European Union

For thousands of years the mysterious and life-creating power of women has been recognised and cherished. But her sexuality and power to create life is also feared.

In many communities around the world there have been attempts to contain or neutralise this power by literally cutting it away. Every year on 6 February this harmful practice comes under the spotlight as the world observes International Day for Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation.

The harmful practice of female genital mutilation (FGM) takes many forms. In some places FGM constitutes a small cut of the clitoris on infants. In others, it means the scraping of the entire vulva and a stitching of the labia so extreme that urination and menstruation may be affected and the consummation of marriage becomes a painful, bloody and sometimes deadly affair. Justification includes ensuring chastity and marriageability, religious or cultural obligation, hygiene, aesthetics and initiation into womanhood.

Wherever or for whatever reason it is practised, FGM represents a violation – of autonomy, of bodily integrity, and of the right to health. Because it is perpetrated on girls too young or powerless to resist, it also constitutes a form of child abuse.

Although prevalence rates are declining, some 200 million girls and women worldwide have suffered through FGM. The survivors typically live in around 30 countries from Africa’s Atlantic coast to the Gulf of Aden, through the Middle East and Indonesia. Many of these countries have high fertility rates and a young population, so the absolute number of girls being cut could increase in the near future.

“Wherever or for whatever reason it is practised, FGM represents a violation of rights and a form of child abuse”

FGM follows the people who practice it, and it has been exported to every continent, making FGM a global concern. Girls in diaspora communities in Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand are subjected to the practice. While FGM is banned and punishable under national law in all of these countries and regions, the practice is continues to be inflicted clandestinely on girls. We at UNFPA, the United Nations Population Fund, also know of girls who have been taken to their home countries during school holidays and cut. In Europe, an estimated 180,000 girls are at risk every year, in particular in Belgium, France and the United Kingdom, where large diaspora communities from areas that practice FGM now reside.

The fact that the practice is now a global issue requires a global response. The international community has taken a strong stance against this assault on the human rights and the dignity of women and girls, highlighted in numerous regional and international declarations and in three resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly. The UN’s Sustainable Development Goals, adopted in 2015, also call for an end to the practice globally by 2030.

To achieve this ambitious goal we need to accelerate current efforts by grassroots organisations, individuals and communities. Many of these groups are supported by UNFPA’s Joint Programme on Female Genital Mutilation, organised in collaboration with UNICEF.

One of the promising approaches UNFPA endorses is the creation of bridges between diaspora and their communities of origin, as well as among groups addressing FGM around the world. This year’s International Day for Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation has adopted the ‘building bridges’ approach as one of its main themes.

The building bridges approach promotes sharing experiences and adapting good practices for addressing FGM. For example, gynaecologists and obstetricians in Western countries have received guidance from colleagues in Africa who have more experience in dealing with the physical and emotional harm the practice can cause. Child protection services are collaborating with asylum-seekers, and civil society organisations provide additional resources and lessons on how to stop the practice.

Dialogue and discussions take place across virtual bridges, such as webinars, videoconferences, group emails and web platforms. This idea of bridges is relevant to accelerating a shift in social norms as well: bridges of communication can keep the conversation evolving.

“Some diaspora families may not be aware of shifting attitudes back home and continue to cut their daughters out of a sense of religious or cultural obligation”

A recent survey has revealed a seismic shift in personal beliefs on FGM. In Somalia, for example, the prevalence rate has dropped from 98% to 65% in the past few years, and social acceptance of the practice is plummeting, with a substantial majority of women (82%) opposing it. Only one-third of women surveyed said they had cut their daughters. More than 70% of the men stated that they would marry a girl who was not cut, signifying that the cultural importance placed on female genital mutilation in preparing a girl for marriage is no longer strong.

Some diaspora families have abandoned the practice and became powerful spokespersons against it in their communities of origin. This is extremely relevant information for families and their daughters who live in other countries. They may not be aware of shifting attitudes and expectations about FGM back home, and who might continue to cut their daughters out of a sense of religious or cultural obligation.

