European Union

Greece's hulking finance ministry, overlooking Athens' central Syntagma Square

With Greece’s government coffers dwindling by the day, nervous creditors have been watching each and every debt repayment and monthly wage bill closely for signs Athens has finally run out of cash.

But despite many predictions the country should have gone bust by now, the Syriza-led government has managed to scrape together enough funds to pay its creditors – including a €200m payment to the International Monetary Fund that was due today – and, despite some hiccups, the pensions and salaries owed government workers as well.

Some of that cash has been found in the bank accounts of independent government agencies, and more recently the government has been trying to raise additional funds by pooling unused reserves from local municipalities – a move that has generated considerable backlash.

But under the radar, the Greek government appears to have found a different, more traditional way to raise extra money: it’s collecting more taxes and spending less money.

According to data released just over a week ago – which was widely overlooked, since it was published the same day as a highly-contentious meeting of eurozone finance ministers in Riga – the Greek government is actually doing even better than it was a year ago in tax revenues, spending reductions, and primary surpluses.

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Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

The proposed Digital Single Market strategy is needed to build trust in the online world, boost growth and protect the rights of citizens, creators and companies. These were among the first reactions from the chairs of the three committees that will work intensively on today's Commission proposal. This afternoon and tomorrow morning, the Commissioners responsible will visit Parliament to discuss the proposal with MEPs.
Committee on Legal Affairs
Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

The proposed Digital Single Market strategy is needed to build trust in the online world, boost growth and protect the rights of citizens, creators and companies. These were among the first reactions from the chairs of the three committees that will work intensively on today's Commission proposal. This afternoon and tomorrow morning, the Commissioners responsible will visit Parliament to discuss the proposal with MEPs.
Committee on Legal Affairs
Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

Britain appears to have finally decided to become European. Not that it is falling deeper in love with the European Union’s project of ever-closer union; quite the contrary. Perhaps the most curious aspect of this election is how small a role Europe has played throughout the campaign despite the emergence of UKIP as a major force.

The Conservatives have, after all, promised an in-or-out referendum on a “reformed” EU to please their euro-sceptic faction and ease pressure from the staunchly anti-Europe UKIP. However, the campaign has focused more on immigration, which all parties say they want to control more tightly, despite the obvious economic benefits migrant workers bring. Remarkably, it was only in the last days of campaigning that the issue of the UK’s continued EU membership surfaced as a substantial point of contention. The possibility and implications of a Brexit featured strongly in the leaders’ televised “question time” event. Latest opinion polls suggest a shift away from satisfaction with Europe, with only 36% of the population seemingly keen to stay in the EU.

It appears Britain’s love/hate relationship with Europe will rumble on, whatever the outcome of the election. British politics, however, has become, by any conventional metric, more European than ever. The running of the country is now dependent on coalitions, minority governments, arrangements cooked up behind closed doors, and deals on government programmes cobbled together by parties after the election and therefore not subject to voter approval. Of course one person has to be prime minister, even without an absolute majority. David Cameron was forced to form a coalition with the Liberal Democrats in 2010 rather than govern with only Tory ministers, and had to dilute some – though not all – of his manifesto pledges. The parties are announcing red lines, beyond which all insist they won’t budge during coalition talks. Yet everyone knows a compromise will have to be reached, as it was when the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats got together to form the current government in 2010.

“It appears Britain’s love/hate relationship with Europe will rumble on, whatever the outcome of the election”

So after a century of red or blue majority governments headed by either the Conservatives or Labour, Britain is becoming more continental. In Denmark, no single party has won an overall majority since 1909.  The Federal Republic of Germany has always been governed by coalitions, including, of course, the current Grand Coalition between the centre-right Christian Democrats and centre-left Social Democrats. British electors no longer seem to trust any single party to govern well or fairly. The financial crisis and its aftermath have had a role to play here, calling into question the economic competence of all parties.

That readiness of electorates to punish parties that under-perform is something else the British now share with other Europeans. In Greece, for example, the parties which formed a grand coalition in 2012 have all lost huge support. The decades-long dominance of Greece’s two main centre-left and centre-right parties came to a crashing end as voters punished both in January this year for the austerity measures and economic mismanagement which left the country with massive unemployment and a 25% fall in GDP.

The era of absolute Conservative or Labour majorities in Britain is relatively recent. The 19th and early 20th centuries saw frequent minority governments. In January 1910, for example, 274 Liberal MPs were elected along with 272 Conservatives and 71 Irish MPs who fought on a platform of independence for Ireland. In December 1910, another election was held, but it too produced an inconclusive result – 272 Liberal MPs, 271 Conservatives and 74 Irish nationalists. Yet the minority Liberal government that was formed produced some of the most radical reforms in British history – notably the introduction of state pensions. Irish MPs kept the government in power by refusing to support the Conservatives in any vote that threatened the Liberal administration, which was seen as more favourable to Irish independence than the Tories. These days, it is the Scottish National Party that may well tilt the balance of power in the House of Commons. Though it was unable to win the September 2014 independence referendum, the SNP has since gained support for its separatist and anti-austerity policies.

“That readiness of electorates to punish parties that under-perform is something else the British now share with other Europeans”

Where does Britain go from here? So far, the political establishment has not really adapted to the new electoral realities. Membership of the main parties has been reduced considerably. Single, or narrow, issue parties such as the Greens, the SNP or UKIP have grown in importance. The printed media no longer has the same influence to shape opinion. It was long assumed that Britain’s first-past-the-post electoral system delivered stable, solid majority governments able to take tough decisions – until they ran out of steam and were replaced by the other big party. Although the electorate appears to be content that this no longer holds true, the reaction of the markets to the prospect of a hung parliament points to a period of economic uncertainty which may not have been factored into voters’ calculations.

 

IMAGE CREDITS: CC / FLICKR – secretlondon123

The post For UK governments, hung parliaments may be the new normal appeared first on Europe’s World.

EU asylum applications for unaccompanied minors should be processed in the EU country where the child is present, even if this is not where the child first applied, said Civil Liberties Committee MEPs on Wednesday. Processing where children are present is usually in their best interests, and avoids moving them unnecessarily between member states, say the committee’s amendments to the Dublin Regulation, which determines which member state should examine asylum applications.
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

EU asylum applications for unaccompanied minors should be processed in the EU country where the child is present, even if this is not where the child first applied, said Civil Liberties Committee MEPs on Wednesday. Processing where children are present is usually in their best interests, and avoids moving them unnecessarily between member states, say the committee’s amendments to the Dublin Regulation, which determines which member state should examine asylum applications.
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

People who are suspected or accused of a crime, or are named in a European Arrest Warrant, but cannot afford a lawyer or court proceedings, should have access to EU member state funding and assistance for both “provisional” and "ordinary” legal aid, say Civil Liberties MEPs in amendments, voted on Wednesday, to a proposed EU directive on fair trial rights.
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

People who are suspected or accused of a crime, or are named in a European Arrest Warrant, but cannot afford a lawyer or court proceedings, should have access to EU member state funding and assistance for both “provisional” and "ordinary” legal aid, say Civil Liberties MEPs in amendments, voted on Wednesday, to a proposed EU directive on fair trial rights.
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

General : Take part in our new guest photographer contest, inspired by 2015 being the European Year for Development. Every month until September we will be announcing a different topic linked to development. Send us your photo inspired by the theme of that month, along with the submission form and you could be invited to Strasbourg to make a photo reportage.

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

General : Take part in our new guest photographer contest, inspired by 2015 being the European Year for Development. Every month until September we will be announcing a different topic linked to development. Send us your photo inspired by the theme of that month, along with the submission form and you could be invited to Strasbourg to make a photo reportage.

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

A draft law to reform the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS), by reducing the surplus of carbon credits available for trading into order to support the price, was informally agreed upon by MEPs and the Latvian Presidency of the EU Council of Ministers on Tuesday. The surplus reserve would start operating in 2019.
Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

A draft law to reform the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS), by reducing the surplus of carbon credits available for trading into order to support the price, was informally agreed upon by MEPs and the Latvian Presidency of the EU Council of Ministers on Tuesday. The surplus reserve would start operating in 2019.
Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

Length of video : 201'
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Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

As ‘the world’s most successful case of multilateralism the European Union (‘EU’ or ‘Union’) demonstrated since its early beginnings a commitment to multilateralism as the preferred form of global governance.

 Yet, it was only with the European Security Strategy (‘ESS’), adopted by the European Council in December 2003, that the EU endorsed its idiosyncratic concept of ‘effective multilateralism’ as the central guiding principle of its external action.

Recognizing that global problems require global solutions, the ESS states that European ‘security and prosperity increasingly depend on an effective multilateral system’ and proclaims the ‘development of a stronger international society, well-functioning international institutions and a rule-based international order as a European objective. Importantly, the ESS highlights the pivotal role of the United Nations (‘UN’) in the global multilateral order. Recognizing the UN Security Council’s (‘UNSC’) ‘primary responsibility’ in the area of international peace and security and the status of the UN Charter as the ‘fundamental framework for international relations’, the ESS states that ‘strengthening the United Nations, equipping it to fulfil its responsibilities and to act effectively, is a European priority’. 2003 also saw the publication of a Commission Communication on ‘The European Union and the United Nations: The choice of multilateralism’ which set out a general strategy for EU-UN cooperation. Again, the Union’s commitment to multilateralism as a ‘defining principle’ of its external action was reiterated, as was the importance of the UN as the ‘pivot of the multilateral system’.

