You can read here the article on the new role of NATO in the Aegean, which was written by Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos. This commentary was published on capital.gr on 12 February 2016.
The mood in the EU since the New Year has shifted from trying to find a European solution to the refugee crisis to seeking a scapegoat. The convenient target has been Greece, the country where the great majority of refugees and migrants have been arriving. After a number of European countries closed their borders, the Commission has now warned Greece to address a number of problems in its refugee registration system or face suspension from the Schengen Agreement.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s decision to open Germany’s doors to refugees was commendable but extremely hard to implement because of the sheer numbers involved. Following on from the terrorists attacks in Paris last November, and with pre-existing Islamophobia in Europe reinforced by the sexual assaults in Cologne, this policy has gradually brought a strong negativity to Europe’s response to the refugee crisis. Disagreements have been especially pronounced in some of the eastern European countries, which have challenged European Council decisions for burden sharing in the re-allocation of refugees arriving in Italy and Greece. Some of these leaders seem to have conveniently forgotten that western Europe did not close its borders to them in 1956 or 1968.
There have no doubt been delays and omissions on the Greek side, caused by the large number of arrivals, the lack of sufficient personnel and equipment, and also by the economic crisis and current weakness of Greek public administration. But there is also a significant lack of trust from Greece due to the fact that out of a pledged 160,000 refugees that were to be relocated in other EU countries, only a few hundred have actually been transferred. Greece obviously cannot host, for longer than a few days, a number of people that could eventually reach 5% or even 10% of its population at a time when there are absolutely no jobs nor the capacity to offer these people even limited social benefits.
Furthermore, it wasn’t Greek policies that caused the conflicts in Syria or in Libya. Instead, it was the policy choices of certain other EU countries that did contribute to the deterioration of the security situation and have led to an increase in the flow of refugees. But this blame game leads nowhere. The priority should be dispersing such dangerous myths and presenting realistic policy recommendations for resolving the problems.
Our policies should be based on the following assumptions:
What, therefore, are our policy options?
Greece should fulfil its commitments regarding hotspots and the full registration of all incoming refugees and migrants – with the provision of European economic support as well as manpower and equipment. At the same time, it should be crystal clear to all that maritime borders cannot be fully protected without cooperation from neighbours or without the use of force. “Push back” policies applied to small rubber boats filled well beyond capacity will only result to substantially increase the number of people – mostly women and children – drowning in the Aegean. Such policies would be both inhuman and illegal under international law. Greece cannot become a prison for several hundred-thousand irregular migrants, as recently suggested by a senior official from a founding member of the EU. The political, economic, security and, last but not least, human and moral costs involved would be enormous.
A quick end to the fighting in Syria through diplomatic means should be an obvious priority. Including Russia and, if possible, Iran in the process would considerably increase the prospects for an agreement. A well-organised and financially-supported reconstruction and reconciliation process may convince significant numbers of refugees that it’s safe to return home. In the meantime, increased support to Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey should be another important priority. Access to the labour market and the education system would be critical factors in a refugee’s decision on whether to stay in those countries or try to get to Europe. Increasing repatriation rates through agreements between the EU and important countries of origin should be another priority, although such an objective would be extremely difficult to achieve.
We also need various filters to decrease the attractiveness of the “Greek road”. The cooperation of Turkey – not yet visible – is of critical importance. But Ankara needs incentives as well, such as a visa-free regime, which is not expected to cause any significant flow of Turks to EU countries, and economic support. Turkey should also clamp down on traffickers and suspend its own visa-free regime for Moroccans and some other nationalities. The key element, though, would be to establish hotspots on Turkish soil for the direct resettlement of refugees in various EU countries. This would alleviate the pressure on Greece and save many lives in the Aegean.
Though an end to the Syrian drama will reduce the current numbers of asylum-seekers, migration flows caused by economic, environmental or security concerns will remain a major, even critical, challenge for Europe. So for the long term, the creation of a European Coastguard with extensive jurisdiction and better coordination between neighbouring countries, especially in the south, and between security and information agencies (also promoted by the establishment of the European Counter Terrorism Centre) would make an important contribution. Integration policies will also be of critical importance, but substantial challenges should be expected as not all refugees may be capable or even willing to be sufficiently integrated.
Source: Europe’s World
En mission à Bruxelles, les auditeurs des deux sessions nationales 68e « Politique de défense » et 52e « Armement et économie de défense » ont été reçus au Parlement européen et à l’Otan.
Selten waren die politischen Verhältnisse in Spanien so unklar wie nach den Parlamentswahlen vom 20. Dezember 2015. Keine der vier wichtigsten Parteien erzielte eine Mehrheit im Kongress. Nach wochenlangen Sondierungen beauftragte der spanische König schließlich den Spitzenkandidaten der Sozialisten (PSOE), Pedro Sánchez, mit der Regierungsbildung. Der bisherige Regierungschef Mariano Rajoy von der konservativen Volkspartei (PP) hatte auf eine »Investidura« verzichtet. Denn obwohl die PP die meisten Stimmen gewonnen hatte, hätte sie auch zusammen mit der Zentrumspartei Ciudadanos keine Mehrheit im Kongress gehabt. Pedro Sánchez will drei Optionen ausloten: eine Linkskoalition, ein Links-Mitte-Bündnis oder eine Minderheitsregierung der PSOE. Sollten sich alle drei Optionen als aussichtslos erweisen, käme nach deutschem Vorbild eine große Koalition von Ciudadanos, PP und PSOE in Frage, wie sie Rajoy ursprünglich favorisiert hatte. Das politische Ringen um die Mehrheit geht weiter. Am Ende könnte es sogar zu Neuwahlen kommen.