Ending FGM by 2030 will spare millions of girls who would otherwise face this emotional, physical and human rights violation. The building bridges approach has the potential to speed up the efforts that are ongoing in many countries around the world.

We know that the end of FGM is in sight, but for the sake of women and girls, we must make every effort to hasten its demise.

The post Building bridges to end female genital mutilation appeared first on Europe’s World.

About a decade ago in the US, there was a minor scandal about a ‘bridge to nowhere’: substantial federal funds had been appropriated to build a bridge to replace a little-used ferry to an Alaskan island, mainly – it appeared – to serve the pork-barrel politics of Washington.

Theresa May might find herself reflecting on this tale as she returns from the informal meeting of EU heads in Malta on Friday. Alongside the ostensible purpose of the summit – to discuss migration policy and plan for the future of the EU – this was a last opportunity for May to demonstrate her bone fides to colleagues ahead of Article 50 notification next month.

May arrived in Valletta as the only one of the participants to have met Donald Trump since his inauguration, a meeting secured at great speed to bolster her tentative plans for the UK to use Brexit as a springboard to get out into the international system. Taking Trump’s vague enthusiasm for pursuing free trade negotiations as a mandate for this course of action, May’s message to the European Council was two-fold.

Firstly, the UK wishes the EU well in its future development, both because a healthy EU is – politically and economically-speaking – good for the UK, and because May recognises that now is not the time to raise backs, on the verge of a set of negotiations where the UK will be asking much of the EU.

Secondly, May offered the UK a link to the US, an intermediator with a Trump administration that has, by turns, bemused and shocked many in Europe. Playing on both the historic ties that the UK has with the US and the potential close relationship that May talks of for Article 50, May was arguing that the UK still matters.

As far as this went, it represents as coordinated and developed a plan as May has presented to date.

The problem, as so often, is that the UK appears to have made its plans without much reference to what the EU is discussing.

At one level this is very understandable, because the two are heading in different directions: the UK government has to think about what is good for the country’s future path, while the EU has a very different set of concerns. Valletta is a case in point, with the need to regulate migrant flows across the Mediterranean a matter of pressing concern for the EU27 in a way that it certainly isn’t for the UK.

However, at every other level, it represents a failure of British government policy, one that has long characterised the UK’s membership of the EU. The unwillingness – or inability – of successive generations of British politicians and civil servants to conceptualise European integration as anything other than a matter of economic cooperation has led to repeated category errors in policy.

Valletta highlighted this mismatch in a number of ways.

Firstly, the EU’s self-image is that of a substantial and significant part of the international system, with enough depth and scope to be able to fend for itself. May’s offer of a bridge across the Atlantic looked both condescending and irrelevant: the mood music in many European capitals is that Trump will be handled with the longest of spoons or simply ignored as much as possible until a successor arrives in the White House. As Dalia Grybauskaitė, archly noted, “I don’t think there is a necessity for a bridge. We communicate with the Americans on Twitter.”

Secondly, Brexit still looks like an irritant to the EU27. For all of May’s fine words in Valletta, the general impression of the UK is that there is still no clear plan or process for Article 50. Recall that the meeting came after the confusions and vaguenesses of May’s Lancaster House speech, Parliament’s first steps to passing an Article 50 Bill and a White Paper that struggled to offer any substantive policy positions.

For several months after the referendum, Brexit looking like it might be one of the more manageable problems on the EU’s agenda: self-contained, removing a less-than-fulsome partner from the mix, and heading away from the EU rather than heading towards it. More recently, that confidence has been turning into uncertainty about timing and concern that the UK lacks the set of objectives it will need to guide itself through the negotiations. Sympathy looks in very short supply in EU27 capitals, even with a Maltese Presidency than might be expected to be a natural ally.

Once again, May is like the guest who turns up at a party, bearing some inappropriate gift. Worse still, she appears to have little interest in maximising her opportunities: having set up a bilateral with Angela Merkel for Friday afternoon, it was cancelled at short notice, as May felt she had covered the necessary points in an informal chat during a walkabout earlier in the day. Maybe this was discretion – not taking up time with empty rhetoric – but it also speaks to the lack of a detailed plan that May can share with those she will need to convince in the coming months.

And that Alaskan bridge? It never got built in the end. In a time of profound political uncertainty, both domestically and internationally, the UK is going to have to find a better gambit if it is to demonstrate its value to an EU that teeters on the edge of turning in on itself.

 

This post was originally written for www.ukandeu.ac.uk 

The post A bridge to nowhere? appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

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EU relations with Azerbaijan are governed by the EU-Azerbaijan Partnership and Cooperation Agreement signed in 1996 and entered into force in 1999.

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Place:        Europa building, Brussels
Chair:        Mr. Louis Grech, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for European Affairs of Malta

 All times are approximate and subject to change

+/- 08.30
 Arrivals 

+/- 08.45         
Doorstep by Deputy Prime Minister Grech 

+/- 10.00      
Beginning of Council meeting (Roundtable)
Adoption of legislative A items (public session)
Adoption of non-legislative A items
Preparation of the European Council of 9-10 March
European Council follow-up
Sustainable European future 

+/- 12.00      
Press conference (live streaming), JL building

OPINION on discharge in respect of the implementation of the general budget of the European Union for the financial year 2015, Section III - Commission and executive agencies
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Zigmantas Balčytis

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

OPINION on discharge in respect of the implementation of the general budget of the European Union for the financial year 2015, Section X - European External Action Service
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Zigmantas Balčytis

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

For many people, the word ‘globalisation’ conjures up, at best, images of container ships moving manufactured goods from far-flung factories. At worst, it stirs acrid debates about trade deficits, currency wars, or jobs moving to China.

But in the 4th Industrial Revolution that is upon us it is easy to ignore a new but essential element of globalisation: cross-border flows of data.  Since the 2008 financial crisis, these international data flows have exploded, even as the global flow of goods and services has flattened and cross-border capital flows have declined sharply.

Just 15 years ago cross-border digital flows were almost non-existent. Today, they exert a larger impact on global economic growth than traditional flows of goods, which have developed over centuries.

Approximately 12% of physical trade of goods is now conducted via international business-to-consumer (B2C) and business-to-business (B2B) e-commerce.  In China, close to 20% of imports and exports takes place on digital platforms – approximately double the share in Europe.

This digital share grows significantly when the underlying product is digitised – more than 30% of international communication worldwide in 2016 was via Skype. Among high-profile news and entertainment companies, close to 80% of bits traffic originates internationally for the Financial Times, 60% for BBC, and up to 50% for BuzzFeed and Netflix.

Overall, usage of cross-border bandwidth has soared 45-fold since 2005, reaching an estimated 400 terabits per second by the end of 2016.  A part of the growth is due to digital information units becoming increasingly enriched and shifting to broadband. Yet the story that flows are growing on a large scale remains valid.

“This new age of globalisation is knowledge-, rather than capital- or labour-intensive”

So what does it all mean for transatlantic cooperation?

This new age of globalisation differs from the older 20th century variety in a number of important ways. It is knowledge-intensive, rather than capital- or labour-intensive. It requires good broadband connections rather than vast shipping lanes. Much of it is intangible. Most powerfully, digital flows open up the global economy to anyone with an internet connection. That reduces the barriers to entry and changes old rules about how business is done—and who can participate.

So the digitalisation of globalisation marks a very significant change that will play out in the international arena. It is likely to affect the competitiveness of nations and the very nature of commerce.

Looking forward, it is important to focus on three questions:

First, what flows are really making the difference to the world today, and what are factors that could enhance or impede them? After all, new technologies such as 3D printing are opening up possibilities to achieve global reach differently.

For example, in December sportswear company Adidas started selling its Futurecraft 3D running shoe, which is produced by 3D printing. Production and sale of the $333 trainer are limited — for now, it is only available in New York, London and Tokyo.

But Adidas is making the point that 3D printing is not just a marginal idea limited to a tiny number of simple products, but one that could become viable for all types of manufacturers. Physical walls and trade barriers will simply accelerate such developments.