EU commitment to multilateralism in general and to the UN as its principal forum was taken a step further in the 2008 Report on the implementation of the ESS. By declaring that ‘Europe must lead a renewal of the multilateral order’, the Union set itself apart from other actors in the multilateral system and took on additional responsibilities, committing itself to the aspiration of assuming a leadership role. While EU official statements and policy documents have since then contained an abundance of references to the concept of ‘effective multilateralism’,10 it was with the entry into force of the Katie Verlin Laatikainen and Karen E Smith (eds), The European Union at the United Nations: Intersecting Multilateralisms (Palgrave Macmillan 2006) Jan Wouters, Sijbren de Jong and Philip De Man, ‘The EU’s Commitment to Effective Multilateralism in the Field of Security: Theory and Practice’ (2010) 29 Yearbook of European Law 164, 170. 3 European Council, ‘European Security Strategy: A Secure Europe in a Better World’, Brussels, 12 December 2003. 4 Ibid 9. 5 Ibid. 6 Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament, ‘The European Union and the United Nations: The choice of multilateralism’, COM(2003) 526 final, 10 September 2003.  European Council, ‘Report on the Implementation of the European Security Strategy – Providing Security in a Changing World’, Brussels, 11 December 2008, S407/08. See for an analysis of the ‘effectiveness’ component of the concept Wouters, de Jong and De Man.

Lisbon Treaty that the Union’s commitment to multilateralism was considerably strengthened. Through a total of 15 references to the UN and the UN Charter,11 the Treaty on European Union (‘TEU’), the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (‘TFEU’) and the accompanying Protocols and Declarations elevated the principle of multilateralism to the rank of primary law and enshrined the UN framework as the guide and benchmark of EU external action. Of particular relevance is Article 3(5) TEU which defines the ‘respect for the principles of the United Nations Charter’ as one of the foreign policy goals of the EU. Article 21 TEU provides additional detail, stating that the Union ‘shall promote multilateral solutions to common problems, in particular in the framework of the United Nations’ and affirming the promotion of an ‘international system based on stronger multilateral cooperation and good global governance’ as an objective of the Union’s foreign policy. Other TEU and TFEU provisions oblige the EU institutions to comply with the commitments taken on in the UN system when implementing EU policies, and to cooperate with relevant UN bodies.

Although the UN, as the paramount institution of multilateral global governance, has been recognized as an organization which the EU seeks to support, with which it aspires to cooperate and through which it intends to pursue its policy objectives,13 the Union’s engagement with the UN has in practice been fraught with difficulties.

The EU, as a regional international organization with strong supranational features, has been faced with the challenges of multilateral diplomacy in a predominantly state-centric global institution. The acquisition of participatory rights in various UN bodies required an investment of considerable diplomatic and political capital, and the implementation of the obtained rights frequently led to additional controversies.

Despite its considerable economic and political clout, the EU has not – yet – been able to assume a leadership role in the UN framework. It frequently finds itself in a minority position, failing not only to build cross-regional coalitions but also to garner support among its close allies for its positions and initiatives. Among the culprits identified in recent scholarship are a lack of cohesion, the unclear division of external competences, as well as the time-consuming and inflexible internal coordination process.

The Lisbon Treaty attempted to remedy some of these shortcomings through extensive institutional reforms, including in particular the creation of the office of the multi-hatted High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission (‘HR/VP’) and the establishment of the European External Action Service (‘EEAS’), but also by creating the office of a permanent President of the European Council and by limiting the role of the rotating Council Presidency. While the new external relations architecture of the EU has led to noticeable improvements in terms of continuity and effectiveness of the Union’s engagement with the UN, considerable challenges still remain. 11 Art. 3(5), Art. 21(1) TEU, Art. 21(2)(c), Art. 34(2), Art. 42(1) and (7) TEU, 7th recital of the preamble of the TFEU, Art. 208(2), Art. 214(7), Art. 220(1) TFEU, 3rd and 8th recital preamble, as well as Art. 1(b) Protocol No 10 on permanent structured cooperation, Declaration No 13 concerning CFSP, Declaration No 14 concerning CFSP; cf. Jan Wouters, Anna-Luise Chané, Jed Odermatt and Thomas Ramopoulos, ‘Improving the EU’s Status in the UN and the UN System: An Objective Without a Strategy?’ in Christine Kaddous. The European Union in International Organisations and Global Goverment. See e.g. TFEU arts 208(2), 214(7), 220(1). 13 Cf the three chapters of the Commission Communication ‘The European Union and the United Nations: The choice of multilateralism.

The post The EU and the UN (I) appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

EU rules on payment services would be updated to improve security, widen consumer choice and keep pace with innovation under an informal deal struck by Economic and Monetary Affairs Committee MEPs and the Latvian Presidency of the Council on Tuesday. The updated rules aim to stimulate competition to provide payment services and foster innovative payment methods, especially for online payment services. They still need to be endorsed by Parliament as a whole and the Council.
Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

EU rules on payment services would be updated to improve security, widen consumer choice and keep pace with innovation under an informal deal struck by Economic and Monetary Affairs Committee MEPs and the Latvian Presidency of the Council on Tuesday. The updated rules aim to stimulate competition to provide payment services and foster innovative payment methods, especially for online payment services. They still need to be endorsed by Parliament as a whole and the Council.
Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP