European Union

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EU Ministers for Transport, Infrastructure and Communications meet on 11 June 2015 in Luxembourg to discuss technical requirements for inland waterway vessels, the liberalisation of rail services, and air passenger rights.

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The Council on 11 June 2015 agreed a general approach on proposed technical requirements for inland waterway vessels. In the future, such technical standards will be developed in the European Committee for drawing up Standards in Inland Navigation (CESNI).  The standards drawn up by CESNI will automatically apply in their up-to-date version. 

 Streamlined procedures 

The reform will simplify and speed up procedures, in particular to adapt standards to technical progress. This should ensure a high level of safety, and encourage innovation and investment in new technologies. The new framework will provide legal certainty and be easier to use by member states' national administrations. The standards themselves are not changed by the proposal under discussion. 

Promoting safe and green transport 

Compared to land-based modes of transport, inland waterway transport is energy-efficient, safe and silent, and almost congestion-free. The draft directive is one of the measures aimed at making a better use of Europe's rivers and canals, and in particular getting more freight onto them (NAIADES II package). 

Working together with the Central Commission for Navigation on the Rhine (CCNR) 

There are currently two different inland navigation certificates operating in the EU: the EU certificate and the Rhine certificate. The system of two certificates will continue but it will be much easier to maintain the equivalence between them. 

The new committee CESNI was set up under the auspices of the Central Commission for Navigation on the Rhine (CCNR) on 3 June. It will be open to experts from all EU member states. At the same time it will be able to draw on the expertise that the CCNR has built up over the years in developing and updating technical requirements. 

The draft directive will only apply to member states in which inland navigation is used to a significant extent. The following member states are not required to implement it: Denmark, Estonia, Ireland, Greece, Spain, Cyprus, Latvia, Malta, Portugal, Slovenia and Finland. 

The draft act, which revises the existing directive from 2006, needs to be approved both by the Council and the European Parliament. The Parliament adopted its first-reading opinion in April 2014. 

Plenary sessions : The debate and vote on Parliament's recommendations on the ongoing Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations were postponed because of the high number of amendments tabled. What does this mean and what happens next?

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

Berlington Hungary and Others
Approximation of laws
Hungarian legislation which prohibits the operation of slot machines outside casinos may be contrary to the principle of freedom to provide services

Base Company and Mobistar
Approximation of laws
The Universal Service Directive does not lay down a social pricing obligation for mobile communications and mobile Internet subscriptions

Fahnenbrock
Area of Freedom, Security and Justice
Legal proceedings brought in Germany against the Greek State by individuals following the forced exchange of their government bonds may be served on that State in accordance with the EU Regulation on service

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EU Ministers for Transport, Infrastructure and Communications meet on 12 June 2015 in Luxembourg to focus on interoperability solutions for European public administrations, businesses and citizens (ISA2), to discuss a proposal to make websites more accessible, and to examine the Commission's Digital Single Market strategy from 6 May.

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Russia's illegal annexation of Crimea has also raised questions about the strategic military situation in the Black Sea Basin. As MEPs prepare to vote on a resolution on this on Thursday 11 June, we spoke to report author and EP Vice-President Ioan Mircea Paşcu about the situation. The Romanian S&D member told us: "The deployment and the aggressive modernisation of the fleet put forward by Russia is a security challenge, which cannot be ignored or left entirely to Nato."
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

Russia's illegal annexation of Crimea has also raised questions about the strategic military situation in the Black Sea Basin. As MEPs prepare to vote on a resolution on this on Thursday 11 June, we spoke to report author and EP Vice-President Ioan Mircea Paşcu about the situation. The Romanian S&D member told us: "The deployment and the aggressive modernisation of the fleet put forward by Russia is a security challenge, which cannot be ignored or left entirely to Nato."
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

Paradoxically, in the Western world, the fear of Islam and of terrorism carried out in its name are often strongest in places where there are hardly any Muslims.

A 2014 Bertelsmann Foundation study showed that the Germans most afraid of Islam live in places with the smallest Muslim populations. Those least afraid are found in regions with the biggest Muslim communities. Fear of Islam, it seems, is a virtual phenomenon, created neither by any risk of terrorist attack nor by personal experiences of being swamped by a supposedly growing Muslim population.

Westerners are of course not alone in this fear of the “other”. The deadly riots sparked by the publication of cartoons and other images supposedly depicting the Prophet Muhammad  are a clear sign of the inferiority complex in those who fear that Western culture aims to destroy the values of Muslim civilisation.

