Agrégateur de flux

Le BPC Vladivostok à quai à St Nazaire. Novembre 2014. Source : Shipspotting Tandis que la livraison du premier BPC russe, le Vladivostok, reste suspendue à une amélioration sensible de la situation en Ukraine orientale, le second BPC en cours de construction...

SOMMAIRE
Actualité :- Les fragilités du Tchad face à Boko Haram- De la Libye à la région péri tchadique, est-il encore possible d'endiguer le califat islamique ?
Dossier :L'Algérie produira-t-elle encore du pétrole et du gaz en 2030 ?
Histoire :Le premier conflit mondial en Afrique de l’Ouest

Editorial de Bernard Lugan :
En ce mois de mars 2015, en dépit des discours économiques  désincarnés prononcés par les « experts » et pieusement récités par les médias, l'Afrique est plus que jamais en perdition. En laissant de côté les crises politiques qui peuvent à tout moment déboucher sur des guerres, le simple énoncé des conflits en cours permet de le comprendre.
A l'exception du Maroc, toute l'Afrique du Nord est en guerre :
- L'Egypte est prise entre deux fronts jihadistes, celui du Sinaï à l'est et celui de Libye à l'ouest ; sans parler de la subversion intérieure qui se manifeste par des attentats quotidiens.
- En Libye les dernières structures étatiques ont achevé de se dissoudre dans des affrontements aux formes multiples à travers une fragmentation régionale et tribale que Daesch tente de coaguler.
- La Tunisie ne parvient pas à réduire ses maquis islamistes.
- En Algérie, des maquis islamistes sont actifs dans plus de la moitié du pays. L'Algérie est dans une impasse économique due aux aléas pétroliers, ce qui risque d'avoir de graves conséquences sociales et politiques.
Au sud du Sahara, la totalité de la bande sahélienne, de l'atlantique à la mer Rouge est en état de guerre ouverte ou larvée.
- La question malienne n'a pas été réglée. Elle n'est pas religieuse, mais ethno-raciale et elle ne trouvera pas de solution tant que l'Etat malien ne se sera pas véritablement « fédéralisé ».
- Dans toute la région péri tchadique, Boko Haram étant à l'offensive, le Niger, le Tchad et le Cameroun tentent de coordonner la résistance.
- Le Nigeria qui a militairement perdu le contrôle de trois de ses Etats est en plein délitement alors qu'il y a encore quelques mois, les « experts » du développement le présentaient comme un « relais de croissance »[1].
- En Centrafrique, l'actuel dégagement français et le passage de relais à la MINUSCA se fait alors qu'aucun des problèmes qui se posaient avant Sangaris n'a été réglé. Le pays est même devenu une nouvelle zone de déstabilisation régionale.
- Les deux Soudan sont toujours au bord de la guerre cependant qu'au Soudan du Sud, la guerre entre Dinka et Nuer prend chaque jour de l'ampleur.
- La Somalie demeure une plaie ouverte en dépit des interventions extérieures.
- L'est de la RDC, et plus particulièrement le Kivu, est toujours ensanglanté par les affrontements de milices qui permettent à Kigali de continuer à piller ses richesses minières.
[1] Les lecteurs de l'Afrique Réelle avaient été « vaccinés » contre cette illusion. Voir à ce sujet le numéro 52, avril 2014.

Ils ont moins de 40 ans. Ils sont entrepreneurs à succès, dirigeants et cadres à haut potentiel d’entreprises performantes ou d’administrations influentes. Ils ont en commun l’excellence du parcours, une réputation flatteuse, une influence grandissante et un potentiel hors norme. Ils seront dans les années à venir à la tête des grandes entreprises françaises, ou aux commandes des PME les plus dynamiques et florissantes du pays.

Pour la troisième année consécutive, l’Institut Choiseul publie le Choiseul 100, classement des cent futurs leaders de l’économie française.

Publié en exclusivité dans le Figaro Magazine du 27 février 2015, le Choiseul 100 est également consultable sur le site du figaro.fr

Télécharger l’étude complète ici.