Retrouvez l’interview de Anthony Escurat sur sa note : Le lobbying : outil démocratique.
Cet article Anthony Escurat présente sa note : Le lobbying : outil démocratique est apparu en premier sur Fondapol.
En France, la seule évocation du terme « lobbying » conduit généralement à susciter la suspicion. Dans l’inconscient collectif, sa pratique nuirait gravement à la santé démocratique. Elle est pourtant monnaie courante et pleinement assumée dans une grande partie des pays occidentaux.
Cet article Anthony Escurat : Le lobbying : outil démocratique est apparu en premier sur Fondapol.
La liste des mémoires des étudiants du Master Recherche Relations Internationales 2014-2015
Pour plus d'informations sur les mémoires, nous vous invitons à consulter le site du Système universitaire de documentation (SUDOC) : http://www.sudoc.abes.fr
BENNABI Ahmed, Le Soudan de la guerre civile à la sécession , sous la direction de Nicolas HAUPAIS
CHAKER Rachid, Le renforcement de l'influence française dans le Golfe Arabo-Persique des années 2000 aux Printemps Arabes , sous la direction de Gilles ANDREANI
HERNADEZ Rocio Garcia, Coopération Franco-espagnole dans lutte contre le terrorisme de l'ETA , sous la direction de Serge SUR
J'MILA Ahmed, La construction politique à l'échelon français de l'intervention militaire en Libye , sous la direction de Serge SUR
NDOUR Amadou, L'Afrique et la cour pénale internationale : le cas du Darfour , sous la direction de Serge SUR
RASOOL Sibté, Les "bons et mauvais talibans" : analyse de l'impact d'une stratégie pakistanaise , sous la direction de Serge SUR
ROY Marie, L'épidémie de poliomyélite au Moyen-Orient : le dangereux mélange de la lutte contre le terrorisme et des politiques de santé globale , sous la direction d'Olivier FORCADE
SABATER Caesar, L'Iran au prisme du Sélectorat - La théorie de Bruce Bueno de Mesquita et alii permet-elle d'expliquer le comportement international de l'Iran ? , sous la direction de Serge SUR
SHEN Tianije, L'application de la Convention Internationale relative aux Droits de l'Enfant dans les Etats africains et en France , sous la direction de Roseline LETTERON
SYLVESTRE Lyvia, La diversité culturelle de l'Union Européenne à l'heure de la mondialisation , sous la direction de Serge SUR
La liste des rapports de stage des étudiants du Master Professionnel Relations Internationales 2014-2015
BENDJOUDI Abderrazak, Les enjeux stratégiques de la relation franco-algérienne , tuteur Farid YAKER, Président du Forum France - Algérie
BOUCIF Salomé, Alliance Française de La Antigua, Guatemala
CHILO Paul Henri, Transdev, Direction Risques, Engagements et Ethique , tuteur Philippe LEVRAT
CHOVANCOVÁ Lucie, Parlement Européen à Bruxelles, Direction Générale des Finances , tuteur Eduard REIJNDERS
DANGER Mathilde, IRIS (Pôle communication) , tuteur Gwenaëlle SAUZET
DEFONTAINE Clara-Ashley, Alliance Française de Toronto, Département Marketing et Développement , tuteur Patricia GUERIN
DUTHU Sacha, INSEP, Cellule des Relations Internationales , tuteur Patricia DELESQUE
LAHAY Elisa, Fondation Prospective et Innovation , tuteur Olivier CAZENAVE
LEBEAUPIN Mehdi, Ambassade de France en Suède, Mission de Défense à Stockholm , tuteur Gaël VERPIOT
LEROY Manon, UNESCO, section Jeunesse et sport , tuteur Nancy McLENNAN
MADONNA Victoria, International Crisis Group, Projet Afrique Centrale (Nairobi, Kenya)
MASSON-WEYL David, Parlement Européen , tuteur Dominique BILDE
MONTEIL Bruno, Ambassade de France à Washington, service "veille" du Service de Presse et de Communication
PERRAUD Christelle, ACTED, Tchad
RIBEIRO Brunella, Alliance Française de Curitiba (Brésil), secteur Relations internationales
ROTHENFLUG Axel, Alliance Française de Venise
ROUILLON Eloi, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Bureau régional pour l'Afrique de l'Ouest et l'Afrique Centrale, Programme de lutte contre la criminalité liée aux espèces de la faune et de la flore sauvages
SADIKU Donjetë, Médecins Sans Frontières, Relations Presse — Direction de la Communication , tuteur Samuel HANRYON
TRAN-SAM Allan, Délégation de l'UE en Thaïlande, section des Affaires économiques et commerciales pour le Cambodge, le Laos, le Myanmar et la Thaïlande