Although the perceived threat level is far from reflecting reality, there is some truth behind the fear on both sides. Terrorism in the name of Islam is a danger in Western countries, and the West often displays an arrogant superiority in its dealing with the Muslim world.  In places where very real and bloody wars are being waged, such fears are exploited by radicals who present conflicts in terms of a clash of civilisations between “unbelievers” and “pure Islam”. Underlying power struggles are being vested in this rhetoric, and the radical discourse becomes brutal reality.

This makes it very urgent that we debunk the overcharged rhetoric of what the Germans call “Kulturkampf”. There are two ways forward: we have to analyse what is really happening where Islam and the Western world meet, and we have to clearly identify the political dimension of current armed conflicts and search for pragmatic solutions.

The real clash of civilisations

We are living in a world that is ever-more closely connected, a world where economic interests are intertwined, where images from news events flash instantly around the globe and where migration has created diversified communities.

This confrontation unavoidably leads to tension, because the traditions, beliefs and economic and political outlook of someone who grew up in 1980s Frankfurt and, let’s say, Baghdad will differ considerably. Yet this cultural clash does not necessarily have to translate into violence.The cultural interchange between them has to be carried out on an intellectual, political and economic level. We need to develop an exchange of ideas, a space for debate and a serious respect for each other’s ideas and beliefs.

One often neglected aspect is the importance of us all knowing our own traditions and culture. We can only enter into dialogue if we have something to say about ourselves. This is a big challenge in a globalised world, and many radical movements on both sides are symptoms of this difficulty. Radical movements on all sides can prey on those searching for a communal identity, be it Christian, Hindu, Muslim or whatever. Often they offer easy answers that place blame on others, be it the “dominant West” or “violent Islam”. These rival radicalisations feed off each other: anti-Islamic sentiment adds to a sense of exclusion among Muslims, pushing them towards a radicalism that provokes a still more hostile reaction.

Like it or not, we in Europe have to recognise that we live in a multicultural society. This does not mean abandoning European traditions or giving up our identity, but it does involve sharing space with the traditions and identities of people from different backgrounds who are living alongside us. Immigrants should be better represented in the media, in public services and in academic and cultural institutions. It is vital that we form a genuinely European tradition of Islamic scholarship, that helps Muslims create an identity based both on their belonging to liberal, democratic Western societies and their traditions and beliefs as Muslims.

Identifying power struggles

But, of course, violence in the name of Islam is a bloody reality in many parts of the world, and we have to understand what is behind it. Much of what we see as Islamic terrorism is based on very worldly motives that feed off social injustice. The self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS) has deep-seated ideological roots, but its success is based on causes that have little to do with Islam. In Iraq, their military success was founded on the frustration of old Baathist cadres unseated after the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. Their recruitment base includes frustrated young men from all over the world – many with criminal backgrounds – who are looking for an escape from their depressing personal situation. No amount of frustration can excuse IS barbarity, but we need to understand the motivations behind this recruitment.

The situation is similar with Boko Haram in Nigeria, which has built on longstanding power networks in the underprivileged north of the country. Support for its radical interpretation of Islamic values is dwindling, but it was able to resonate with a significant part the population because the political leadership was – justly – perceived as corrupt and unfair, spending the country’s resources on the predominantly Christian south.

Western support for such corrupt and authoritarian regimes makes “Muslim” arguments against the immoral West all the more convincing. Responsible leaders in the West have to carefully dissect the various layers of international conflict and address them in a pragmatic way that seeks dialogue even with groups whose beliefs we oppose.

We have to understand how these two levels of conflict – cultural and political – feed off each other if we are to tackle rising extremism in both “the West” and the “Islamic World”. We have to identify the real cultural differences and find ways to live with them, knowing they will evolve over time. And it is vital that we move away from the notion of a clash of civilisations, and recognise instead that there is a very worldly struggle for power that has to be resolved politically – and in some rare cases like IS militarily. We need patience, patience that will be rewarded by opening up new horizons for living together in a world that is growing smaller.

 

IMAGE CREDIT: CC / FLICKR – Chris Ford

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Es para mi un placer darles la bienvenida a Bruselas, la capital de Europa. Bem- vindos! Bienvenus! Welcome! Bienvenidos!

Antes de continuar, déjenme decirles lo contento que estoy de que nos reunamos hoy aquí, para fortalecer los lazos de nuestra asociación duradera, basada en objetivos comunes y el respeto mutuo. Me alegra ver que las diferencias que nos separaban en el pasado, se han ido disipando durante décadas y nuestras naciones se han ido acercando. Esta semana, nos reunimos no sólo para realzar nuestras buenas relaciones, sino también para mirar hacia el futuro; como les contaré enseguida.

Sixteen years ago, all 33 Latin American and Caribbean countries and a European Union of fifteen Member States, met in Rio de Janeiro for the first time, launching what has become a truly strategic partnership.

In the last two decades the world and our regions have changed. The EU has doubled its membership, introduced a single currency and adopted a new Treaty. In Latin America and the Caribbean most internal conflicts have been peacefully resolved, the region has grown economically and integrated further through the creation of CELAC.

I applaud these major developments. Our partnership has contributed to some of these important changes. The European Union is the main cooperator, largest direct investor and second trade partner of Latin America and the Caribbean. We have an all-weather partnership, not just when things are going well, but also when there are clouds.

But we cannot rest on past achievements. Our partnership needs to be modernised along with the changes in the world. Our relationship is reinforced by the strongest bonds - those of our people. The involvement of our citizens and civil society is key for our partnership's success. The EU-LAC Foundation plays a special role. We hope that with the agreement to turn it into an international body, ownership and support for its activities will increase. The EU will continue its financial support to the Foundation, with €3 million over the next two years.

Our challenge now is to become a partnership for the next generation. A partnership that is symmetrical, balanced and equitable. This should be our ambition for the summit and our future work.

Our regions have a lot to gain from working closely together - and much to lose if we do not. Together the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean account for more than 1 billion people; form one third of the UN's membership, and generate almost one third of the world's GDP. Together our regions have the highest number of democracies, we both value regionalism, multilateralism and the principles of the UN Charter, and we seek sustainable and inclusive growth.

Of course, we have our differences. But there is much more uniting us than dividing us. And we have a duty to shape our common future and work for prosperous, cohesive and sustainable societies.

We are building on a solid basis. Our strategic association has a joint action plan, that we will modernise and expand at this summit, and bilateral and sub-regional agreements, promoting political dialogue, cooperation and trade. Now we need to move to the next level: increasing political dialogue, deepening economic ties and developing a new type of cooperation.

We will stand by the efforts of President Santos to achieve a lasting peace in Colombia. I am pleased to announce that the EU will set up a Trust Fund to support post-conflict actions in the country.  We support the process of modernisation in Cuba, and we are committed to conclude negotiations of our Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement. We welcome the full normalisation of Cuba's relations with the United States and the end of the embargo.

We can do much to help each other to address important challenges we both face, such as reconciling growth with equity, modernising productive structures, generating quality jobs and protecting our environment.

We also want to stand by you in promoting citizen security. I am glad that an action plan to implement the EU citizen security strategy has just been adopted. This is complementary to the Central American and Caribbean countries' own strategies. In today's world, cooperation among like-minded regions is a must. So we need to find ways to partner more effectively on global issues.

Climate change is a common threat. We need to achieve an ambitious agreement for COP 21 in Paris. We both seek a transformative post-2015 development agenda combining poverty eradication and sustainable development. And we need to continue working for an integrated and balanced strategy to counter the world drug problem.

These are all issues that we will discuss and where we have to converge if we want to shape our common future. We also need to be more vigilant in promoting and protecting our common values. They are being challenged in many parts of the world. We cannot shy away from promoting and defending key principles such as respect for democracy, human rights, the rule of law, sovereignty, and a strong and independent civil society. Part of the modernisation and updating of our partnership must be assuming joint responsibilities in promoting a fairer and rule-based multilateral order.

The European Union is not just a territory, it is a common endeavour in constant evolution; CELAC is more than just a group of countries, it embodies an ambitious vision of Latin American and Caribbean unity.

As the great Latin American writer Gabriel Garcia Márquez, who sadly left us last year, reminded us: "No es cierto que la gente deje de perseguir sus sueños porque envejece, más bien envejece cuando deja de perseguir sus sueños." - "It is not true that people stop pursuing their dreams because they get older; we only grow old when we stop pursuing our dreams".

Despite being old partners, our partnership is not ageing, because our dreams and goals of regional integration, convergence in diversity, and a fairer multilateral order, are alive and well. And as we pursue them, we have to continue working on the promising and concrete reality of EU-CELAC relations. Both realms have the potential to keep changing our peoples' lives for the better.