Télécharger le communiqué de presse

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Egy kedves olvasónk küldte el nekünk a vajdasági magyar kifejezések listáját, amelyet ő maga gyűjtött és szerkesztett. Mielőtt azonban rátérnénk a listára, szeretnék néhány gondolatot hozzátenni. 

A vajdaságban használt magyar nyelv sokaknak tűnik ízesnek, régiesnek, furcsának, akárcsak az erdélyi vagy más határon túli magyar. Tény azonban, hogy a határon túlra szakadt magyar közösségek az egységes magyar nemzetből hasíttattak ki, azaz, talán Erdély kivételével, soha nem működtek önálló régióként, nem tartoztak a velük szomszédos területektől eltérő nyelvjárásba. Éppen ezért a legtöbbször nem is lehet fellelni valamilyen különálló nyelvjárást az elszakított részeken, hiszen azok a területek egy nagyobb magyar nyelvjárási terület részei voltak és maradtak. Nyelvi sajátosságok természetesen kialakultak a lassan 100 évnyi különélésben, és a furcsa szavak nagy részét is ezek adják. 

Nem valamiféle kuriózum, hogy a Vajdaságban szajlának nevezik a bovdent. Az együtt élés idején ez a szó még nem volt elterjedt, ha egyáltalán létezett, ezért a szerb neve a "szajla" honosodott meg később, amikor már mindenkinek volt legalább biciklije és azon bovden.

Ezek a jövevényszavak, az én véleményem szerint, másra nem, csak a nyelv rontására jók. Az erdélyi magyarban is számos román átvétel van. Nem gondolom, hogy a "buletin" megfelelő kifejezés lenne a "személyi igazolvány"-ra, csak egy román megnevezés, amely meghonosodott. Senki nem mondana ma Budapesten "buletin"-t a személyi helyett, pedig a ma divatos "el kell menjek" jellegű szókapcsolatokban is csak a román grammatika üt vissza, szó nincs valami szép régies mondatszerkesztésről.

Meg kell értenünk (és nem "meg kell értsük"), hogy a határon túl élő magyarok nyelvére nagy hatással van azoknak a népeknek a nyelve, amelyekkel együtt élnek. Aki tehát manapság keresné az erdélyi, vajdasági, kárpátaljai, felvidéki magyarban az ősi nyelvet, alighanem csak egy románnal, szerbbel, szlovákkal, orosszal és ukránnal kevert korcs nyelvi kódot talál, de semmiképpen sem valami tiszta ősi nyelvet.

[...] Bővebben!

 

This article originally appeared in ISN.

What geopolitical factors helped transform Geneva into a global economic and diplomatic center? For Nayef Al-Rodhan, two of them stand out – the city’s role as a safe haven during the two World Wars, and its ability to provide a needed ‘coordination point’ during the Cold War.

Introduction

On 19 May 2015, Geneva will celebrate the two-hundredth anniversary of its accession to the Swiss Confederation. This occasion provides an opportunity to reflect on how the past two hundred years have transformed Geneva’s relationship to Switzerland and Geneva’s role in the world. With a population of less than 200,000 inhabitants, Geneva is a global and multicultural city, a hub for humanitarian diplomacy, an epicenter for banking and trading, and it ranks behind only Zurich and Vienna in global  measures of the quality of life .

Alongside New York, Geneva has also become one of the  most active locations for multilateral diplomacy  . It hosts 30 international organizations, including the European headquarters of the United Nations, 250 international non-governmental organizations and 172 permanent missions. In total, the international sector in Geneva employs over 28,000 people . Geneva is a center of humanitarian action, education, peacekeeping, security and nuclear research. This critical mass of mandates makes the city uniquely relevant in world politics.

The story of how Geneva acquired this role is tightly connected to the history of power politics in Europe, the distinct advantages of Swiss neutrality and the evolution of international diplomacy. Two hundred years ago, Geneva was treated as an object of geopolitics and bartered away at the Congresses of Paris and Vienna in order to establish a post-Napoleonic equilibrium on the European continent. This geopolitical role was retained until the Inter-War Period. Today, Geneva is often described as “the diplomatic capital of the world” and is an important node in the global economy. Two factors explain this remarkable transformation: 1) the role of the city as a “safe haven” that could offer intact infrastructure and ‘business as usual’ during the two World Wars and 2) its role as a hub of political and economic coordination between the West and the Soviet Union during the Cold War.

