European Union

Voltaire Cousteau’s rules may have been written as parody in 1973, but their relevance today is deadly serious. The waters of geopolitics are infested

"I think that the European nations are going to take a lot of the burden and we’re going to help them" the US President said

Security guarantees, not concessions, top Ukraine allies’ agenda

The only effective deterrent is to create a credible threat that Moscow cannot beat, with much less wriggle room for would-be protectors to soften their commitment

Henrik Landerholm, who resigned in January over the scandal, left documents in an unlocked locker at a hotel in March 2023

Aux côtés de Jean-Luc Soulé, président fondateur du Festival, une équipe de bénévoles et de salariés, efficaces et passionnés, s'engage toute l'année pour porter et développer le Festival et ses activités artistiques ou solidaires. Cette mobilisation est soutenue par de fidèles mécènes et partenaires publics et privés depuis trente-cinq ans.
Le Festival du Périgord Noir tient à remercier chaleureusement tous ceux qui ont choisi de s'investir dans le quotidien du Festival et d'en soutenir (…)

- Agenda / France - Régions, Albanie

The 6-Member SEDE delegation mission to the United Kingdom organised in close co-operation with AFET and INTA, was a very timely visit following the announcement by the President of the European Commission and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom to enhance strategic cooperation after their leaders’ meeting of 2 October 2024. The UK in particular has set out its ambition for an “enhanced EU-UK defence cooperation,” in light of Russia’s continuing war of aggression in Ukraine.
Location : London, United Kingdom
Press release
SEDE mission report including the programme
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Albanie, Grèce, Monténégro... Cet été, beaucoup de pays des Balkans connaissent des incendies particulièrement dévastateurs. La région est exposée aux conséquences du dérèglement climatique, tandis que les États sont démunis pour faire face à de telles catastrophes. Tour d'horizon avec nos correspondant.e.s.

- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, changement climatique, Albanie, Serbie, Environnement, Monténégro, Grèce

Le Premier ministre Edi Rama a fait fermer la chaîne de télévision News24 sans décision de justice. Un nouveau « caprice du prince » qui ravive toutes les inquiétudes pour la liberté de la presse et la survie de la démocratie en Albanie.

- Le fil de l'Info / Albanie, Courrier des Balkans, Médias indépendants, PS Albanie, Politique, Médias

Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (tur. Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) conducts an active and multidimensional foreign policy aimed at strengthening relations with all neighbouring regions. In the international sphere, the primary ambition of the authorities in Ankara is to transform Turkey into a regional power capable of influencing the political landscape in its immediate vicinity. The Western Balkans region, comprising Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo, North Macedonia and Serbia, is a key area in the AKP’s political strategy, since Turkey has long maintained strong ties (both religious and cultural) with these countries. 

In accordance with principles of AKP foreign policy doctrine, the Turkish government seeks to promote multifaceted regional cooperation, thereby cultivating Turkey’s image as a country committed to ensuring security and stability in the Western Balkans. In addition to conventional diplomatic apparatus, an extensive public diplomacy structure is also entrusted with implementation of Turkey’s foreign policy objectives in the Western Balkans. Drawing on the legacy of the Ottoman Empire, these institutions are involved in a range of initiatives at various levels (from intergovernmental to municipal), with the aim of facilitating Turkey’s soft power projection in the region. 

AKP foreign policy doctrine and the Western Balkans 

The Justice and Development Party, which originated from a moderate Islamist milieu, won an absolute majority in the 2002 parliamentary elections. Immediately after taking power, the party led by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan continued negotiations on Turkey’s accession to the European Union, thus ensuring steady growth in public support. However, the religious foundations of the AKP political ideology soon became apparent, largely due to the influence of Ahmet Davutoğlu, the creator of the strategic depth concept. In line with his vision, adopted by the AKP as the new doctrine of Turkish foreign policy, Turkey’s goal was to achieve a dominant position in the international system by expanding the scope of its diplomatic activities to neighbouring regions (i.e. the Middle East, North Africa, Central Asia, the Balkans and the Caucasus) . 

In AKP political discourse, Turkey has been depicted as a state whose historical and geographical identity is inextricably linked with the Balkan Peninsula. Consequently, the Balkans became the region in which the Turks elected to initiate implementation of the strategic depth doctrine in the early 2000s. Several factors affected this choice, including efforts to strengthen Turkey’s image as a reliable partner of the European Union ahead of its expected accession to the EU. Another indication of Turkey’s constructive engagement in regional affairs was its endorsement of NATO expansion into the Western Balkans. Furthermore, comprehensive assistance (including financial support) provided by the Erdoğan government led to a rapid rapprochement between Turkey and most Balkan countries. However, soon it became evident that the AKP’s actions were driven by ideological motivations. For instance, a substantial proportion of Turkish funds, initially designated for infrastructure investments, was reallocated to renovation of Ottoman heritage sites. Local authorities widely viewed this as an attempt to preserve Turkey’s dominance in the Western Balkans. 

Having recognised limitations of foreign policy model based on historical sentiments,  in the mid-2010s the AKP government shifted its approach towards prioritising economic cooperation. This strategic realignment resulted in the establishment of free trade agreements with all Western Balkan countries. In order to maintain strong socio-cultural linkages between Turkey and the region, the Justice and Development Party has been increasingly relying on public diplomacy agencies tasked with promoting Turkish soft power in the Balkans. These organisations provide a wide range of services in the fields of education, administration, development and humanitarian aid, as well as renovation of historical heritage. Therefore, their activities are generally appreciated by local communities. However, the AKP’s frequent use of public diplomacy to achieve specific political goals raises legitimate concerns. 

Turkey’s public diplomacy activities in the region 

Among Turkish public diplomacy organisations currently operating in the Western Balkans, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA) plays a key role. This institution has been present in the region since the late 1990s and has conducted a variety of initiatives there. In this regard, the Ottoman heritage restoration project has recently been identified as a high priority by the Turkish authorities. Each year, a substantial proportion of the agency’s total budget (approx. 30 million euro) is dedicated exclusively to the renovation of Ottoman monuments in the Western Balkans. As per published reports, from 2008 onwards TİKA undertook the restoration of more than hundred historical buildings in the region, approximately half of which were Ottoman mosques. Furthermore, numerous sites are currently undergoing reconstruction work, and some other renovation programmes are in the preparatory phase. According to official data, TİKA has completed over 4000 projects in the Western Balkans to date. In recent years, there has also been a significant increase in the organisation’s spending on improving economic relations with countries in the region, which is in line with the AKP’s updated foreign policy strategy. In addition to the pragmatic aspects of this particular engagement, trade and commercial initiatives allow Turkey to establish contacts on a larger scale with non-Muslim countries in the region (especially with Serbia). In this context, TİKA often acts as an intermediary, facilitating closer relations between Turks and their partners in the Western Balkans. 

Another Turkish governmental organisation involved in the Western Balkans is the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB). The institution was founded in 2010 and has since been directly affiliated with the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. In comparison to TİKA, the scope of its activities is much more narrow. The primary function of the YTB is to oversee various programmes dedicated to Turks residing abroad, as well as to representatives of so-called related communities (i.e. Turkic ethnic groups). The rationale behind establishment of the YTB was to unify all members of the Turkish diaspora around the AKP socio-political narrative. The government thus decided to create an institutional structure whose operation was to be predicated on shared historical memory and ethno-cultural affinities. The Western Balkans is one of the regions in which YTB operates most dynamically, organising cultural exchanges and educational programmes for students. According to data published by YTB, the institution’s involvement in the region has been steadily increasing year by year, especially in countries with a significant Turkish minority (Kosovo and North Macedonia). 

The Yunus Emre Institute (YEE) was created in 2009 under the auspices of the AKP government with the aim of promoting Turkish history, culture, art and language. YEE offers a comprehensive selection of activities, encompassing Turkish language courses, organisation of cultural events and art exhibitions, and provision of financial support for scientific research. Turkish cultural centres are currently located in 11 cities in all six Western Balkan countries, which demonstrates the crucial role of this region for the AKP. The activities of the Yunus Emre Institute in the Western Balkans can be categorised into two primary domains: education and culture. First of all, YEE is a leading institution for teaching Turkish as a foreign language. Serving as the main tool in promoting Turkish culture in the Western Balkans, the Yunus Emre Institute contributes to the steady growth in popularity of the Turkish language. As a result, in countries where the majority of the population is Muslim, Turkish is often chosen by students as their preferred foreign language. According to data published at the end of 2020, since the inauguration of the first cultural centre in Sarajevo in 2009, more than 20,000 people in Bosnia and Herzegovina have completed Turkish language courses.  

One of the newest organisations of Turkey’s public diplomacy is the Turkish Maarif Foundation (TMV). According to its founding charter, the institution’s mission is to enhance regional cooperation within the domain of education. As a transnational educational entity, the Turkish Maarif Foundation is responsible for organising thematic courses (from kindergarten to university level), awarding scholarships, managing educational institutions and dormitories, publishing scientific works, and performing various other tasks in accordance with the regulations of the host countries. The Turkish Maarif Foundation was established in 2016 to counter the influence of the Gülen Movement, which the AKP perceives as a threat to national interests. As demonstrated by official figures, currently TMV manages over twenty kindergartens, schools and universities across five Western Balkan countries (with the exception of Montenegro). It is important to note that the Turkish Maarif Foundation has recently become the subject of accusations for its propagation of AKP’s political agenda, whilst concurrently interfering in the domestic affairs of host countries. Therefore, the institution’s expansion in most countries in the region has been substantially restricted. 

Although the Directorate of Religious Affairs (DİB or Diyanet) is not a typical public diplomacy organisation, it nevertheless plays a pivotal role in promotion of Turkey’s soft power. The institution was founded in 1924 as a governmental body to oversee religious affairs on behalf of the republican state authorities. Following the AKP’s rise to power, Diyanet has become a central institution in the process of resurgence of Islam in Turkish public life. In addition to its primary religion-related duties, the institution collaborates with Turkish public diplomacy organisations and engages in a range of social and cultural projects. In this way, the Directorate’s activities are closely aligned with government policies. Consequently, the authorities in Ankara have gained another platform through which they can shape international public opinion. In recent years, the non-religious aspect of Diyanet’s operations has become a point of contention, particularly in the Western Balkans. Excessive involvement of DİB’s employees in promoting the AKP’s political narrative has been perceived as an attempt to subordinate the region by Turkey. For instance, some Bosnian members of Riyaset, the major Muslim organisation in the Balkans, publicly condemned the Directorate’s activities outside the religious sphere and accused it of promoting politicised Islam in the region. 

Conclusion 

Further growth of Turkey’s regional role, however, is contingent upon the advancement of the Western Balkan countries’ integration with the European Union. It is acknowledged that national governments perceive their potential accession to the EU as a primary objective. Nevertheless, they are not opposed to the prospect of cooperation with other external actors, especially in the absence of a comprehensive EU enlargement strategy. Turkey’s already established presence in the Western Balkans provides the country with a vital opportunity to leverage its influence. On the other hand, it is evident that perceptions of Turkey in the Western Balkans vary significantly between countries, largely attributable to the substantial differences in the historical experiences of individual nations. Generally speaking, Turks are viewed rather favourably in the Muslim-majority countries in the region, while in predominantly Christian countries, the views on Turkey are more mixed. Consequently, it is not possible to assert that the AKP foreign policy model has been wholly effective and successful, nor that the narrative disseminated by the AKP government and its institutions has been particularly appealing to any country in the Western Balkans. On reflection, it appears that the strategy of delivering a uniform message to neighbouring regions, as adopted by the AKP in the early 2000s, has considerably hampered the expansion potential of Turkish foreign policy. In promoting Ahmet Davutoğlu’s vision, politicians of the ruling party frequently disregarded the interests and expectations of their partners. Hence, the ultimate failure of the strategic depth doctrine can be attributed to difficulties with correct understanding of local specifics and inconsistent actions in the international environment. 

In the context of exploring ways to improve the Turkish foreign policy strategy towards the Western Balkans, it is recommended that representatives of public diplomacy organisations devote more attention to inform the Western Balkan public about less controversial areas of Turkey’s involvement (e.g. labour activation, technology transfer, infrastructure development, support to the health sector). It is also of paramount importance to increase the level of transparency, for example by including comprehensive financial statements in annual reports. In addition, some experts have pointed to significant shortcomings in the public diplomacy model established by the AKP. These include inadequate coordination of activities, incompatibility between the scope of several programmes and the target groups, and subordination of some initiatives to the political interests of the ruling party. In light of the above mistakes, there is a high probability that the credibility of Turkish organisations involved in public diplomacy in the Western Balkans will be irreversibly damaged, which may have a detrimental effect on Turkey’s overall image in the region.

The post In the EU’s shadow: Turkish regional cooperation initiatives in the Western Balkans appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

In a joint statement, lead MEPs stress that no peace in Ukraine can be negotiated without full participation of Ukraine’s democratically elected leadership and the backing of its people.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

In a joint statement, lead MEPs stress that no peace in Ukraine can be negotiated without full participation of Ukraine’s democratically elected leadership and the backing of its people.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

In a joint statement, lead MEPs stress that no peace in Ukraine can be negotiated without full participation of Ukraine’s democratically elected leadership and the backing of its people.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

In a joint statement, lead MEPs stress that no peace in Ukraine can be negotiated without full participation of Ukraine’s democratically elected leadership and the backing of its people.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

In a joint statement, lead MEPs stress that no peace in Ukraine can be negotiated without full participation of Ukraine’s democratically elected leadership and the backing of its people.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

In a joint statement, lead MEPs stress that no peace in Ukraine can be negotiated without full participation of Ukraine’s democratically elected leadership and the backing of its people.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

OPINION on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Regulations (EU) 2021/694, (EU) 2021/695, (EU) 2021/697, (EU) 2021/1153, (EU) 2023/1525 and 2024/795, as regards incentivising defence-related investments in the EU budget to implement the ReArm Europe Plan
Committee on Security and Defence
Thijs Reuten

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

New rules to better protect journalists, their sources and press freedom in the digital age apply in all EU countries as of 8 August 2025.

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

New rules to better protect journalists, their sources and press freedom in the digital age apply in all EU countries as of 8 August 2025.

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Les recettes collectées par la Haggadah de Sarajevo seront versées en soutien à la Palestine. Le Musée national de Bosnie-Herzégovine a provoqué une controverse : des voix s'élèvent pour fustiger une « politisation » du patrimoine juif.

- Le fil de l'Info / Destruction Juifs Balkans , Courrier des Balkans, Israël-Palestine , Bosnie-Herzégovine, Culture et éducation