Their frustration with social, political or economic exclusion has been exploited by extremist groups that have sought to tap into and deepen anger and resentment; tactics repeated by political demagogues and religious radicals from all backgrounds.

“There is enormous potential if partners in the Arab world, in Europe and around the world engaged in an open and honest discussion”

The EU has been in the vanguard of countering extremism through economic development and by strengthening democracy in cooperation with partners in the neighbourhood. It has correctly concluded that local democratic governments provide the best institutions to represent and respect the disenfranchised and marginalised in society. Muslim democratic parties, which hold both democratic governance and respect for local identities as core values, are natural partners and critical in ensuring long-term peace.

Ennahdha has set a strong example, not only in the domestic political landscape but in other Arab and Muslim countries. It is a party of consensus, referring to Islam and respecting Muslim heritage while championing freedom and refusing to implement sharia law. Despite having been excluded from political life for decades and vilified by the oppressive regime of Tunisia’s autocratic former president, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, it has endeavoured to build an inclusive democracy, becoming a constructive and instrumental partner on the democratic stage since the revolution. Understanding Ennahdha’s ability to bridge the gaps between Islam, democracy, tradition and modernity is essential in understanding democratic Islam. It also suggests the enormous potential if partners in the Arab world, in Europe and around the world engaged in an open and honest discussion about Muslim democracy.

Tunisia’s transition has been exceptional, but its success does not have to be an exception. The values, commitments and compromises that have allowed democracy to take root and flourish can be taken and adapted to other countries in the region to help bring democracy, peace and stability to millions. Ennahdha’s values and work as Muslim democrats have helped Tunisia to become open, stable and free. When you begin with openness and understanding, you open the door to more peaceful and more prosperous world.

IMAGE CREDIT: CC/Flickr – European Parliament

The post Tunisia’s Muslim democracy is exceptional – but doesn’t have to be an exception appeared first on Europe’s World.

New rules to make more books available in formats designed for blind and visually impaired people were informally agreed by Parliament and Council negotiators on Wednesday.
Committee on Legal Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

New rules to make more books available in formats designed for blind and visually impaired people were informally agreed by Parliament and Council negotiators on Wednesday.
Committee on Legal Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Earlier this year, leaders from the European Union (EU) gathered to mark the 60th anniversary of the 1957 Treaty of Rome, a treaty which first laid the foundations for an ever closer union – shaping the future of the EU in the process.

In principal, the idea of ever closer union has never offered the EU any particular competencies, nor a legal basis to forge closer political ties amongst its member states. However, the case has been different in practice. In reality, the European integration project has always been centred on deepening political and economic ties, driven from the top. Take, for example, research of EU lawyer and legal theorist Gunnar Beck, who found the European Court of Justice (ECJ) regularly referred to adhering to the ‘spirit’ of EU treaties in its court cases i.e. achieving an ever closer union – an objective “regarded as the master value of the EU legal order”.

This underlying objective, which has driven EU behaviour, has been viewed by certain member states as the EU unjustifiably imposing itself. This desire – seen in the UK as overreaching and overbearing technocratic influence – was one of the drivers of Euroscepticism, wide scale disapproval of the EU institutions, and in turn Brexit too.

What is clear is that although the EU has made momentous progress towards deeper economic and political integration over the past 60 years – whether that be through the introduction of the euro, the creation of the European Single Market, and/or ensuring the freedom of movement, for example – hurdles have continuously prevented the EU from making further strides towards an ever closer union.

For example, there is irony in that one of the EU’s greatest achievements, the euro, has in the past decade caused turbulence and deep divisions within the union. The global financial crisis (2008), shortly followed by the European debt crisis of (2009 – present) began to fray the ties binding the EU member states. Now, to this day, some of the Northern member states still hold hostility towards the South, for their alleged lack of commitment and discipline to maintain budgetary stability.

Elsewhere, a lack of compassion and cooperation in dealing with the migrant crisis has heightened tensions between member states, too. Although funding has been arranged to support settling refugees from the Middle East and Africa, member states have looked to each other to take the lead in hosting refugees on their own soil – something possibly only a handful of European countries can claim to have done willingly. Instead, member states have sparked a war of words over who, and how many refugees each state should support – raising doubt over free travel across the Schengen area. Look no further than elected French president Emmanuel Macron’s recent remarks towards Poland – insisting that the Eastern partner should face sanctions for refusing to host refugees.

More recently, as the French Presidential election and British referendum have shown, the European integration project may well continue to be constrained by strong right-wing populist and nationalistic pressures. For example, despite Macron having gained over 65% of the electorate vote, right-wing extremist Marine La Pen’s campaign illuminated the deep divisions within the country on key topics such as immigration, security and EU membership itself. These are not ideologies and viewpoints that will disappear overnight, that’s for sure.

Add to this, a flagging Italian economy, with a growing Eurosceptic political party in the Five Star Movement – one which is likely to cause serious threat to Italy’s EU membership, should they govern the country after the next national election – and then Poland and Hungary – both shifting in an entirely different direction to their western counterparts, veering towards an anti-democratic, illiberal model. It is this ideological divergence, and flailing display of European solidarity, which threatens the entire European integration project.

The European integration project outlined its goal of ever closer union in the Treaty of Rome, but with rising internal tensions and growing nationalist agendas, it seems as if the Lisbon Treaty signed 50 years later in 2007 may be the last attempt – in the foreseeable future at least – to pursue deeper integration. This may give impetus to the two tier integration model, or may be an indication that a new approach is needed all round, if the EU is to dampen the voice of its opponents.

The post The troubled road to ever closer union appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

Efler and Others v Commission
Law governing the institutions
The General Court annuls the Commission decision refusing the registration of the proposed European citizens’ initiative ‘Stop TTIP’

Efler and Others v Commission
Law governing the institutions
The General Court annuls the Commission decision refusing the registration of the proposed European citizens’ initiative ‘Stop TTIP’

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Turkey is a candidate country for EU membership following the Helsinki European Council of December 1999. Accession negotiations started in October 2005. Turkey’s accession process is set to move forward with the opening of a new chapter on financial and budgetary provisions on 30 June 2016. 

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EU Ministers for Foreign Affairs and Trade meet in Brussels on 11 May 2017 to discuss the new anti-dumping methodology. Ministers are also holding a debate on implementation of free trade agreements and discussing the WTO and the post-Nairobi process.

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