Paris, Vienna and Geneva

The year 1815 marked the end of a fifteen-year period of  French rule  over Geneva. After Napoleon’s troops were driven from the city following his defeat at Leipzig in 1813, the Swiss federal assembly voted to integrate Geneva, Neuchâtel and the Valais into the Confederation, leading to the signing of the  Treaty for the Admission of Geneva  on 19 May 1815.

On Geneva’s part, the move for admission was primarily a geopolitical calculation. In an era of empires and nation-states, Geneva recognized that city-states would require a larger entity to provide for their defense and survival.

At the Congresses of Paris and Vienna, Geneva won support for its desire to become a part of Switzerland. Represented by the diplomat Charles Pictet de Rochemont, Geneva received seven communes from the Pays de Gex and twenty-four communes from Savoy. Both France and the Kingdom of Sardinia ceded territories for this purpose, according to the  Treaty of Paris of 1815 and the Treaty of Turin of 1816 .

Geneva achieved its objectives because they were in line with the geopolitical aims of the great powers of the day. At the same time, those great powers guaranteed the city’s neutrality which helped it to become an important setting for international cooperation.

Fifteen years after Geneva became the twenty-second canton of Switzerland, Swiss philanthropist Jean-Jacques Sellon created the Society for Peace. Another 33 years later, Geneva became the seat of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and witnessed the signing of the first international humanitarian treaty, the Geneva Convention, in 1864.

A global capital

The first attempts at formal international cooperation in Geneva were not resoundingly successful. The League of Nations, which came into existence in 1920, was headquartered in the city – first in the Palais Wilson and then in the purpose-built Palace of Nations. Though it ultimately failed to prevent the slide towards the Second World War, the League was not without its  successes : for instance, the work performed by the International Labour Organization, the International Refugee Organization and the Health Organization helped to raise Geneva’s stature in the interwar period.

Geneva attained even greater significance, however, in the post-War period when many high-level negotiations and diplomatic summits began to take place in the city. These included the 1954 Conference on Indochina, the post-war meeting of the Allies in 1955, the Reagan-Gorbachev Summit in 1985, START negotiations in 2008-2009, and the ongoing high-level talks on the Iranian nuclear weapons program. For its contributions to international peace and stability, Geneva-based organizations and personalities have received no fewer than sixteen Nobel prizes, most of them for peace. The first was awarded to Henry Dunant, the founder of the ICRC; the most recent was awarded to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.

Geneva, however, is not only a global diplomatic capital but an important node in the global economy. In particular, it has become a center for the global trade in raw materials. More than 500 multi-national corporations trade in raw materials from Geneva, accounting for approximately  10% of the city’s (and the canton’s) GDP . On a given day, Geneva-based corporations process over  700 million tons of oil , which exceeds the trading volumes of the City of London (approximately 520 million tons per day) and Singapore (440 million). 80% of all Russian oil is traded through the city and approximately 20% of all cotton. Some estimate that a third of the global trade in oil, cereals, cotton and sugar, as well as half of the global trade in coffee are also  directed through Geneva .

Geneva has risen to become an important geopolitical city for a variety of reasons. During the First World War, Switzerland, and hence also Geneva, was able to offer “business as usual” to international trading firms. During the 1920s, the first cereal traders, such as André, came to Geneva, primarily to be close to their main customer, Nestlé. On top of this, several Ottoman and later Turkish traders found it convenient to establish trading subsidiaries in the region of Lausanne, located on the route of the Orient Express between London and Istanbul.

Furthermore, Geneva began to benefit from the image of neutrality bestowed upon the city by the international organizations which increasingly established their headquarters there. Yet it was perhaps Geneva’s role as a “safe haven” (and its intact infrastructure) during the Second World War that attracted the most business to the city.

During the Cold War, as a result, Geneva was already well known throughout the world as a ‘neutral’ trading location. This meant that it was in Geneva that economic and political coordination between the West and the Soviet bloc came to be orchestrated. It also continued to function as an economic safe haven. Indeed, it was to Geneva that Egyptian cotton traders transferred their activities during the Nasser era, just like many Arab oil traders after the oil crisis of 1973-1974.

Swiss meta-geopolitics

Undeniably, one of the reasons why Geneva is so international is because the European headquarters of the UN and its agencies are located in the city. This reflects Switzerland’s long-standing commitment to provide federal and cantonal support to the United Nations. Most recently, this took the form of a generous loan at preferential rates for the renovation of the UN’s Palais des Nations, covering almost 50% of the costs (approximately 300 million Swiss francs). Nowhere else does the UN benefit from such facilities and this level of support.

Over decades, Geneva has established a well-defined identity as a city of peace and an ideal meeting place for diplomats – whether in the field of humanitarian action, disarmament, climate change or other concerns. In recent years, activities in other sectors, such as the crude oil trade, have increased the city’s international renown. While Geneva faces competition as a global economic and diplomatic center from cities in Asia, Africa and Latin America – some of which are becoming prominent regional centers of dialogue and diplomacy – it is unlikely that the city’s stature will diminish anytime soon.

Using the framework of  meta­-geopolitics , the following table discusses the geopolitical strengths and imperatives of “International Geneva.”

Issue Area

Geopolitical Realities and Dilemmas

Social and Health Issues                                                                                                                                                

Excellent services, quality of life and an ideal location for diplomats and expats.

Geneva is a central location for global governance regarding social issues, public health, employment, youth, education and other areas.

Domestic Politics

Swiss neutrality, highly stable and democratic, but the initiative to curb the number of foreigners is perceived as a major setback for the city and country (although these regulations do not affected the staff of international organizations from the UN family.)

Economics

Trade hub, both private companies and inter-governmental organizations in the area of trade, development, labour.

Environment

The city and canton of Geneva place strong emphasis on energy-saving and a clean environment. In line with the Swiss environmental policies, Geneva has strict standards of agricultural biodiversity, waste management or water management.

Geneva is a center for environmental diplomacy and climate change dialogue (e.g. the UN Environmental Programme is located here).

Science and Human Potential

High-profile universities, excellent research centers in medicine, chemistry, physics and other sciences.

Numerous UN research centers and institutes are located in Geneva (e.g. UNITAR).

Military and Security Issues                             

Geneva is a key centre for disarmament diplomacy, including the Conference on Disarmament and is host to numerous NGOs and think tanks with a unique profile in security studies, small arms, demilitarization.

International Diplomacy

Unique strength as global meeting point for international diplomats, activists and NGOs.

 

Issue Area

Imperatives and future trajectories

Social and Health Issues                                                                                        

High quality of life, among the top best in the world (ranked before London) will make it attractive for foreign companies.

Domestic Politics

Greater openness to foreign workforce, imperative for more facilities for expats.

Economics

Increasing importance as trading center for petrol and other commodities, growing importance in cereals trading, insurance companies, consultancies and shipping.

Low inflation - gives strength to the economy

The simple and strict tax system, with some tax discounts for companies contributes to attracting companies and investors (taxes from 3.5 to 14.1%, compared to London - 30%)

Environment

N/A

Science and Human Potential

Continued investment in sciences and research. Excellent universities and highly skilled workforce on the local market are expected to attract even more foreign companies.

Military and Security Issues

N/A

International Diplomacy

Geneva will retain a prominent place in global diplomacy, yet the future of "International Geneva" strongly correlate with the future of the UN system.

 

 

>> Back to GCSP Staff Publications

A „Komplex vállalati technológiafejlesztés mikro-, kis- és középvállalkozások számára” című konstrukció keretében 95,91 millió forint vissza nem térítendő uniós támogatást nyert el a LEMANIT Kötőipari és Kereskedelmi Kft.

A cég közel 240 millió forint összköltségű projektje során telephelyi termelési infrastruktúra kiépítése és eszközbeszerzés történt.

A Lemanit Kft. mosonmagyaróvári komplex beruházása során elkészült egy új 1720 m2–es telephely, kötöde és nyílászáró szalon funkcióval, gyártócsarnok épült, továbbá raktár, iroda és szociális helyiségeket alakítottak ki. A projekt keretében a vállalkozás a kötödei gyártási tevékenységhez szükséges eszközparkját is fejlesztette.

A beruházás nyomán várhatóan kissé nő a Társaság árbevétele, a termelési volumen és a foglalkoztatottak száma, valamint erősödik piaci helyzete. A Társaság stratégiai célja termékei piaci részarányának növelése a termelési hatékonyság és minőség megőrzése mellett, valamint a termelési feladatok magas színvonalú és rugalmas végrehajtása, nagyobb volumenű és hozzáadott értékű termelő tevékenység végzése.

Az új termelő - épület és gép - kapacitással saját tulajdonú termelési bázis jött létre, a termékportfólió diverzifikálódott, a kockázat csökkent, a termelési kapacitások bővültek, a fajlagos költségek csökkentek. Mindezek következtében a beruházással biztosítottá vált a gazdaságos és versenyképes működés.

A GOP-2.1.1-12/B „Komplex vállalati technológiafejlesztés mikro-, kis- és középvállalkozások számára” elnevezésű pályázati kiírásán 95 915 828 forintos támogatást elnyert, 239 789 571 forint összköltségvetésű fejlesztés 2013. november 25-én indult és 2014. december 31-én zárult.

A projekt az Európai Unió támogatásával, az Európai Regionális Fejlesztési Alap társfinanszírozásával valósult meg.

Orbán szerint a kormánya által elértek miatt Magyarország Közép-Európa vezetője lett.

Welcome to this week’s CCLKOW discussion piece. This time, we are looking at the portrayal and perception of military veterans in the UK and other western countries. In short, veterans are frequently characterised as ‘victims,’ in the media and by the public at large. Moreover, there is increasing concern that they will experience long-term mental health problems in the wake of deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan. However, veterans are a far more heterogeneous and resilient group than reports seem to indicate. Read the piece and join the discussion on Twitter at #CCLKOW

In the last few years, media reports have suggested that there are an alarming number of British veterans experiencing service-related psychological problems. Commentators have argued that an increasing pool of ex-servicemen and women are falling through the cracks. As operations in Afghanistan have come to a close, numerous authors have expressed the fear that a record number of veterans will present with mental health problems like Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PSTD) in the near future.[i] The debate over how best to address their needs and foster a supportive environment for these men and women has become highly politicised. In the process, the veteran has become a hotly contested figure. The popular portrayal of military veterans in the UK and other western countries has only served to further complicate this dialogue.

There is a growing and widespread perception amongst the media and public alike that war is a universally traumatising event and veterans, without exception will be damaged by their experiences. Beginning in 2011, Conservative peer Lord Ashcroft conducted a study to evaluate public opinion of the British Armed Forces. Amongst his chief findings, he reported that, ‘in our poll of the UK public, more than nine out of ten thought it was common for those leaving the Force to have “some kind of physical, emotional or mental problem” as a result of their time in the military; more than a third (34%) thought it was “very common” for this to be the case.’[ii] In a recent article, journalist Max Hastings has also pointed out that, ‘those who have participated in wars are widely perceived not as protagonists…but instead as victims.’[iii] Popular television shows of the past decade frequently depict veterans as broken individuals who can lash out violently at those around them. They are characterised as ‘ticking time bombs,’ who will inevitably experience difficulties in processing their experiences.[iv]

This image is further reinforced when the war in question is unpopular. As historian Helen McCartney has underlined, ‘much of the UK newspaper coverage of the armed forces depicts service personnel as victims, either of failed strategies in Iraq and Afghanistan or of government underspending or MoD incompetence.’[v] In the United States, retired four star General Jim Mattis has also publicly criticized news outlets and politicians for helping, ‘fuel [the] perception that most or all…veterans come back from war traumatized.’[vi] Mattis is but one of many voices within the wider community of American veterans who have expressed concern over public perception.[vii]

On both sides of the Atlantic, the black and white picture that has been presented does not accurately reflect the complexity of the issue at hand and lacks a great deal of nuance. According to a 2014 study conducted by researchers at the King’s Centre for Military Health Research, ‘contrary to many people’s expectations, deployment to Iraq and Afghanistan has not led to an overall increase in mental health problems among UK personnel.’[viii] The authors estimated that only around 1.3% to 4.8% of UK Regulars returning from deployment exhibited symptoms of probable PTSD.[ix] Recent reports also indicate that rates of suicide are lower within the military than in the civilian population.[x] In general, veterans who have deployed on more than one occasion are less likely to suffer from ‘subsequent mental health problems.’[xi] Around 18,000 service personnel are discharged from the British Armed Forces every year. While little research has been done on service leavers in the UK, the American literature suggests that, ‘military service for most people, has a positive effect on…life trajectory.’[xii]

There will be those veterans who experience psychological difficulties as a result of their service and will require help in processing their experiences and adjusting to civilian life. Scholars have identified several groups (e.g. combat veterans, reservists) as at higher risk for mental health problems.[xiii] These veterans and their families deserve to be treated fairly and receive the attention that they require. Be that as it may, the present paradigm of the veteran as victim fails to acknowledge the range of human experience in relation to trauma. Not all veterans are damaged by their experiences of war. Acknowledging this resilience does not trivialize or delegitimize individual suffering. On the contrary, it simply recognizes the complexities of how human beings react to stressful or traumatic events and the difficulties inherent in trying to neatly categorise people into boxes.

Over the next decade, the UK and its allies will undoubtedly continue to face challenges in caring for and adequately addressing the needs of a new generation of veterans. There is evidence to suggest that stigma remains a barrier to those who might wish to seek professional help.[xiv] Furthermore, the military footprint is shrinking in response to cuts in manpower. Consequently, fewer members of the public have ties to those in uniform. There is also a need to continue improving the options available to veterans and their families in connection to services like counseling.[xv] However, this process should not be informed by extreme stereotypes but by a well-rounded and realistic picture of the veteran population. The public should be encouraged to see veterans as they would see themselves, as human beings with challenges to face and reserves of strength upon which to draw. Like civilians, service personnel and veterans struggle with addiction, depression and many other disorders. Equally, they can recover and/or live with those disorders and still have much to offer society. Moreover, they frequently exhibit a remarkable resilience that should be recognized and celebrated.

So the questions for this week are:

Does public perception help or hinder the recovery of veterans who have experienced trauma?

How should the media portray veterans in order to more accurately reflect their experiences?

Is it possible to effectively ‘support the soldier’ without supporting the cause for which they fight?

 

*’Culture of trauma’ is a phrase that appears to have been coined by Ben Shephard, War of Nerves: Soldiers and Psychiatrists in the Twentieth Century, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), p. 385.

[i] Sima Kotecha, ‘Care for UK Military Veterans is “Flawed,” Medical Experts Say,’ BBC News, 29 Oct 2014.

[ii] Lord Ashcroft, ‘The Armed Forces & Society: The military in Britain—through the eyes of Service personnel, employers, and the public’ (May 2012), p. 15.

[iii] Max Hastings, ‘Veterans and Mental Health in Contemporary Britain,’ Royal United Services Institute Journal 159, No. 6 (Dec 2014), p. 36.

[iv] Ben Farmer, ‘Army recruitment could be hit by charities portraying troops as victims,’ Telegraph (25 Dec 2013), http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/defence/10531300/Army-recruitment-could-be-hit-by-charities-portraying-troops-as-victims.html.

[v] Helen McCartney, ‘The military covenant and the civil-military contract in Britain,’ International Affairs 86, No. 2 (2010), p. 424.

[vi] General Jim Mattis, as quoted in, Jim Michaels, ‘Mattis: Veterans are not victims,’ USA Today (5 May 2014), http://www.usatoday.com/story/nation/2014/05/05/mattis-iraq-afghanistan-marines-usmc/8632093/.

