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Thursday 17 September

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Thursday 17 September

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Die Zahlen sind für die Ansprüche des FC St. Gallen der blanke Horror: Vierte Niederlage in den letzten fünf Ligaspielen. Wettbewerbsübergreifend die sechste in sieben Spielen. Quo vadis Espen?

La présence de Marion Maréchal, mardi 15 septembre, à l’inauguration d’une exposition anti-avortement dans les allées du Parlement européen oblige le Rassemblement national à réfuter ses propres obsessions conservatrices. Interrogé par plusieurs médias, le président du parti lepéniste, Jordan Bardella, en a profité pour lâcher sa rivale.

Pris dans la polémique avec ses coéquipiers Vinicius Junior et Ibrahima Konaté après avoir refusé de porter entièrement un t-shirt floqué des slogans « Nous sommes tous des maquereaux » (le surnom des habitants de Ceuta), Kylian Mbappé est sorti du silence. Le joueur explique être « pleinement solidaire de Ceuta et de toutes les victimes » dont les migrants.

A közhiedelemmel ellentétben nem ő a telefonközpont feltalálója, viszont nevéhez fűződik a világ első vezetékes hír- és műsorközlő szolgáltatása – halálhírét is a telefonhírmondó tudatta először.

Puskás Tivadar 1844. szeptember 17-én született Budapesten. Ősei Csíkből származtak, apja vállalkozó szellemű székely ezermester volt.

Már gyermekként kitűnt éles logikájával,

ami különösen a matematikában mutatkozott meg. Emellett nagyszerűen zongorázott is.

A bécsi Theresianumba, a Mária Terézia által alapított polgári reálgimnáziumba járt, majd a császárváros Műegyetemén tanult tovább. Tanulmányait apja halála miatt nem fejezhette be. Rövid időre visszajött Pestre, de a hazai lehetőségeket szűknek érezte, ezért 1867-ben Angliába utazott.

Egy londoni vasútépítő cégnél helyezkedett el, amely elnyerte az erdélyi vasút megépítésére kiírt pályázatot, a munkálatokban Puskás is részt vett.

Ki akarta magát próbálni a korlátlan lehetőségek hazájában is, ezért Amerikába utazott. A vadnyugaton kutatott arany után, volt robbantási szakértő, ezüstbányákat, földeket vásárolt, végül tönkrement és 1876-ban csalódottan tért vissza Európába.

Gyorsan egyenesbe jött, amikor 1876-ban Brüsszelben létrehozta az első távíróközpontot: még Amerikában ötlött fel benne, hogy ha egy központban több vezetékes távíró-állomást kapcsolnának össze, a kapcsolatok lehetőségei lényegesen bővülnének.

Amikor a Bell által szabadalmaztatott telefonról olvasott, Puskás ismét Amerikába ment, ahol a feltalálóval és Edisonnal is megismerkedett, utóbbinak munkatársa lett.

A városi – minden bizonnyal hamis – legenda szerint amikor kettejük között végbement az első távolsági telefonbeszélgetés, Puskás a kagylót felvéve azt mondta: „hallom” – innen a világszerte elterjedt „halló” kifejezés.

Mindenesetre Edison Puskást bízta meg találmányainak európai értékesítésével, Londonban, majd Párizsban dolgozott, a párizsi világkiállításon mutatta be a fonográfot.

A telefon ügye nehezebben haladt előre, de miután 1879-ben létrehozta az első párizsi központot, a jogot Európa számos országa megvette, a hálózat fejlesztését Magyarországon Ferenc nevű öccse irányította.

Puskás a francia fővárosban villanyvilágítással is foglalkozott, de a legnagyobb feltűnést 1881-ben a párizsi opera előadásának vezetékes közvetítésével keltette. E vállalkozásának folytatásaként a világon először Budapesten vezetette be a „Beszélő Újságot”, a vezetékes hír- és műsorközlő szolgáltatást.

A módszer 1882. február 4-én, a farsangi íróbálon mutatkozott be, amikor a Nemzeti Színházból odavezetett „sodronyokon” át a Vigadóban felállított fülkékben az érdeklődők ámulva hallgatták a Hunyadi László dallamainak közvetítését. Egy korabeli újságíró-fültanú szerint „a zene és az ének olyan tisztán kivehető volt, mintha a Színház csarnokában álltam volna”.

Puskás ezután Magyarországon bányászattal foglalkozott, de e téren nem járt sikerrel, szabadalmaztatott viszont egy irányított robbantási módszert. 1887-től ismét a telefonüzletben működött: az időközben az állam tulajdonába átkerült vállalatát bérbe véve 1892. február 14-én a Bánk bán előadását közvetítette az Operaházból a Pesti Vigadóba.

Ezután hozta létre a telefonhírmondót – sok tekintetben a rádió előfutárát –, amely 1893. február 15-én e szavakkal kezdte meg adását Budapesten: „Üdvözöljük Budapest lakosságát. Üdvözöljük olyan szokatlan módon, amely páratlan a világon. Üdvözöljük az első várost, amelyből a telefonhírmondó az egész világon győzedelmes útjára indul.”

A szolgáltatásnak egy év múlva már 700, 1914-ben tízezer előfizetője volt, Puskás azonban ezt már nem érte meg. Egy hónappal a telefonhírmondó megindulása után, 1893. március 16-án halt meg Budapesten, a 49 éves feltaláló halálának hírét is elsőnek a telefonhírmondó közölte.

A közhiedelemmel ellentétben nem Puskás a telefonközpont feltalálója.

Az ötlet tőle származik ugyan, de az első gyakorlatban is használható telefonközpontot 1878-ban George W. Coy alkotta meg.

Puskás jó szervezőkészségű, kiváló műszaki-gazdasági szakember, nagy kísérletező volt, aki ismerte korának technikai lehetőségeit és ki is használta azokat.

A telefonhírmondóval alkotott igazán újat, amelyet jogosan neveznek a rádió ősének, mivel egy központból tetszőleges számú hallgatót láttak el hírekkel és műsorokkal. Neve e találmánya révén vált Európa-szerte ismertté.

Forrás: mult-kor.hu

The post 182 éve született Puskás Tivadar appeared first on Kárpátalja.ma.

Vor dem 1:0 von Beckham Costa checkt der Torschütze St. Gallens Jozo Stanic weg. Ref Luca Cibelli sieht sich die Szene nach VAR-Intervention an und entscheidet trotzdem auf Tor. Blick-Experte Urs Meier analysiert die Szene und richtet klare Worte an Cibelli.

By CIVICUS
Sep 17 2026 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses renewed conflict and a growing crackdown on independent media in Ethiopia with Yonas Kedir, Editor-in-Chief of the independent news outlet Addis Standard, who was recently abducted and detained by government forces.

Yonas Kedir

Fighting has resumed in western Tigray, straining the 2022 peace agreement that ended a war that killed hundreds of thousands of people. As the government and armed groups trade blame for the renewed violence, independent journalists trying to report on it are coming under mounting pressure. Reporters covering the conflict and its consequences face abduction, detention, harassment and surveillance, leaving Ethiopians with fewer ways to find out what is happening.

What’s the current situation in Ethiopia?

Ethiopia is facing overlapping humanitarian, political and security crises. Armed conflict continues in Amhara and Oromia states, while Tigray remains scarred by the devastating 2020-2022 war. Displacement continues, territorial disputes remain unresolved and the peace agreement has only been partly implemented.

Armed conflict and insecurity have also spread to Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambela and other parts of Ethiopia. Tensions between the federal government and Tigrayan authorities have intensified. The government alleges that Eritrea is backing the Tigray People’s Liberation Front and other armed groups. Relations with Eritrea are strained, particularly by disputes over Red Sea access and regional security, and Ethiopia is under growing scrutiny over its alleged role in Sudan’s civil war.

The government says Ethiopia faces an anti-federal military movement involving Eritrea, Sudan, the Oromo Liberation Army, Tigray forces and Fano, an Amhara nationalist militia, accusing them of working as an alliance to unseat the federal government. These are highly contested claims, but they shape the government’s framing of the security environment.

Why are journalists being targeted, and why is the pressure escalating?

Journalists are targeted because independent reporting can challenge official narratives and expose abuses, civilian harm and government conduct. When journalists investigate alleged abuses by government forces, authorities present their work as damaging Ethiopia’s national security or serving foreign interests.

There’s a growing tendency to treat independent journalism as a national security threat. Government officials often call on the media to prioritise the national interest and national unity, while treating critical reporting on sensitive issues as inherently harmful to the country.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have documented a deteriorating environment for independent media, including detention, intimidation, restrictions and the use of broad national security and national interest arguments against critical reporting. In this context, legitimate public-interest reporting can be interpreted by authorities or politicians as taking sides.

The pressure has intensified because several politically sensitive issues are converging at the same time, including the political environment, the security situation, the unresolved consequences of the Tigray war, tensions involving Eritrea and Sudan and debates over Ethiopia’s constitutional and political future.

The most recent election was held in a highly contested political environment, with several major opposition parties boycotting the process. This has raised questions about the inclusiveness and broader political legitimacy of the electoral process, particularly in a context where political space for opposition political figures and independent voices remains constrained.

These issues make independent reporting particularly important, but also make journalism on governance and political issues increasingly sensitive.

Why were you detained, and what happened while you were held?

I don’t know for sure who ordered my detention, and nor can I establish the full motive. But the questions I was asked and the circumstances around them strongly suggest my journalistic work was central to what happened.

On 1 August, security personnel took me, assaulted me, blindfolded me and held me for around 24 hours. They questioned me about my work and about Addis Standard’s reporting. While I was detained, security forces raided Addis Standard’s office and seized cameras and other newsroom equipment. They also searched my home and confiscated company and personal equipment. I was released the next day.

For me, this was bigger than myself. The fact that I was questioned about my work and that newsroom equipment was seized raises concerns about the safety of all journalists and the ability of independent media to operate freely.

What conditions do journalists face in Ethiopia, and what are the consequences of the loss of independent reporting?

Journalists in Ethiopia operate in an environment of fear and uncertainty, facing administrative restrictions, arrest, detention, harassment, online intimidation, physical attacks and surveillance. This is particularly true for those in conflict areas, where access can be restricted, sources are often afraid to speak and journalists face pressure from multiple sides, not only federal authorities but also armed and political groups.

This encourages self-censorship. Journalists avoid particular subjects, soften their language or decide not to publish information that could put themselves, colleagues or sources in danger. This leaves people with very limited access to reliable information about decisions that affect their lives.

Independent journalism provides a mechanism for documenting alleged abuses, civilian casualties, displacement and humanitarian needs. A healthy information environment is essential for meaningful public participation, national dialogue and peacebuilding. When independent reporting is weakened, victims and communities lose a public platform to raise concerns. It also becomes harder for people to distinguish verified information from disinformation, propaganda and politically motivated narratives.

What support do Ethiopian journalists and civil society need?

The international community should help build stronger protection and rapid-response mechanisms for when journalists are attacked, detained and threatened, and should press for meaningful accountability for abuses against journalists and media organisations.

International partners should provide legal and institutional support to help media organisations challenge arbitrary licence revocations, unlawful restrictions and other forms of administrative pressure. They should support efforts to strengthen the independence of Ethiopia’s judiciary, so it can protect fundamental rights and provide meaningful remedies when state institutions act unlawfully.

International partners should also give very serious attention to protecting people’s right to organise around their aspirations, grievances and interests, which is essential to peaceful political participation. Expanding civic space can strengthen peace processes and peacebuilding, while suppressing these rights can contribute to the expansion of conflict.

Finally, international partners should continue to monitor Ethiopia’s civic space, engage authorities and support independent investigations. Reporting on abuses shouldn’t be treated as a threat to national interest. It’s part of the public’s right to know. International engagement should also look beyond whether constitutional initiatives, elections and national dialogue processes take place on paper, and assess whether these processes are genuinely inclusive, participatory and protective of fundamental rights.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.

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SEE ALSO
Ethiopia: Authorities intensify media crackdown ahead of national elections CIVICUS Monitor 31.Jul.2026
Ethiopia: ‘The goal behind the bill is very clear: to control, silence and disable civil society’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Yared Hailemariam 28.Jul.2025
Ethiopia: ‘Reconciliation will require robust transitional justice and accountability mechanisms’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Henok Ashagray and Hone Mandefro 29.Jan.2025

 

 

 

 

Als erster Kandidat überhaupt triumphierte Ben Saunders bei der Musikshow «The Voice». Jetzt ist der Niederländer im Alter von nur 43 Jahren verstorben.

Nach der letzten Ski-Saison wurde das multinationale Global Racing Skiteam aufgelöst. So standen einige Athleten vor einer ungewissen Zukunft. Nun gibts wieder ein solches Team – inklusive prominenter Unterstützung.

Vor achtzig Jahren hielt Winston Churchill seine Europa-Rede in Zürich. Doch weder die Schweiz noch Grossbritannien sind Mitglied der EU. James Squire erklärt im Interview die besondere Rolle seines Landes und auch der Schweiz in einer angespannten Sicherheitslage.

By Mohammad Zaman
DHAKA, Bangladesh, Sep 17 2026 (IPS)

Bangladesh is rightly praised for saving lives during cyclones and floods. Early warning systems, cyclone shelters and community mobilisation have turned once-catastrophic disasters into emergencies in which evacuation is often possible. But behind that success lies a quieter national failure: millions of people are being uprooted inside the country, often more than once, without a clear path back to secure homes, land or livelihoods.

Dr Mohammad Zaman

An internally displaced person, or IDP, is someone forced to leave home by conflict, violence, rights abuses or disasters, but who remains within their own country. That distinction is crucial. Refugees cross an international border and seek protection elsewhere. IDPs stay inside their state, where the national government remains primarily responsible for their protection and assistance.

In Bangladesh, this distinction is not academic. A Rohingya family that fled Myanmar into Cox’s Bazar is rightly understood as part of a refugee crisis. A Bangladeshi family forced from a riverbank in Kazipur-Sirajganj, a cyclone-hit village in Barguna or Patuakhali, or a landslide-prone hillside in Chattogram is internally displaced. The first case draws international refugee law and a global humanitarian apparatus. The second is too often dismissed as local misfortune, seasonal migration or urban poverty—even when the displacement is forced, repeated and long-term.

The drivers are unmistakable. Monsoon floods, cyclones, storm surges and landslides trigger large annual movements. Slower disasters—riverbank erosion, salinity intrusion and coastal land loss—make return impossible for many families. Conflict and violence produce smaller annual movements, but protracted displacement in the Chittagong Hill Tracts remains unresolved. Development projects, urban evictions and infrastructure expansion can also uproot communities when resettlement and compensation fall short.

The numbers show why Bangladesh can no longer treat internal displacement as a temporary humanitarian footnote. The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre reported about 2.4 million disaster-related displacements in Bangladesh in 2024, up from about 1.8 million in 2023. Monsoon floods alone triggered around 1.3 million movements, including an estimated 723,000 in Sylhet division in June. Cyclone Remal added roughly 1.1 million displacements, many of them pre-emptive evacuations that saved lives but still disrupted homes, schools, work and local economies. Conflict and violence accounted for about 2,800 displacements.

New national evidence makes the picture starker. The International Organization for Migration’s Displacement Tracking Matrix estimated 5 million disaster-induced IDPs in Bangladesh in its 2025 nationwide assessment. Nearly two-thirds had been displaced before April 2020, meaning many have lived with displacement for years, not weeks. One quarter were concentrated in just four districts—Chattogram, Sirajganj, Bhola and Noakhali—while Chattogram and Dhaka divisions together hosted about 40 per cent of the estimated displaced population.

These figures expose an unequal geography of risk. Coastal households face cyclones, storm surges, saline water and embankment failures. Riverine communities in the north and centre lose land to erosion. City slums absorb families who arrive after disasters, only to place them in flood-prone, insecure and poorly serviced neighbourhoods. Women, children, older people and persons with disabilities face particular barriers in evacuation, shelter access, documentation, employment and safe housing. Displacement is not simply movement from one place to another; it can strip people of assets, identity, social networks, education and political voice.

Bangladesh’s IDP crisis is best understood as a development crisis with humanitarian symptoms. The country is comparatively strong at emergency response: it can warn people, open shelters and move communities away from immediate danger. The harder work begins after the water recedes—restoring land, rebuilding homes, returning children to school, replacing fishing gear or livestock, securing tenure in safer locations, and preventing displaced families from being pushed into exploitative labour or unsafe housing. Without durable solutions—safe return, local integration or planned relocation—each disaster deepens the last.

Bangladesh has a policy foundation, including its National Strategy on Internal Displacement Management. What it lacks is implementation at the scale demanded by climate reality. Internal displacement must be built into land-use planning, social protection, climate adaptation, urban housing, education, health care and local government finance. Data systems should distinguish short-term evacuations from protracted displacement. Relief, relocation and resettlement must be transparent, participatory and centred on livelihoods—not merely a transfer from one unsafe place to another.

Ashrayan, Bangladesh’s flagship housing program for landless and homeless families, offers both a useful model and a warning. Since 1997, it has given many poor households a legal roof, a small plot and access to basic services. For families living for years on embankments, khas land, riverbanks or in insecure urban settlements, secure shelter can be life-changing. But Ashrayan also shows why housing cannot be mistaken for rehabilitation. A house in the wrong place—without work nearby, transport, drainage, schools, health care or local accountability—can become another form of confinement. The real test is not how many units are handed over, but whether families can rebuild livelihoods and belong to the communities that receive them.

The recurring failures are practical and political. Too many Ashrayan-style resettlement sites are chosen because public or khas land is available, not because the location offers a realistic route out of poverty. Weak construction, poor drainage, inadequate sanitation, limited maintenance and exposure to floods or erosion can undermine relocation itself. Governance failures—unclear beneficiary selection, local influence, informal payments, land disputes and weak grievance systems—can be just as damaging. When these problems occur, families may gain a roof while losing the social networks, markets and informal economies that kept them afloat. Some commute long distances; some rent out or abandon the unit; some move again. That is not a failure of the displaced. It is a warning about policy design.

The future will be harsher if policy remains reactive. Climate change will intensify the hazards that already uproot families—heavier rainfall, stronger storm surges, sea-level rise, salinity and river erosion—while urbanisation will keep pulling displaced people into already strained cities such as Dhaka, Chattogram and secondary urban centres. Bangladesh has proved through cyclone preparedness that public policy can save lives. Its next test is whether those who survive disaster can also recover dignity, income and security afterward.

That begins with treating IDPs as rights-holders, not as casualties of bad weather. Bangladesh must move beyond emergency shelter toward secure housing, restored livelihoods and accountable national systems backed by climate finance. Resettlement must be written into land policy, local budgets, urban planning, social protection and climate adaptation before the next flood or cyclone arrives. The choice is stark: displacement can remain a conveyor belt into poverty, or it can become a national commitment to safety, citizenship and a future people can rebuild.

Dr. Mohammad Zaman is an internationally recognized scholar and practitioner in resettlement and development projects across Asia and Africa. His work brings together academic scholarship, field-based practice, social safeguards, and policy engagement, with a particular focus on how affected communities experience, negotiate, and reshape development interventions. Dr. Zaman’s most recent book is Anatomy of Resettlement: Ethnographic Accounts and Stories in Retrospect (Bloomsbury Academic, 2025).

IPS UN Bureau

 

 

 

 

Er plante die Tat über Wochen und soll dafür sogar ChatGPT genutzt haben. Heute steht Han L.* (25) wegen des Messerangriffs auf drei Kinder vor Gericht.

La brouille entre le Mali et l'Algérie semble être terminée, notamment avec la visite cette semaine à Bamako du Premier ministre algérien Sifi Ghrieb. À Paris, Luis Martinez est directeur de recherches au Centre de recherches internationales (Ceri). Il revient également sur l'arrivée spectaculaire le 30 août d'avions militaires algériens au Niger, l'autre grand pays du Sahel central. Quelles sont les ambitions d'Alger au Sahel ? Luis Martinez répond aux questions de Christophe Boisbouvier.

Au moins 82 personnes ont été tuées après l'effondrement d'une mine d'or au Soudan, pays ravagé par une guerre largement financée par cette industrie, a indiqué mercredi 16 septembre une source au sein des paramilitaires des Forces de soutien rapide (FSR). Après l’effondrement de l’économie en raison de la guerre, beaucoup de Soudanais ont investi les mines artisanales pour s’assurer des revenus.

This is the first time since the May 2025 military clashes that tension between the two sides has erupted into the open.

Selon les résultats de l'audit de la dette lancé en juin, le Gabon estime que son taux d’endettement s’élève à 68,91 %, ont dévoilé les autorités gabonaises dans un communiqué daté du 13 septembre. Il est donc finalement inférieur à la barre critique des 70 % et bien loin de certaines estimations l’estimant au-delà de 80 % : à son arrivée au pouvoir, le gouvernement de Brice Clothaire Oligui Nguema assurait avoir hérité de dettes cachées du régime précédent.

Avant un match à Elche, l'attaquant français Kylian Mbappé et ses deux coéquipiers du Real Madrid, Vinicius Junior et Ibrahim Konaté, avaient refusé d'enfiler entièrement un tee-shirt en soutien à la population de Ceuta. Créant une polémique dépassant le cadre sportif, l'attaquant français s'est alors expliqué mercredi 16 septembre, affirmant l'avoir fait pour « tous les migrants qui ont perdu la vie ».

A közoktatást hosszú évek óta gyakorlatilag ugyanazokkal a vádakkal illeti számos diák, szülő és sokszor éppenséggel pedagógus is: végletesen konzervatív és konformizmust ösztönző szemléletű, indokolatlanul nagy mennyiségű, viszont sokszor használhatatlan információval terheli túl a gyerekeket, a tanárok egy részének pedig a tantárgyával kapcsolatos tudása nem naprakész, miközben sem a korszerű eszközökkel, sem a diákokkal nem […]

Articolul A tanév új, a kérdések a régiek apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

Brian Mast (R-FL) and John Moolenaar (R-MI) have requested probes into 28 people and entities allegedly connected to scam gangs in Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar.