SWP

Feminist foreign policy (FFP) provides a policy framework for government action and for processes and structures within ministries. The introduc­tion of such a framework is linked to a change in policy that is intended to help reduce discriminatory asymmetric relations of power. FFP is a new political concept that has emerged in the context of increas­ing gender awareness in international politics. The Swedish government was the first to officially describe its foreign policy as feminist in 2014. Other countries from various regions have gradually followed suit. Germany joined the trend in March 2023, when the Federal Foreign Office published its guidelines for feminist foreign policy and the Federal Minis­try for Economic Cooperation and Development published its strategy for a feminist development policy. Both ministries see their documents as unfinished concepts that – with the help of research – will be adapted and further developed. This study, with its 11 application-oriented analyses, can contribute towards this effort. In addition to the core elements of national FFP concepts, German and European policy towards selected countries (states in Eastern Europe as well as Turkey, the Palestinian territories and Iran) as well as individual policy areas and international instruments (trade policy, digital policy, migration, flight and displacement, stabilisation and sanctions) are exam­ined with regard to the limits and potentials of implementing FFP.

Die EU setzt für ihre Versorgung mit sogenannten kritischen Rohstoffen auf eine Verstärkung der Kooperation mit gleichgesinnten Staaten. Als »perfect match« sieht EU-Kommissionspräsidentin von der Leyen in diesem Zusammenhang Kanada an, ein rohstoffreicher und verlässlicher Partner, der die geopolitischen Interessen und Nach­haltigkeitsziele der EU teilt. Kanada will seine Lieferketten diversifizieren und dem Einfluss chinesischer Akteure in seiner Bergbauindustrie durch eine Politik des Friendshoring entgegenwirken. Dabei zeigt sich die kanadische Regierung weitaus offener als die US-Regierung für eine Zusammenarbeit mit der EU in Rohstofflieferketten und Schlüsselindustrien. Eine Vertiefung der Kooperation ist für beide Seiten vorteilhaft. Um die Rohstoffpartnerschaft wirklich zu einem perfekten Match zu machen, sollte die EU jedoch stärkere finanzielle Anreize setzen für die Verzahnung der europäischen und kanadischen Industrien, den wissenschaftlichen Austausch und die technische Zusammenarbeit fördern und sich für starke unternehmerische Sorgfaltspflichten in Lieferketten einsetzen.

In the European summer of 2027, the world faces a threat, not only to human health but also to biological diversity and food security. An alarming scenario is emerging: The rapidly thawing permafrost in the Russian tundra has released an unknown form of anthrax that is primarily transmitted by birds. European efforts to collaborate with Russia in combating the spread of this pathogen are being met with resistance.

Neuer Einfluss in Afrika? Gerrit Kurtz über russische Marinebasen, die Rolle Moskaus im Bürgerkrieg im Sudan und deutsche Interessen am Roten Meer.

Acht Vorschläge für eine effizientere bilaterale Kooperationsarchitektur im Bereich der Verteidigung

Right-Wing Populism Could Soon Undermine It

Die freiwillige Auflösung des Parlaments könnte den Weg für eine rechtspopulistische Regierung in Frankreich ebnen. Das stellt ein enormes Risiko für Europa dar.

Die Konfliktkonstellationen in Südasien befinden sich im Umbruch. Dazu beigetragen haben eine Reihe internationaler und nationaler Entwicklungen seit Mitte der 2010er Jahre. Sicherheitspolitisch wird die Region künftig weniger durch den indisch-pakistanischen Konflikt als durch die Rivalität zwischen Indien und China geprägt. Die ungeklärte Grenzfrage zwischen beiden Ländern und deren geopolitische Rivalitäten in Südasien und im Indo-Pazifik sind Ausgangspunkt für weitere Konflikte. Chinas umfangreiche Investitionen im Rahmen der Seidenstraßen-Initiative haben die ohnehin nur geringen Ansätze regionaler Zusammen­arbeit, für die etwa die South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) steht, weiter geschwächt. Die zunehmende Verschuldung der Staaten dürfte Beijings politischen Einfluss in Südasien mittelfristig weiter erhöhen. Neu-Delhi konzentriert sein regionales Engagement auf den Golf von Bengalen und den Indischen Ozean. Politisch ist seit den 2010er Jahren ein verstärktes Aufkommen populis­tischer und autokratischer Regime zu beobachten, zuvorderst in Indien, Bangladesch und Sri Lanka. Sofern sich diese Tendenzen verstetigen, wird Berlin in den bilateralen Beziehungen nach Südasien eine Balance finden müssen – auf der einen Seite stehen die normativen Ansprüche der eigenen Außenpolitik, auf der anderen die gemeinsamen Interessen mit dem jeweiligen Partnerland. Ein indisch-chinesischer Konflikt wird Deutschland eine klarere Positionierung abverlangen, als dies bei früheren indisch-pakistanischen Krisen der Fall war. Angesichts der Schwäche regionaler Organisationen sollte sich das deutsche Engagement stärker auf minilaterale Formate richten.