“3D printing is not just a marginal idea, but one that could become viable for all types of manufacturers”

Second, are Europeans losing out on this trend? If you look more closely at data flows, you can clearly see the dominance of the United States, which runs a huge surplus with the rest of the world in terms of digital content.

But you can also see that, relative to 15 years ago, American centrality is decreasing. The centre of gravity has been shifting to large European countries such as Germany and the UK.

In Europe, a new order is also starting to develop. We are witnessing the strong participation of the Netherlands, southern Europe merely catching up, and small northern European countries like Belgium moving more and more to the periphery of the cross-border data network.

Also of note is the rise of Asian economic and digital centres, notably Hong Kong and Singapore. This correlates well with the rise of Asia in worldwide digital commerce.

Third, picture a world with full automation. What will be the importance of free flows of data? Automation could upend conventional wisdom about trade and supply chains.

If recent advances in robotics and artificial intelligence continue at the speed we have seen in the past few years — and if the costs of the hardware and software continue to fall — companies will need to change their criteria for making strategic location decisions.

It may become cheaper for companies based in Europe and the US to bring production of some goods back from emerging economies with low labour costs and deploy automation technologies at home instead.

Protectionist trade barriers could actually accelerate the structural shift to automation and away from manual manufacturing jobs.

IMAGE CREDIT: Djahan/Bigstock.com

The post Go with the flows appeared first on Europe’s World.

1. We welcome and support the Maltese Presidency's efforts to take forward all elements of the EU's comprehensive migration policy. We reaffirm our determination to act in full respect of human rights, international law and European values, and in conjunction with UNHCR and IOM.
   
   
2. A key element of a sustainable migration policy is to ensure effective control of our external border and stem illegal flows into the EU. In 2016, arrivals decreased to one-third of the levels in 2015. On the Eastern Mediterranean route, while pressures remain, arrivals in the last four months of 2016 were down 98% year-on-year. We remain committed to the EU-Turkey Statement and the full and non-discriminatory implementation of all its aspects, as well as to continued support for the countries along the Western Balkans route.
   
   
3. On the Central Mediterranean route, however, over 181,000 arrivals were detected in 2016, while the number of persons dead or missing at sea has reached a new record every year since 2013. With hundreds having already lost their lives in 2017 and spring approaching, we are determined to take additional action to significantly reduce migratory flows along the Central Mediterranean route and break the business model of smugglers, while remaining vigilant about the Eastern Mediterranean as well as other routes. We will step up our work with Libya as the main country of departure as well as with its North African and sub-Saharan neighbours.
   
   
4. The Partnership Framework and the Valletta Action Plan have allowed us to deepen long-term cooperation with a number of partner countries, including on root causes of migration, through a solid partnership based on mutual trust. This work is already yielding results and will be intensified. At the same time, the urgency of the situation requires immediate additional operational measures at the regional level, taking a pragmatic, flexible and tailor-made approach at each and every point involving all actors along the migratory route. In this context, we welcome the joint Commission and High Representative Communication "Migration on the Central Mediterranean Route - Managing flows, saving lives".
   
   
5. Efforts to stabilise Libya are now more important than ever, and the EU will do its utmost to contribute to that objective. In Libya, capacity building is key for the authorities to acquire control over the land and sea borders and to combat transit and smuggling activities. The EU remains committed to an inclusive political settlement under the framework of the Libyan Political Agreement and to supporting the Presidency Council and the Government of National Accord backed by the United Nations. Where possible the EU and Member States will also step up cooperation with and assistance to Libyan regional and local communities and with international organisations active in the country.
   
