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A Fekete-tengeri Védelmi és Repülőgépipari kiállítás (BSDA) idei kiadása kitűnő lehetőséget kínált a román haderőfejlesztési és védelmi ipari megközelítés vizsgálatára.

Román katasztrófavédelmi (különleges műveleti) PZL Mielec S-70M Black Hawk, melyből összesen 12 darabot várnak.

Nagy távolságú csapásmérés: a 8. Harcászati-hadműveleti Rakétadandár HIMARS indítója.

Jelentős eredmények és ambíciók a hazai drónfejlesztés- és gyártás terén: sok egyéb mellett háttérben az AFT-Technopro-AVI Aircraft gyüttműködés Signus 1000 MALE koncepciójának mokápja látható. Ami viszont eddig biztos a nagyobb teljesítményű eszközök tekintetében az a Thales-Elbit (U-TacS) Watchkeeper X (Hermes 450) high-end harcászati UAS-ok beszerzése, melyeket jelentős részben a bákói Aerostarnál állítanak elő. Összesen 7 ilyen rendszer, összesen 21 drónnal kerül a román haderőhöz 410M USD értékben.

Nagy hatótávolságú lég- és rakétavédelem. Az 1. Légvédelmi Rakétadandár Patriot indítója és annak Oskosh vontatója. Háttérben egy TPS-79 réskitöltő lokátor.

Harci repülőgép jelen. Az első hullámban portugál és amerikai forrásból beszerzett 17 használt F-16 MLU egyike a LanceR-C-ket idéző háromszín kamuflázzsal.

Két további gép ebből a csokorból, plusz két ex-holland F-16B a Romániában is zajló ukrán kiképzési programból, melyek egyúttal - a fejlemények függvényében - jelöltjei is lehetnek a küszöbön álló transzfereknek.

 Ezek már a 2. román F-16 csokor (32 db) képviselői, három ex-norvég gép.

A mindig rendkívül jó állapotú norvég gépek korábbi felségjeleinek helye jól kivehető. Egyelőre fölöslegesnek is érezték az új tulajok, hogy hozzányúljanak az eredeti festéshez.

A jövő: F-35. Noroc!

Újabb korszerűsítésen esnek át az IAR-99-esek, ezzel további 10-15 év szolgálatot kaptak.

A tripodos "MANPADS" Chiron beszerzését tavaly jelentette be Románia.

AZ Igla gyökerek le sem tagadhatóak.

GDELS Piranha III és V egymás mellett. Úszik, nem úszik.

A Piranha V CBRN változata, a jármű tetején drónindító konténerrel.

A Piranha hídvető változata

VAMTAC 53-asra telepített Beagle radar.

Zord

The BBC's Anne Soy questions the former leader about corruption allegations that have dogged his career.

Csütörtök délután az Európai Parlamentben rendezték meg az Európai Bizottság elnöki tisztségére pályázó csúcsjelöltek Eurovíziós vitáját.

Forrás : © Európai Unió, 2024 - EP

On Thursday afternoon, the Eurovision debate between the lead candidates for the presidency of the European Commission took place in the European Parliament.

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

On Thursday afternoon, the Eurovision debate between the lead candidates for the presidency of the European Commission took place in the European Parliament.

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

I am thrilled to have been awarded the UACES scholarship to support my research trip to Slovenia. As a PhD candidate in war studies, I focus on reconciliation in Slovenia following post-Second World War mass killings. Reconciliation remains a contentious, disputed and polarised topic, experiencing revisionism, contestation and political manipulation. My research aims at developing an understanding of this historical case that still continues to impact the country and its politics today. It was a great privilege to conduct my research trip with the support of the UACES scholarship.

 

The UACES scholarship supported five weeks of fieldwork in Slovenia by contributing to my expenses for the trip, including travel, accommodation, and food expenses. I was in Ljubljana between 14 April and 17 May. The trip has provided me with the opportunity to spend time in Ljubljana to conduct interviews, which are an integral part of my research, as well as archives and the National and University Library of Ljubljana, to collect data and access books that are not available in London.

 

Interviews, networking and access to resources

The interviews were an invaluable source of information which the UACES scholarship enabled me to collect. I was able to get insights on my research topic from key experts working on the post-war atrocities and Slovene reconciliation, including historians, politicians and government actors, journalists, investigators, novelists, and philosophers. They provided me with fascinating insights into my research on reconciliation in Slovenia, the narratives explaining the post-Second World War mass atrocities, political polarisation and the interpretation of history. The discussions were informative and engaging, providing me with significant knowledge to develop my arguments. They contribute to fulfilling my research objectives, which are to understand what reconciliation in Slovenia means, what the obstacles for reconciliation are, the role of historical re-interpretation and revisionism in reconciliation, and finally, what solutions have been attempted to address the obstacles.

 

In addition, the interviews provided me with the opportunity to network and receive guidance from the experts I had the privilege of meeting and interviewing. This has been an exceptional opportunity for professional development alongside the development of my research.

 

Besides the interviews, visits to the National and University Library of Ljubljana provided me access to books and sources such as newspapers and archival material that are not available in London. These resources offer a wealth of information to support my research. Additionally, I visited the government archives, which gave an insight into the gaps in the archives since many documents are missing. However, it was fascinating to access certain documents, and it was exciting to delve into a country’s past through governmental archives. Archives, and the lack thereof, are an integral aspect of my research, looking at a country that has been independent since the early 1990s but was previously part of communist Yugoslavia. During the decades under Yugoslavia, the post-war atrocities were silenced, and their knowledge was hidden. Therefore, the silence in archives and the few documents available are an interesting insight into the role of silence in reconciliation and establishing the facts about the past.

 

Therefore, the UACES scholarship allowed me to focus on my research and develop my professional skills and network.

 

The importance of understanding the context behind the research

Finally, the UACES scholarship enabled me to spend a longer time in Slovenia and visit the museums, including the Museum of Contemporary History and the City Museum of Ljubljana. Museums provide insights into how history is presented to the public and remembered in collective memory. Since my research focuses on a polarised topic, visiting museums and being confronted with how history is publicly explained is insightful to understand my research’s social and political context. Understanding the context is central to this research topic. Indeed, since the focus is on contemporary reconciliation, revisionism and polarisation, context is key to understanding how the problem developed and why events that took place over 70 years ago continue to divide. This context explains how people think and why they argue certain positions, the impact of decades of silence, and the deeply rooted re-interpretations of history.

 

Concluding remarks

The trip supported by UACES was also an opportunity to spend more time in my native country, where I have lived for only a very limited time. I was able to reconnect with the language and culture and delve into a dark chapter of history. Spending these five weeks in Ljubljana allowed me to immerse myself in my research topic and better grasp the context of my research.

 

I am grateful for the recognition provided by the awarded UACES scholarship to conduct my fieldwork because it supported my research and data collection, which I hope will contribute to the academic field of reconciliation and mass atrocities but also to a practical understanding of obstacles to reconciliation, and solutions addressing these obstacles.

The post A UACES-supported research trip delving into Slovenia’s history appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

As the tenth direct European elections are approaching, let’s have a brief look at some key moments from the elections held in 1979, 2004 and 2019.

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

The battle for control of the western city has intensified over the last few days as the RSF group advances.

Le 22 mai, à 19h, l'invitée de l'Institut culturel bulgare sera l'une des écrivaines bulgares contemporaines les plus intéressantes et atypiques – Zdravka Evtimova. Elle est autrice de plusieurs nouvelles et quatre romans. On détermine son style comme du réalisme mythique, ses personnages sont riches ainsi que ses sujets qui projettent des avant-goûts du futur. Son recueil « Les récits de la lune » qui a été publié à la fin de 2023 comprend vingt histoires, écrites dans les dernières années, (…)

- Agenda / Bulgarie, Région parisienne

European political parties have put forward lead candidates for the post of European Commission President. Watch the debate in the European Parliament on 23 May.

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

© European Union 2024- Source EP – Alain ROLLAND

Every Monday, a member of the international academic association ‘UACES’ will address a current topic linked to their research on euradio.

 

Listen to the podcast on eu!radio.

 

 

Very pleased to have you back with us, Nick. You have studied the European far right parties over decades now and you shared your findings several times in our programme, most recently on how these parties respond to the climate crisis. With the European elections less than one month away, let me ask you what you think of all the media speculation about the rise in support for Radical Right Parties.

Before turning to next month, the first thing I would flag up is that the Radical Right already did very well in the 2019 European elections. A leading scholar in the field, Cas Mudde, estimated back then that ‘Right-wing Euroskeptics took between a quarter and a third of the seats in the European Parliament, with populist radical-right parties making the biggest gains’.

That said there is little doubt that the number of Radical Right MEPs looks set to increase further at the elections next month, although not uniformly across the member states.

In a Policy Brief conducted for the European Council on Foreign Relations in January, Kevin Cunnigham and his co-authors predicted that ‘anti-European populists’ are likely to come first in nine member states and that the two transnational groups where Radical Right parties currently sit are likely to win a quarter of the European Parliament’s 720 seats.

 

Is that confirmed in the current opinion polls?

If we look at the three largest Western European states, France, Italy and Germany (all three founding members!), the Radical Right, as represented by the Rassemblement National, the Fratelli D’Italia and the Alternative für Deutschland, could obtain up to 75 seats.

This would represent over 10% of the seats in the Strasbourg Parliament. And that’s before you add the 12 seats predicted for the rival radical right parties in Italy and France, Matteo Salvini’s Lega (with a prediction of 7 seats) and Éric Zemmour’s Reconquête (possibly 5 seats). On the face of it, this is a very significant rump of like-minded Radical Right MEPs emanating from the three big founding member states!

 

Why do you say “on the face of it”?

Because historically, the Radical Right has struggled to work together in the European Parliament, and this has limited its overall influence and impact. Back in 2007 Michael Minkenberg and Pascal Perrineau stated that ‘there is nothing more difficult to establish than an international group of nationalists.’

Since then, we have witnessed more cooperation among radical right parties, but even today, despite the strategic and financial advantages of transnational group cooperation, the Radical Right remains fractured across two groups: the ‘soft eurosceptic’ European Conservative and Reformists group (ECR), and the ‘hard’ Eurosceptic Identity and Democracy group (ID). To illustrate the point, if we go back to our discussion about France, Italy and Germany, currently the Fratelli d’Italia are in the ECR group and the Rassemblement National are in the ID group.

And even within the groups there are tensions between certain parties; for instance, most recently within the ID group between the RN and the AfD over the latter’s controversial meeting on ‘remigration’.

In other words, as Cas Mudde extrapolates, ‘a far-right “super group” remains an unlikely scenario – at least for the next legislature.’

 

So, what will be the significance of their potential increase over the next 5 years?

The significance in the broader sense is that it appears to confirm the ongoing mainstreaming of the Radical Right, which is much debated by political scientists.

What this means in terms of its impact on EU policy is that flagship policies such as the European Green deal may be up for further discussion and potentially watered down. There will also be moves to prioritize a stricter immigration policy, with pressure on the Schengen Agreement and the principle of open internal borders.

In short, the next President of the European Commission, whoever that is, will face significant challenges emanating from the Radical Right in terms of the future trajectory of the European Union.

 

Many thanks, Nick Startin, for sharing your observations and expectations with us. 
I recall you are Associate Professor of international relations at John Cabot University, in Rome.

The post The Radical Right and the European Elections appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

Photo de Luka E sur Unsplash

Every Monday, a member of the international academic association ‘UACES’ will address a current topic linked to their research on euradio.

 

Listen to the podcast on eu!radio.

 

 

Ana Bojinović Fenko, you are professor of international relations at the University of Ljubljana. Tell us what you were doing when Slovenia joined the European Union on the 1st of May 2004?

I was already at the University of Ljubljana, 23 years old and just graduated in Political Science with a major in International Relations at the Faculty of Social Sciences. Only fourteen days before the 1st of May 2004 I defended my Bachelor Thesis with the title: “Western Balkans as an opportunity for Slovenia as a member of the EU”. I was quite enthusiastic to be finishing my studies in this field, which was much focused on the EU accession process of Slovenia at this time when it was successfully finalised and when the accession Treaty came into force.

 

So what were your expectations for the future at that moment in your life?

My expectations as a future Master student were mostly focused on how to seize the new opportunities offered by the EU market and other EU integration instruments. I remember I applied for a master’s in European integration in Nice, in a programme ran by the Centre International de Formation Européenne, and I almost moved to France!

But finally, despite being accepted to the programme, I decided to stay in Ljubljana, where I was offered an employment in scientific research. In October 2004 I started a job as a Junior Researcher, which led directly from the Master to PhD studies in International Relations.

And I could feel the expected opportunities brought by EU membership very quickly, as the Centre of International Relations where I was employed got engaged in concrete international projects, especially those funded by the European Union. We were mostly analysing economic and political effects of EU enlargement for the EU but also for small states such as Slovenia. One specific feature, for example, was the effect of transition periods that were negotiated by some of the new Member States – for Slovenia this was a period imposed by Austria and Germany for opening their job market. In these research projects, the most important feature for Slovenian foreign policy was focusing on the future EU enlargement towards the Western Balkan countries.

 

So you were seizing the opportunities right from the beginning.
How do you look back today at these two decades?

Both personally and professionally I am very satisfied with Slovenian membership. It should be noted though that Slovenia as a society, economy and state did not only profit from EU membership. There were also hard times, for instance the specific period of the economic and financial crisis, when the state was on the very verge of bailout, but then the government managed to avoid international intervention into domestic finance.

Still, I consider the EU political community brings much more positive effects to Slovenia compared to if the state had not become an EU member. In my assessment, the ultimate positive effect for Slovenia – a former communist state – is the internalisation of European values into Slovenian society. This effect was very visible in 2020–2022 period, a moment when the government started several political manoeuvres of de-democratisation, disrespect of human rights and rule of law. Not only political opposition and organized civil society but also the Slovenian people in general opposed en masse such a move away from EU values and in the election managed to change the leading party and the government.

 

So there’s definitely more than economic benefits to EU membership.

Yes, I think so. All of the challenges Slovenia is facing – economic, political, security, social or cultural effects of globalisation – would of course have been present regardless of its EU membership. But for a small state of only 2 million people in the centre of Europe, at the crossroads of four different cultures, I assess that these challenges are met much more effectively in a multilateral setting within the European institutions.

As the biggest opportunity for Slovenia, I see the possibility for our country to contribute to EU policies that respond to specific interests and expertise of Slovenian companies, civil society and state: a fair green transition on a global scale, safeguarding international peace and security, protection of human rights and application of humanitarian law in armed conflicts, and more particularly the integration of Western Balkan countries into the European Union.

 

The last issue may be one of the most pressing ones today. Thank you very much, Ana Bojinović Fenko, for your personal testimony. I recall you are professor of international relations at the University of Ljubljana. All the best for the next twenty years!

The post 20 years of Slovenia in the EU – Ana Bojinović Fenko appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

A második világháborút követő években az amerikai légierő, a haditengerészet és a tengerészgyalogság legtöbb gépe még dugattyús motorral repült. A pilótaképzésben a T-34 Mentor jelentette az alapfokot, de arról túl nagy ugrás lett volna a vadászgépekre ülni. Ezért a North American Aviation létrehozott és négy különböző változatban, közel 2000 darabos példányszámban legyártott egy közbenső típust, a T-28 Trojant.

A T-28-as vagy, ahogy a pilóták nevezték, „a 28-as” (The 28) tervezése mögötti koncepció az volt, hogy közbenső típusként segítse a leendő pilóták átmenetét az alapfokú légcsavaros kiképzőgépek és a nagy teljesítményű, szintén légcsavaros vadászok között. Az első változat a hét hengeres, 800 lóerős Wright R-1300-as csillagmotorral és kétágú légcsavarral felszerelt T-28A volt. Ezt az amerikai légierő használta, de viszonylag rövid ideig, mert a hatvanas évek elején megvált a típustól. Nem úgy a haditengerészet, amely a szárazföldi üzemeltetésre készült B változatot és a hajófedélzeti leszállásra is alkalmas C modellt 1984-ig használta. Ezek már egy 1425 lóerős, kilenchengeres, kétfokozatú feltöltővel ellátott Wright R-1820-as csillagmotorral, és háromágú légcsavarral készültek, továbbá felszerelték őket a gép hasa alatti törzsféklappal is. A hajófedélzeti üzem és az abból adódó sérülés elkerülése miatt a T-28C rövidebb légcsavarlapátokkal készült, megerősített futóműveket és fékezőhorgot kapott, továbbá a szárnyak alatt egy-egy függesztési ponttal is rendelkezett. A fegyverkezelő panelt a műszerfal alatt, a pilóta lábai között helyezték el. A kisebb átmérőjű légcsavar és a nagyobb tömeg miatt a C lassabb volt és nem emelkedett olyan gyorsan, mint a B. A némileg páncélozott, öntömítő üzemanyagtartályokkal és szárnyanként három-három függesztési ponttal készült negyedik változatot T-28D típusjelzéssel és Nomad elnevezéssel az A változatú gépekből alakították át. A bombákkal, géppuskakonténerekkel és nem irányított rakétákkal felfegyverezhető könnyű támadó gépet elsősorban felkelők elleni műveletekre szánták. A négy változatot más-más típusjelzéssel, és módosításokkal összesen 27 ország légiereje vagy haditengerészete rendszeresítette. A legnagyobb üzemeltető, a US Navy T-28-as pilótáinak feladataiba, az egykori haditengerészeti helikoptervezető, korábbi interjúalanyom, Marc Liebman visszaemlékezése és a Navy korabeli kiadványai nyújtanak betekintést.

[...] Bővebben!

Le Courrier des Balkans est partenaire de l'édition 2024 du Festival Étonnants voyageurs, et organise trois rencontres :
« Ostalgie »
Rencontre avec : Géorgui GOSPODINOV, Velibor ČOLIĆ, Sladjana Nina PERKOVIČ, Mila TURAJLIC
Animé par Jean-Arnault DERENS
Samedi 18 mai 15h45, La Grande Passerelle - Salle 3
Précédé du film : « L'envers d'une histoire »
de Mila TURAJLIC (Survivance/2017/104')
Samedi 14h, La Grande Passerelle - Salle 3
De quoi les Balkans sont-ils le nom ?
Avec : (…)

- Agenda / Agenda - Diaporama, France - Régions

Event Video 
Photos

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The Permanent Mission of Switzerland to the UN, in partnership with IPI, the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Mozambique to the UN, the Permanent Mission of the United Kingdom to the UN, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), and the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), hosted a policy forum on May 20th on “25 Years of POC and the UN Security Council: Challenges and Opportunities.”

This year marks 25 years since the Security Council first recognized the protection of civilians (POC) as a matter of international peace and security. Since then, POC has become widely institutionalized within the council’s work, as well as the UN more broadly, elevated as a core issue on the council’s agenda, and designated as a priority among mandated peacekeeping tasks.

At the same time, POC continues to face significant challenges resulting from flagrant violations of international humanitarian and human rights laws (IHL/IHRL), including by some UN member states. These violations not only have devastating consequences for civilians in conflict settings but are also a symptom of an erosion of the normative frameworks that underpin the international system. This erosion calls into question the role of the UN Security Council in protecting and upholding such norms, especially as in some cases council members have been directly or indirectly involved in violations.

The purpose of this event was to take stock of the council’s engagement with POC over the past 25 years and assess opportunities for it to further strengthen POC norms amid contemporary political and security challenges. This conversation took place as the international community prepares to mark the 75th anniversary of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, presenting an opportune moment for wider reflection on the fundamental principles of IHL/IHRL that underpin the POC agenda.

Speakers:
Naz K. Modirzadeh, Professor of Practice, Founding Director, Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, Harvard Law School
Laetitia Courtois, Permanent Observer and Head of Delegation, International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)
Hichem Khadhraoui, Executive Director, Center for Civilians in Conflict (CIVIC)
Edem Wosornu, Director, Operations and Advocacy Division (OAD), United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)

Moderator:
Adam Lupel, Vice President and COO, International Peace Institute

Closing remarks:
H.E. Pascale Christine Baeriswyl, Permanent Representative of Switzerland to the UN

La réforme de la Protection sociale complémentaire santé pour les militaires, qui entrera en vigueur le 1er janvier 2025 prévoit une protection santé universelle pour l’ensemble des 340 000 militaires du ministère des armées (240 000 militaires) et du ministère de l’intérieur (100 000 gendarmes). Les assureurs retenus, Uneo (avec GMF) pour les militaires et

- Agenda / Dans les Balkans, Grèce

La troisième rencontre du programme de recherche « Arméniens et Juifs dans les métropoles du Sud-Est européen » a pour thématique LE TEMPS DE L'APRÈS-GÉNOCIDE : RECONSTRUIRE, SE SOUVENIR ET TRANSMETTRE. Il s'agit de notre troisième et ultime rencontre de ce programme. Elle est consacrée au temps d'après les génocides, tant au niveau des mémoires traumatiques qu'au niveau de la reconstruction des vies collectives et individuelles et de la transmission.
En effet, la rupture traumatique des (…)

- Agenda / Grèce, Dans les Balkans

IPI’s Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) team, in partnership with the Gender and Security Sector Lab (GSS), hosted a virtual research workshop on “Analyzing the Effectiveness of Institutional Training for Preventing Sexual Exploitation, Abuse and Harassment (SEAH) in Peacekeeping.” This May 17th event and related research are part of the Gender and Peace Operations Project, a multi-year initiative of the IPI WPS program funded by the Government of Canada’s Elsie Initiative.

One of the ways that the UN seeks to combat SEAH is through training. This research project seeks to understand how training at the national and international level (completed in-academy, in-service non-academy, pre-deployment, or during deployment) on topics related to gender and SEAH can influence perceptions (and potentially behavior) of military and police while deployed in UN peace operations. This discussion will support an upcoming report co-authored by IPI and GSS on the effectiveness of training for SEAH in peacekeeping.

To better understand the relationship between institutional training and SEAH, the researchers will employ a series of statistical tests, using cross-national survey responses from security personnel from ten different countries and twelve security institutions. This data was collected using the Measuring Opportunities for Women in Peace Operations (MOWIP) methodology for barrier assessments of military and police. With this data, the researchers will evaluate whether surveyed personnel who have engaged in different types of training (general gender or WPS training, training on the prevention of SEA, gender training for leadership, institutional harassment training, or specialized gender training on preventing sexual violence or civilian protection) have 1) different knowledge of gender mainstreaming policies and practices, such as UNSCR 1325; 2) different views of the integration and participation of women in peacekeeping; and 3) different beliefs and perceptions of SEAH.

Over 30 people attended the research workshop, with participation from civil society, academia, peace operations and training personnel, as well as various UN entities, including the Office of the Special Coordinator on Preventing Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (UN-OCSEA). The policy paper for this project will be released towards the end of 2024.

17. Mai 2024

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2024 - EP