For decades, Maghrebi decision-makers have instrumentalised friend and foe narratives with regard to Israel and Iran, two of the most controversial regional actors in the MENA region. Only Morocco has official relations with Israel, only Algeria and Tunisia with Iran. A systematic analysis of news agency reports and social media shows that political elites in the Maghreb exploit public sentiment on Israel and Iran for their own domestic and foreign policy ends: distracting from socio-economic challenges, restricting freedom of expression, strengthening the security apparatus, demonising neighbours, and nation-branding. The escalation of violence in the Middle East since 7 October 2023 has amplified existing trends in the three Maghreb states concerning Israel and to a lesser extent Iran, and revealed almost unanimous public rejection of Israel and, to a lesser degree, growing sympathies for Iran. The official responses vary: Rabat is sticking to its normalisation with Israel and rejection of Iran. Algiers is seeking to position itself as a voice for global justice in the international arena, while the Tunisian president styles himself as one of the Arab World’s most steadfast proponents of the “liberation” of Palestine. Decision-makers in Europe need to develop an understanding of the frus­trations in the Maghreb over Western double standards, and of the fundamentally different perspectives on Israel/Palestine. Otherwise they risk losing all their (civil society) partners in the region. At the same time, European policy-makers should be attentive when Maghrebi governments restrict freedom of expression and religious plu­ralism under the pretext of opposing Israel or Iran and – in the case of Algeria and Morocco – resort to potentially destabilising propaganda and sabre-rattling.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 also called the sovereignty of Belarus into question. The country served as a launching pad for the attack, thus becoming a co-aggressor. However, relations between Minsk and Moscow changed the longer the war has lasted. Belarusian leader Lukashenka has increasingly acted like a self-confident war service provider toward Kremlin boss Putin. At the same time, he has been able to avoid any direct military involvement and has sought to preserve his chance at serving as a mediator. Nevertheless, Belarus’ structural dependence on Russia has continued to increase in many areas. Right now, this gradual loss of sover­eignty can still be reversed. In order for this to remain the situation, the EU and Germany must not write the country off.

In China, money, currency and payment transactions are manifestations of state sovereignty and political power. The primary objective of Chinese monetary policy is to maintain domestic stability, expand the scope of its own influence internationally, and reshape the global financial and monetary system to make it more compatible with the structures of the Chinese one-party state. China is pursuing the internationalisation of the renminbi on several tracks in small persistent steps and with a long-term perspective, but it has so far shied away from the decisive transition to convertibility. For the time being, the renminbi does not play a significant role on the global financial and currency markets. However, it is gaining ground as a trading, credit and reserve currency in Asia and the Global South. China is a pioneer in the development and introduction of digital central bank money. It is striving to play a leading role in the digitalisation of international payment transactions. Prospectively, the technology and infrastructure developed in China and the standards set for cross-border payments using blockchain and real-time transactions could replace the current international banking and clearing system in a cost-effective manner. The Chinese leadership believes that digital central bank money offers great potential: In terms of domestic policy, it creates further opportunities for surveillance and repression. Internationally, it would become easier for China and third countries to circumvent Western financial sanctions. In response to China’s currency campaign, the European Union and the European Central Bank should step up their own efforts to internationalise and digitise the euro. Europe should avoid dependence on China when it comes to the future critical infrastructure of an interoperable system for international payments with digital central bank money.

Vom 06. bis 09. Juni 2024 wählen die Bürger:innen der Europäischen Union ein neues Parlament. Das Dossier bündelt Analysen zu den Auswirkungen der Wahl auf die Institutionen der EU, ihre politischen Prioritäten sowie die europäische Parteienlandschaft.

Russia’s war against Ukraine seems to have no immediate end in sight, the strategic competition between China and the US continues, and the expanding military cooperation between China and Russia increases the challenges facing the international com­munity. In this context, the Arctic seems to be a relic of the past, no longer the “zone of peace” that Mikhail Gorbachev described in 1987. Indeed, this Arctic exceptionalism ended long before Russia’s war of aggression began. In order to restore at least a minimum level of cooperation, informal talks are needed that could help to provide perspective after the end of the war. Two former relatively uncontroversial projects could serve as starting points: the recovery of radioactive remnants of the Cold War and an agreement to prevent unintentional escalation, namely, another Incidents at Sea Agreement (INCSEA). A return to old approaches to arms control could pave the way to renewed cooperation in the Arctic in the future.

Die Sondersendung befasst sich mit den Herausforderungen der Wahlen und den großen Wahlkampfthemen: Migration und Grenzen, Klima, Umwelt und Wirtschaft.

Impulse für die EU-Reformdebatte