Last year, India held it’s general elections and as usual there was a smattering of political parties, all with something different to offer approximately 700mn adults registered or eligible to vote at least. The newly chosen (by public) members of the national parliament have had some time to spend on the budgets and they should feel proud of having been elected by a bigger democracy than most in the West. Elections in the country are a regular thing, despite insurgencies in Kashmir, and numerous piecemeal episodes of border struggles. India is a gigantic country in South Asia – both demographically and politically, and the picture of rule here is one of reasonable stability because unlike in neighbouring Bangladesh, there has been no issues of autocratic rule, and a break with civilian government. Regionally, this is not an unnatural occurence: in Nepal, autocratic rule with a constitutional monarch was supposed to be the order of the day, as it has been since 1990. In 2008, however, Nepal became a republic, as a party convinced of ways of the armed revolution based on the Maoist model became the single-most dominant force in parliament. In retrospect, India did plenty of things with its newfound freedom from the British Empire, such as introduce the rights to vote for both men and women, all together. Democracy is an experiment sometimes in this region, even though the thought process is aligned with the creation of effective democratic governance. Right after independence, democracy was tried to be made into a popular political choice for a nation of mostly illiterates and poverty-stricken people. It has been tough to forge national unity in a land divided by language and religion, which is why even though a population diaspora might dictate the dominating language of the land, it cannot ascertain the sense of belonging that one single language is supposed to give one land. Democracy exists to provide citizens with the right to choose and replace their leaders, the right to speak up against misgovernance or be openly supportive about government decisions. In order for a government to function democratically there needs to be multiple political parties, and a constant presence of free, fair elections, the press needs to have freedom to conduct matters nationally. Democracy in India has often been viewed with sceptism, particularly where Kashmir is concerned. The people of Kashmir have often voiced their anger at the constant injustices they have had to face because of repeated accounts of corruption in a localised rule. Violence sometimes escalated and because of these numerous political disagreements the region has constantly been subjected to conflict. Although, from time to time Kashmiris have toyed with the idea of abiding by the local government’s customs and traditions, the response to the whole situation hasn’t always been positive. Regional development has almost always been forsaken but what has been astonishing to learn off is how the violence has often forced people to resort to military struggle. The scenario has been present both in Kashmir and in those Nepal locales where armed guerrillas are also equipping themselves with a greater awareness and learning about Maoist traditions and battling to remove the sophisticated manner of doing things. They want to do this by spreading the seeds of revolution and striving for independence from Nepal. It is difficult to imagine that Kashmiris should arm themselves to demand basic necessetities. But on certain days, that is the tallest order of the day because the region cannot afford to live relatively peacefully, when you compare it to it’s neighbouring Bhutan. In Bhutan, the most politically eventful episode to have occured in recent times was the dethroning of a king by choice in favour of his son ruling. In Kashmir, citizens must arm themselves to protect and to practice the kind of politics they would like to see in government, because the state is being far too harsh on them. When you step out of Kashmir, and into the rest of India, the picture of democracy is fully intact and functional because the national assemblies, the state assemblies all conduct themselves with freedom and fairness. Capital, labour, and goods can move about the country unperturbed, but there is no denying that the nation is still a weak democracy. There are illiberal idealogies spreading through political corridors, and there is also a lack of thoroughness in governance. A peaceful solution to Kashmir is possible, which would contribute to a better notion of democracy in India than the one present. Both the state and it’s citizens with demands need to co-operate on democratic matters, conduct more open dialogue about regional security, have more regular and fair elections, nurture the language and culture of minority groups and there needs to be a greater understanding of how more more power needs to be given to the people of Kashmir to shape their politics.
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September 2015: Border controls between Germany and France.
It is difficult not to be impressed by the remarkable breadth and multidisciplinary outreach of contemporary European Studies that was exposed at the UACES conference in Bilbao. Paper and panels were fed and underpinned by the political sciences, but also by economics, law, sociology and anthropology.
Yet the newspapers read during the return flight from Bilbao were a good reminder that in twenty years’ time (or less) European Studies might have become a preserve of historians. The latter will then analyse the reasons for the collapse of what will have been, all in all, a rather short parenthesis in our continent’s long history. Perhaps they will identify the summer of 2015 as the tipping point, from which on everything went surprisingly quickly.
Those who find this overly pessimistic should remind themselves that as late as spring 1989 not a single voice believed the Berlin Wall would come down any time soon. Let alone the reunification of Germany would occur. Let alone the collapse of the Soviet Empire.
I cannot remember any moment in my life as European citizen where the EEC, then EC, then the EU (not to mention the Eurozone) were not reported to be in a serious crisis. I have even repeatedly amused audiences with a very nostalgic and pessimistic quote from Le Monde about how European integration had completely lost its appeal, which actually did not refer to the present situation, but was written in 1958!
But I cannot remember either any moment over the last decades where as many indicators for a possible disintegration of the European community were converging like they seem to be doing in the second half of 2015. The concomitance of the Greek drama, the Ukrainian tragedy, the refugee crisis and the ongoing noise about a looming Brexit may well be too much for to handle for both our political leaders and their voters.
Especially the refugee question acts like a litmus test for the oft-invoked community of values. A test that is likely to reveal, in a rather painful manner, the absence of such a community. And from this observation it is only a small step to put into question the basic assumption of solidarity within what Churchill called ‘the European family’ in his famous speech of 1946.
It is no longer far-fetched to speculate on the funeral of the Schengen Agreement. Today I heard about the reintroduction of border controls between Germany and France, which I was (half) joking about only a few weeks earlier. I take the (small) risk of predicting that full sovereignty over the state’s border will be a major, hysterically discussed, issue in each national election campaign of the two years to come, including France and Germany.
It is no longer taboo to openly threaten others with financial consequences for their lack of solidarity. In other words, to play around with the idea of putting an end to redistributive policies. ‘Who needs structural funds?’ might become a recurrent question. ‘Just look at how they were used in Greece over decades!’, a convenient answer. And who needs a Common Agricultural Policy that even French farmers hate?
It is no longer implausible to see in David Cameron a sorcerer’s apprentice that will be completely overpowered by a wave of Europhobic discontent which he unleashed without need in the first place. And who can exclude today that a Brexit, however messy and unsatisfactory, would produce a domino effect? Not only in traditionally Eurosceptic places. Let’s face it: is it so absurd to anticipate that even German public opinion may turn massively Euro-sour, forcing whatever government it will elect in 2017 to commit to the repatriation of a maximum of competences (and money)?
Maybe still add a question mark?
As they say in France: history does not pass around the dishes twice. It is perfectly possible that the EU historians of 2040 will have warm words for their object of study: ‘Was absolutely worth a try’, they might tell us, ‘it’s just that the times were not ripe yet for a supranational community of interests, let alone values’.
Albrecht Sonntag, EU-Asia Institute, ESSCA School of Management.
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On 16 September 2015, the Council's Permanent Representatives Committee backed a Commission proposal to help Greece maximise its use of EU funds and improve liquidity for boosting growth and creating jobs. The proposal's main objective is to address the lack of public funds available for much needed investments in Greece, and to ensure that the concerned European structural and investment funds deliver their benefits as rapidly as possible on the ground. The approved measures are exceptional and designed to respond to the unique situation created by the financial crisis in Greece.
The draft regulation would improve the liquidity of Greece by around €2.0 billion. This would be achieved in the following ways:
The total €2 billion would be frontloaded within the 2014-2020 period and be budgetary neutral over the same period.
Next stepsThe position agreed by the Council serves as a mandate for the Luxembourg presidency to hold discussions with representatives of the European Parliament. Once an agreement between the Council and the Parliament is reached both institutions have to formally approve the outcome.
BackgroundThe purpose of cohesion policy is to reduce disparities between the levels of development of the EU's various regions by promoting economic growth, job creation and competitiveness.
The EU funds are the biggest source of foreign direct investment in Greece. Under the 2007-2013 programming period almost €42 billion are allocated to Greece. They consist of around €24 billion from EU structural and cohesion funds, the fisheries and rural development funds, and around €17 billion for direct payments to farmers and support measures for agricultural markets. Until now, Greece has received €38.4 billion, corresponding to 17.5% of average annual Greek GDP over that period. An amount of nearly €2 billion for cohesion policy is still available; if it is not used by the end of 2015 it would be lost.
For the 2014-2020 period, more than €35 billion have been earmarked for Greece. They consist of € 20 billion European structural and investment funds and over €15 billion for direct payments to farmers and support measures for agricultural markets. Out of this foreseen allocation, €4.5 billion have already been paid between 2014 and July 2015.