[vii] David Morris, ‘Surviving War Doesn’t Turn All Veterans into Victims, Sometimes it Helps Them Grow,’ The Daily Beast (18 May 2014), http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2014/05/18/surviving-war-doesn-t-turn-all-veterans-into-victims-sometimes-it-helps-them-grow.html; Dave Philipps, ‘Coming Home to Damaging Stereotypes,’ New York Times (5 Feb 2015), http://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/06/us/a-veteran-works-to-break-the-broken-hero-stereotype.html?_r=0

[viii] Deirdre MacManus, N Jones, S Wessely, NT Fear, E Jones, N Greenberg, ‘The mental health of the UK Armed Forces in the 21st century: resilience in the face of adversity,’ J R Army Med Corps 0 (2014), p. 1.

[ix] Ibid., p. 2.

[x] MoD, ‘Suicide and Open Verdict Deaths in the UK Regular Armed Forces 1985-2013,’ 27 March 2014; ‘Myth Busters,’ Combat Stress (2015), http://www.combatstress.org.uk/veterans/myth-busters/#VeteransAndSuicide

[xi] James Gallagher, ‘”Violence Risk” after Military Tours,’ BBC News, 15 March 2013.

[xii] Amy Iverson, Vasilis Nikolaou, Neil Greenberg, Catherine Unwin, Lisa Hull, Mathew Hotopf, Christopher Dandeker, John Ross and Simon Wessely, ‘What happens to British veterans when they leave the armed forces?,’ European Journal of Public Health 15, No. 2 (2005), pp. 175-184.

[xiii] MacManus, N Jones, Wessely, NT Fear, E Jones, Greenberg, ‘The mental health of the UK Armed Forces in the 21st century,’ p. 1.

[xiv] Amy C Iverson, Lauren van Staden, Jamie Hacker Hughes, Neil Greenberg, Matthew Hotopf, Roberto J Rona, Graham Thornicroft, Simon Wessely, and Nicola T Fear, ‘The stigma of mental health problems and other barriers to care in the UK Armed Forces,’ BioMed Central Health Services Research 11 (2011), pp. 1-10.

[xv] MoD, ‘Annual Medical Discharges in the UK Regular Armed Forces 2009/10-2013/14,’ 10 July 2014.

Borisz Nyemcov meggyilkolásának ügye, és a felelős, felelősök kérdése nem csak a világsajtó címlapjaira került, de a magyar netes sajtó is belevetette magát a találgatásokba.

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General Dynamics UK has announced the Critical Design Review (CDR) phase for the SCOUT Reconnaissance variant has been successfully completed. The company said

General Dynamics UK has announced the Critical Design Review (CDR) phase for the SCOUT Reconnaissance variant has been successfully completed. The company said

Admiral Paul Zukunft, the commandant of the US Coast Guard (USCG), has expressed concern about the lack of ice-breaking capabilities the US boasts as the importance of the Arctic continues to expand and activity in the region increases. Speaking during his annual st

Russian BAZ-6909 Special Wheeled Chassis

Dijsselbloem, left, speaks with Varoufakis during a finance ministers' meeting in February

During a 45-minute interview in his Dutch finance ministry office in The Hague, Jeroen Dijsselbloem, chairman of the eurogroup, offered up a detailed recounting of his month-long negotiations with Athens to secure last week’s agreement extending Greece’s €172bn bailout by four months – as well as his views of what might come next.

Portions of that interview have been be published on the Financial Times website here and here, but as is our normal practice at the Brussels Blog, we thought we’d offer up a more complete transcript of the interview since some of it – including previously undisclosed details about the three eurogroup meetings needed to reach a deal – was left on the cutting room floor and may be of interest to those following the Greek crisis closely. The transcript has been edited very slightly to eliminate cross-talk and shorten occasionally long-winded questions from the interviewer.

The interview started on Dijsselbloem’s decision to travel to Athens to meet Greek prime minister Alexis Tsipras just days after the January 25 elections – a visit that was overshadowed by a tension-filled press conference between Dijsselbloem and his Greek counterpart, Yanis Varoufakis, which spurred a market sell-off:

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Dans une étude pour l'Ifri, à paraître, un expert décrit une armée russe forte surtout de l'arme nucléaire et de troupes d'élite. Elle n'aurait pas les moyens d'une opération militaire majeure comme l'occupation d'un territoire.

Les missions opérationnelles d'Eufor-RCA s'achèvent à Bangui.