   
6. Priority will be given to the following elements:

   a) training, equipment and support to the Libyan national coast guard and other relevant agencies. Complementary EU training programmes must be rapidly stepped up, both in intensity and numbers, starting with those already undertaken by Operation SOPHIA and building on its experience. Funding and planning for these activities needs to be made sustainable and predictable, including through the Seahorse Mediterranean Network;
   
   b) further efforts to disrupt the business model of smugglers through enhanced operational action, within an integrated approach involving Libya and other countries on the route and relevant international partners, engaged Member States, CSDP missions and operations, Europol and the European Border and Coast Guard;
   
   c) supporting where possible the development of local communities in Libya, especially in coastal areas and at Libyan land borders on the migratory routes, to improve their socio-economic situation and enhance their resilience as host communities;
   
   d) seeking to ensure adequate reception capacities and conditions in Libya for migrants, together with the UNHCR and IOM;
   
   e) supporting IOM in significantly stepping up assisted voluntary return activities;
   
   f) enhancing information campaigns and outreach addressed at migrants in Libya and countries of origin and transit, in cooperation with local actors and international organisations, particularly to counter the smugglers' business model;
   
   g) helping to reduce the pressure on Libya's land borders, working both with the Libyan authorities and all neighbours of Libya, including by supporting projects enhancing their border management capacity;

   h) keeping track of alternative routes and possible diversion of smugglers' activities, through cooperative efforts with Libya's neighbours and the countries under the Partnership Framework, with the support of Member States and all relevant EU agencies and by making available all necessary surveillance instruments;
   
   i) continuing support to efforts and initiatives from individual Member States directly engaged with Libya; in this respect, the EU welcomes and is ready to support Italy in its implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding signed on 2 February 2017 by the Italian Authorities and Chairman of the Presidential Council al-Serraj;
   
   j) deepening dialogue and cooperation on migration with all countries neighbouring Libya, including better operational cooperation with Member States and the European Border and Coast Guard on preventing departures and managing returns.

7. These objectives shall be underpinned by the necessary resources. In line with the Valletta Action Plan, the European Union is strengthening the mainstreaming of migration within its Official Development Assistance for Africa, which amounts to €31 billion during this financial period. Some of the actions referred to above can be funded within projects already under way, notably projects funded by the EU Trust Fund for Africa as appropriate, which mobilises €1,8 billion from the EU budget and €152 million from Member States' contributions. To cover the most urgent funding needs now and throughout 2017, we welcome the Commission's decision to mobilise as a first step an additional €200 million for the North Africa window of the Fund and to give priority to migration-related projects concerning Libya.
   
   
8. We will further develop our external migration policy in order to make it resilient for future crises. We will identify potential barriers, for example in relation to conditions to be met for returns, and reinforce EU return capacities, while respecting international law. We welcome the Commission's intention to rapidly present, as a first step, an updated Action Plan on Returns and to provide guidance for more operational returns by the EU and Member States and effective readmission based upon the existing acquis.
   
   
9. We agree to act determinedly and speedily to achieve the objectives set out in this Declaration and call upon all actors to work towards this end. We welcome the intention of the Maltese Presidency, in close cooperation with the Commission and the High Representative, to present a concrete plan for implementation to this effect to the Council at the earliest opportunity, to take work forward and to ensure close monitoring of results. The European Council will review progress on the overall approach at its meetings in March and in June on the basis of a report from the Maltese Presidency.

Committee and political group meetings, Brussels

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Monday 6 February 2017
12.30 Meeting with President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev (press statements ± 14.40)

Tuesday 7 February 2017
10.30 Meeting with President of the Republic of Moldova Igor Dodon

Wednesday 8 February 2017
14.00 Meeting with President of Kosovo Hashim Thaçi
15.00 Meeting with President of the European Parliament Antonio Tajani

Thursday 9 February 2017
16.00 Meeting with Prime Minister of Ukraine Volodymyr Groysman

Before anything else let me thank again and congratulate Prime Minister Joseph Muscat for once again organising and hosting an important and productive summit in the beautiful city of Valletta. It is a pleasure to be back here today after the equally successful Valletta Summit in 2015 with our African partners.

Now turning to the results of today's meeting. We have agreed on immediate operational measures that should help reduce the number of irregular migrants and save lives at the same time. We will train, equip and support the Libyan coastguard to stop people smugglers and increase search and rescue operations. We will deliver economic assistance to local communities in Libya to improve their situation, and help them shelter stranded migrants. And we will work with the International Organisation for Migration to step up voluntary returns from Libya to countries of origin. There will be additional European funds to implement those priority actions. And we will, of course, act in full respect of human rights, international law and European values, and in close cooperation with organisations such as UNHCR and IOM.

We have also decided to support Member States' bilateral activities directly engaged with Libya. Therefore we welcomed the Memorandum of Understanding signed yesterday by the Italian and Libyan Prime Ministers as another important and encouraging sign that things are about to change for the better. The European Union and our actions will support Italy and Libya. It is our shared responsibility.

After this press conference, we will meet to discuss the future of the EU as Joseph Muscat has just mentioned with 27 States and our Rome meeting marking the sixtieth anniversary of the Treaty of Rome.

But in fact we have started the discussion on the future of Europe already during our lunch. The developments on the international scene remind us of how important a strong EU is. Transatlantic co-operation remains an absolute priority because it has until now been a key pillar of the free world. At the same time we know that today we have no other option than to regain confidence in our own strength.

General : To create a better Europe, the EU is focusing this year on legislative proposals that can make a difference to everyone. The main issues to tackle include security, the migration crisis, climate change and the digital single market. Find out more about the EU's six priorities for 2017 and what Parliament is doing to make them possible.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

General : To create a better Europe, the EU is focusing this year on legislative proposals that can make a difference to everyone. The main issues to tackle include security, the migration crisis, climate change and the digital single market. Find out more about the EU's six priorities for 2017 and what Parliament is doing to make them possible.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

General : European Parliament President Antonio Tajani visited Malta on the eve of the Informal European Council to be held in Valletta on 3 February. Tajani met representatives of Maltese civil society, student organisations, unions, business organisations and NGOs at Europe House in Valletta for an informal exchange of views on the challenges facing Europe today.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

General : European Parliament President Antonio Tajani visited Malta on the eve of the Informal European Council to be held in Valletta on 3 February. Tajani met representatives of Maltese civil society, student organisations, unions, business organisations and NGOs at Europe House in Valletta for an informal exchange of views on the challenges facing Europe today.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Minority SafePack - one million signatures for diversity in Europe v Commission
Citizenship of the Union
The General Court annuls the Commission decision refusing registration of the proposed European citizens’ initiative entitled ‘Minority SafePack - one million signatures for diversity in Europe’

The EU sees its relation with Russia as a ‘key strategic challenge’, and is alarmed by Moscow’s violations of international commitments and military activity. Russian recent strategic documents give indications about its world vision and security concerns, pointing to a tension between Russia’s internal weaknesses and its ‘center of influence’ ambition in the new world order. Seen as a challenger to such aspiration, the EU has an interest in also pursuing dialogue and cooperative engagement.
Further information
Draft agenda and meeting documents
Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

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The deal has shades of the close – and controversial – links between Italy and Libya during the Colonel Gaddafi regime that had the effect of stemming the number of people making the deadly trip in the central Mediterranean.

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Good afternoon,

Our main goal for the Malta summit is to stem the flow of irregular migration from Libya to Europe. This is the only way to stop people dying in the deserts and at sea. This is also the only way to gain control over migration in Europe.

After my talks with Italian Prime Minister Gentiloni yesterday in Rome and this morning with Libyan Prime Minister Al-Sarraj on their bilateral cooperation, I can say that this goal is within our reach. I also had talks with other EU leaders, including President Hollande yesterday and Chancellor Merkel this morning, about this bilateral cooperation between Italy and Libya and we agreed on the need to support Italy in this cooperation, especially the Memorandum of Understanding which should be signed in Rome, I hope today or tonight. Europe should and will stand by Italy in sharing the responsibility.

General : What does it mean to be a European? It’s not just the great leaders: all people are a part of this history and they have a valuable role to play in preserving this common heritage and identity of ours. So dig through your photos, your videos or even sound files, find digital content you feel is appropriate to share with everyone and upload it to My House of European History, our collaborative platform that aims to become a virtual library of testimonials and stories from people across Europe.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP