European Union

President Joe Biden flew to France on Tuesday (4 June) to commemorate the 80th anniversary of D-Day on a trip designed to underscore his commitment to US allies in Europe.

The man hoping to challenge Prime Minister Viktor Orbán's 14-year iron grip over Hungarian politics is actively wooing Roma voters ahead of next weekend's European Parliament (EP) election - and his message of change seems to be striking a chord.

Heavy fighting rocked Gaza on Tuesday (4 June) after G7 and Arab powers urged both Israel and Hamas to agree to a truce and hostage release deal outlined by US President Joe Biden.

How the EU addresses the climate crisis has been high up the political agenda in the approach to this week’s elections. But there are two sectors that continue to fly under the radar in the bloc’s pursuit of decarbonisation: shipping and aviation.

The United States and its G7 partners are making progress on finding ways to provide more urgently needed funds to Ukraine by tapping the value of profits earned on frozen Russian assets, a senior US Treasury official said on Tuesday (4 June).

Four interior ministry employees were arrested in in Moldova on Tuesday (4 June) in a vast operation to catch government officials sabotaging Interpol red notices.

In today’s edition of the Capitals, find out more about the Polish Left not backing von der Leyen if she allies with the ECR group, Sweden's prime minister having serious doubts about cooperation with ID, and so much more.

Romanian authorities carried out searches in several counties on Tuesday after identifying a new method of migrant trafficking that involves migrants entering Schengen countries via Romania, despite migrant trafficking being the main reason why Austria blocked Romania's access to Schengen last year.

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in Strasbourg has found Bulgaria guilty of violating the right to freedom of expression of investigative journalist Rossen Bossev, who exposed a judge's bias.

France, Germany and Poland have become "permanent" targets for Russian disinformation attacks in the run-up to European Parliament elections this week, a senior EU official said Tuesday (4 June).

Following Peter Pellegrini's victory in the presidential elections, his resignation from the post of parliamentary speaker has put his former party, Hlas, in a difficult position, as both its coalition partners prefer to give the post to the SNS, despite the coalition agreement.

Czech populist party ANO (Renew) withdrew an election ad showing a boat full of migrants with a sign reading "Vote before it is too late", saying it could frighten some citizens. 

A Spanish judge on Tuesday summoned the wife of Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez (PSOE/S&D), Begoña Gómez, to appear in court on 5 July as a 'person under investigation' for alleged corruption and influence peddling in the private sector, following an earlier complaint by a controversial civil servants' union linked to the far right.

The only way to make a difference for our common European future is by voting in these upcoming EU elections. Only by making our voices heard can we truly aspire for a better Union.

Members of Sweden's right-wing coalition are split over whether to cooperate with the far-right ID group after the European elections, as some have indicated serious interest in doing so, while Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson of the centre-right Moderate Party (EPP) dismissed such a move on Tuesday.

The leaders of Britain's two main political parties faced off in the first live TV debate of the general election campaign on Tuesday (4 June), a month before voters go to the polls and with predictions of a record win for the main opposition Labour party.

Poland’s co-governing Left Party (S&D) would find it hard to support a second term for European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen if she decides to cooperate with conservatives in the hard-right ECR group, Left MEP Robert Biedroń told Euractiv Poland, adding that the Prime Minister Donald Tusk should also rule out such cooperation.

This paper outlines the main elements related to conditionality included in the Ukraine Plan, and compares it with the European Union’s Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF)’s approach to conditionality, in particular with respect to the group of Fragile and Conflict-Affected States (FCS) that currently includes Ukraine.
Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Can't wait to find out the results of the European elections? Watch live announcements and reactions from Brussels and follow us on social media.

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Every Monday, a member of the international academic association ‘UACES’ will address a current topic linked to their research on euradio.

 

Listen to the podcast on eu!radio.

 

 

Mechthild Roos, you are Lecturer in Comparative Politics at the University of Augsburg, in Germany. As an expert on the European Parliament, what are your expectations towards the forthcoming elections?

Well, the forecasts largely point to two major trends. First, a relatively high voter turnout, in comparison to previous European elections. And, second, a shift of votes and seats to the right. For me, as someone who looks at longer trends in the European Parliament’s institutional development, the perhaps most intriguing question is: will these shifts affect the Parliament’s established working routines and, maybe even more importantly, its self-understanding?

 

Can you explain in more detail?

Until now, the European Parliament has always understood itself as the voice of the people, as the main provider of democratic legitimacy in EU politics, but also as driver of ever-closer integration.

This is the main point I wonder about: will the shifting of seats and perhaps majorities to the right change this self-understanding? Will the Parliament adopt more of a member-state centred course – which, in effect, would imply a weakening of the Parliament itself, but which corresponds to the political aims declared by the bulk of the parties in the most right-wing groups? Or will these new MEPs – or at least some of them – be socialized into the institution’s raison d’être and find themselves defending a stronger European Parliament and the need for parliamentary involvement in EU politics at the EU (rather than national) level?

 

Do you think this is likely?

It is far from impossible! It is actually a typical pattern within the Parliament. Over its history, and throughout many changes of composition, the Parliament has seen MEPs entering with a rather Eurosceptic view, and then gradually coming to appreciate the Parliament’s strengthened involvement in EU politics, not least of course because that gives the MEPs themselves more political power.

In addition, those who are generally sceptical about European integration tend not to be very active in the Parliament. Those who are active, on the other hand, those who lead debates and negotiations with other EU institutions, who draft reports and carry the bulk of parliamentary work – are largely in favour of closer integration, and of a strong mandate for the Parliament.

 

And in what shape, if you look back at the last five years, do you think the European Parliament is going into its next term? Which of the numerous crises it had to handle, from Brexit to Ukraine and beyond, had the biggest impact on the institution itself?

In my point of view, the most influential crisis of all clearly was the COVID-19 pandemic. Because regardless of all the other crises’ broader implications, COVID-19 had by far the most profound impact on the Parliament’s own work. The combination of a dramatic urgency to act, a complete inexperience with a pandemic of this scale, and the institutional consequences of the lockdown, all of this put into question the established policy-making procedures at the EU level, and also within the European Parliament itself. The situation was further aggravated by the fact that the 2019 elections had brought a significant turnover among MEPs: 58% of them were new to the job, and consequently had hardly any networks or knowledge of formal, but also informal working routines, which are particularly important in the European Parliament as an institution that has always been fighting for more power than it formally holds.

In the pandemic, Parliament managed to uphold a remarkable level of legislative activity. It has also pushed intensely for better and more democratically legitimised crisis governance mechanisms. Nevertheless, this period of extraordinary strain has left its marks on the European Parliament and its role in EU politics.

 

Do you think the pandemic has weakened the Parliament’s position?

Time will tell. We will most likely not exit this period of polycrisis anytime soon, so for me, the question is whether Parliament will manage to formalize its involvement in EU crisis governance, which we may safely expect to become something of a new normal, or whether it will have to fight continuously to keep its foot in the door.

Overall, I choose to be optimistic: if crises are indeed the new normal, then we will get normalized crisis governance routines sooner rather than later, if only for the sake of efficiency. And I hope that these new routines will include a strong dimension of parliamentary involvement and democratic oversight.

 

Thank you very much, Mechthild Roos, for sharing your expectations with us! I recall you are Lecturer in Comparative Politics at the University of Augsburg, in Germany.

The post The Post-Pandemic Parliament appeared first on Ideas on Europe.