Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Die Abteilung Konjunkturpolitik des DIW Berlin sucht zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt eine/n

promovierte/n WissenschaftlerIn (w/m/div)

für den Arbeitsschwerpunkt der Arbeitsmarktforschung
(in Vollzeit oder Teilzeit)

Die Serviceabteilung Finanzen vereint die Bereiche Rechnungswesen, Beschaffung, Drittmittel und Controlling und bietet interne Dienstleistungen für den Vorstand, die MitarbeiterInnen sowie die Gäste des Instituts an. Die Abteilung entwickelt innovative Instrumente zur Unterstützung der wissenschaftlichen Arbeit des DIW Berlin und setzt sie um. Dabei sorgt der Bereich Rechnungswesen für den reibungslosen Ablauf aller finanztechnischen Prozesse. Der Bereich Beschaffung kümmert sich um alle Beschaffungs- und Vergabevorgänge des Instituts. Der Drittmittelbereich betreut die Drittmittelprojekte von der Antragsphase bis zur Endabrechnung. Der Bereich Controlling verantwortet die Budgetplanung und das interne Berichtswesen, berät bei operativen Maßnahmen und bereitet strategische Entscheidungen vor. Die Abteilung verwaltete im Geschäftsjahr 2020 ein Budget von 33,8 Mio €, davon wurden 14,3 Mio € durch Drittmittelprojekte erwirtschaftet.

Die Serviceabteilung Finanzen sucht zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt eine/n

MitarbeiterIn  Drittmittelverwaltung (w/m/div)

für die Abwicklung aller mit nationalen und internationalen Drittmittelprojekten verbundenen administrativen Aufgaben und Prozesse von der Antragsphase bis zur Abrechnung.

Den heute vorgestellten Bericht des Weltklimarates (IPCC) kommtiert Claudia Kemfert, Energieökonomin und Leiterin der Abteilung Energie, Verkehr, Umwelt am Deutschen Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin), wie folgt:

Der jüngste Bericht des Weltklimarates (IPCC) ist der lauteste und letzte Weckruf der Klimawissenschaft, das Ruder in Richtung eines konsequenten Klimaschutzes herumzureißen. Die ersten gravierenden Auswirkungen sind global ablesbar. Die vergangenen zehn Jahre waren die wärmsten seit 125.000 Jahren. Die gute Nachricht ist: Es ist durchaus machbar, dass die globale Erwärmung unter 1,5 Grad bleibt und die irreversiblen Klima-Kipppunkte nicht komplett überschritten werden. Die schlechte Nachricht ist: Es bleibt nur sehr wenig Zeit. Dies bedeutet, dass keine Investitionen in fossile Energien mehr fließen dürfen, weder in Kohle und Öl, noch in fossiles Erdgas, sondern nur noch in erneuerbare Energien. Die Weltgemeinschaft muss schneller handeln als bisher. Das Pariser Klimaabkommen muss zügig und konsequent umgesetzt werden. Es ist wichtiger denn je, dass Deutschland Klimaschutz endlich prioritär behandelt und im Klimawahljahr alles daran setzt, international nicht den Anschluss zu verlieren. Klimaschutz vermeidet enorme wirtschaftliche Schäden und schafft enorme wirtschaftliche Chancen.

Ahead of his trip to Turkish-occupied northern Cyprus on July 20, 2021, the Turkish President announced that he would be bringing “good news” to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). Speculation ran rampant that Erdoğan would use the 47th anniversary of the Turkish invasion to announce that Azerbaijan, Pakistan, or Kyrgyzstan would establish diplomatic relations with the TRNC, which is currently recognized only by Turkey. But Erdoğan merely unveiled the construction of a pomp­ous presidential palace that would befit a future, independent “Turkish Cypriot State”. The Turkish president is still reluctant to back up his words of international recognition of the TRNC with deeds. But the visit shows that Ankara is working to­ward the final division of the island, and Erdoğan’s actions made it clear once again that he alone calls the shots in northern Cyprus.

Syria is central to the current shape of Turkey-Russia relations. It offers a model of partnership for both countries in a context where their interests are competitive. However, the Syrian-centric cooperation between Turkey and Russia is also special and is thus unlikely to be replicated elsewhere due to structural constraints and contextual nuances. The limits of the Syrian-style model of cooperation between Ankara and Moscow can be observed in Libya as well as Nagorno-Karabakh. Even though the institutional and elite ownership of Turkey’s Western relations has weakened, no similar institutional basis exists in Turkey’s relations with Russia. As such, the current Ankara-Moscow axis is to a great extent defined by the personal ties between the countries’ leaders and geopolitical imperatives. However, if the current shape of relations endures much longer, these personalised relations will gain structural foundations. A major problem for Turkey in its relations with Russia remains the asymmetry, even if interdependent, in favour of Moscow. Yet, the nature of asymmetry is dynamic and subject to change, as Turkey has engaged in what can be termed dependency reduction on Russia, both geopolitically and structurally (energy-wise). Developments at the broader international level, a new administration in the US, and rising tension between Ukraine and Russia indicate that Turkey would face more constraints and higher costs for its hitherto geopolitical balancing act between the West and Russia. The close relations in recent years between Ankara and Moscow also point to the need for Turkey and the West to redefine the nature of their relations, as the Cold War framework of Turkey-US relations and the accession framework of Turkish-European relations increasingly appear to be ill-suited to the present realities.

With reference to Chimamanda Ngozie Adichie’s plea to move beyond the single story, we take the complexities of the ‘Global South’ meta category as a starting point to explore what abandoning the quest for neatness can look like. Building on the main arguments put forward across this volume, our contribution centres around questions of position(alitie)s and self-reflexivity to engage with the persistent ambivalences of the ‘Global South’. We reflect on the unease stemming from explicit and implicit claims connected to the ‘Global South’ category and discuss its fluidity and plurality across space and time. Ultimately, we suggest embracing the notion of polyphony for approaching the ‘Global South’. A focus on polyphonies allows us to connect specific meanings and their implications with a broader take on the inherent complexities of macro categories. Working with and through polyphonies also helps us to recognise and engage with the evolving agency behind different uses of the ‘Global South’.

With reference to Chimamanda Ngozie Adichie’s plea to move beyond the single story, we take the complexities of the ‘Global South’ meta category as a starting point to explore what abandoning the quest for neatness can look like. Building on the main arguments put forward across this volume, our contribution centres around questions of position(alitie)s and self-reflexivity to engage with the persistent ambivalences of the ‘Global South’. We reflect on the unease stemming from explicit and implicit claims connected to the ‘Global South’ category and discuss its fluidity and plurality across space and time. Ultimately, we suggest embracing the notion of polyphony for approaching the ‘Global South’. A focus on polyphonies allows us to connect specific meanings and their implications with a broader take on the inherent complexities of macro categories. Working with and through polyphonies also helps us to recognise and engage with the evolving agency behind different uses of the ‘Global South’.

With reference to Chimamanda Ngozie Adichie’s plea to move beyond the single story, we take the complexities of the ‘Global South’ meta category as a starting point to explore what abandoning the quest for neatness can look like. Building on the main arguments put forward across this volume, our contribution centres around questions of position(alitie)s and self-reflexivity to engage with the persistent ambivalences of the ‘Global South’. We reflect on the unease stemming from explicit and implicit claims connected to the ‘Global South’ category and discuss its fluidity and plurality across space and time. Ultimately, we suggest embracing the notion of polyphony for approaching the ‘Global South’. A focus on polyphonies allows us to connect specific meanings and their implications with a broader take on the inherent complexities of macro categories. Working with and through polyphonies also helps us to recognise and engage with the evolving agency behind different uses of the ‘Global South’.

Ambitious climate policies, as well as economic development, education, technological progress and less resource-intensive lifestyles, are crucial elements for progress towards the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). However, using an integrated modelling framework covering 56 indicators or proxies across all 17 SDGs, we show that they are insufficient to reach the targets. An additional sustainable development package, including international climate finance, progressive redistribution of carbon pricing revenues, sufficient and healthy nutrition and improved access to modern energy, enables a more comprehensive sustainable development pathway. We quantify climate and SDG outcomes, showing that these interventions substantially boost progress towards many aspects of the UN Agenda 2030 and simultaneously facilitate reaching ambitious climate targets. Nonetheless, several important gaps remain; for example, with respect to the eradication of extreme poverty (180 million people remaining in 2030). These gaps can be closed by 2050 for many SDGs while also respecting the 1.5 °C target and several other planetary boundaries.

Ambitious climate policies, as well as economic development, education, technological progress and less resource-intensive lifestyles, are crucial elements for progress towards the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). However, using an integrated modelling framework covering 56 indicators or proxies across all 17 SDGs, we show that they are insufficient to reach the targets. An additional sustainable development package, including international climate finance, progressive redistribution of carbon pricing revenues, sufficient and healthy nutrition and improved access to modern energy, enables a more comprehensive sustainable development pathway. We quantify climate and SDG outcomes, showing that these interventions substantially boost progress towards many aspects of the UN Agenda 2030 and simultaneously facilitate reaching ambitious climate targets. Nonetheless, several important gaps remain; for example, with respect to the eradication of extreme poverty (180 million people remaining in 2030). These gaps can be closed by 2050 for many SDGs while also respecting the 1.5 °C target and several other planetary boundaries.

Ambitious climate policies, as well as economic development, education, technological progress and less resource-intensive lifestyles, are crucial elements for progress towards the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). However, using an integrated modelling framework covering 56 indicators or proxies across all 17 SDGs, we show that they are insufficient to reach the targets. An additional sustainable development package, including international climate finance, progressive redistribution of carbon pricing revenues, sufficient and healthy nutrition and improved access to modern energy, enables a more comprehensive sustainable development pathway. We quantify climate and SDG outcomes, showing that these interventions substantially boost progress towards many aspects of the UN Agenda 2030 and simultaneously facilitate reaching ambitious climate targets. Nonetheless, several important gaps remain; for example, with respect to the eradication of extreme poverty (180 million people remaining in 2030). These gaps can be closed by 2050 for many SDGs while also respecting the 1.5 °C target and several other planetary boundaries.

Der SOEPnewsletter Juli 2021 in der HTML-Version auf Deutsch.

Viel Spaß beim Lesen

Vor seiner Reise in den türkisch besetzten Norden der Insel am 20. Juli 2021 kündigte der türkische Staatspräsident Recep Tayyip Erdoğan eine »frohe Botschaft« für die nur von der Türkei anerkannte Türkische Republik Nordzypern (TRNZ) an. Spekula­tio­nen schossen ins Kraut, der Präsident werde zum 47. Jahrestag der türkischen Invasion verkünden, Aserbaidschan, Pakistan oder Kirgistan stünden bereit, diplomatische Beziehungen mit der TRNZ aufzunehmen. Doch Erdoğan gab lediglich den Bau eines pompösen Präsidentenpalastes bekannt, der einem künftigen, unabhängigen »Zyperntürkischen Staat« angemessen sein soll. Noch schreckt der türkische Präsident also davor zurück, seinen Worten von der internationalen Anerkennung der TRNZ Taten folgen zu lassen. Doch der Besuch zeigt, dass Ankara auf die endgültige Teilung der Insel hinarbeitet – und außerdem, dass in Nordzypern einzig und allein Erdoğan das Sagen hat.

Using household data from the latest wave of the Ghana Living Standards Survey, this paper utilizes machine learning techniques – IV LASSO – that allows for the treatment of unconfoundedness in the selection of observables and unobservables to examine the structural effect of gender wage differences within households on women's empowerment and welfare in Ghana. The structural parameters of the IV LASSO estimations show that a reduction in household gender wage gap significantly enhances women's empowerment. Also, a decline in household gender wage gap results meaningfully in improving household and women's welfare. Particularly, the increasing effect on women's welfare resulting from decreases in household gender wage differences is much higher than for the household welfare. The findings showcase the need to vigorously adopt policies that both increase the quantity and quality of jobs for women and address gender barriers that inhibit women from accessing these jobs opportunities in sub-Saharan Africa.

Using household data from the latest wave of the Ghana Living Standards Survey, this paper utilizes machine learning techniques – IV LASSO – that allows for the treatment of unconfoundedness in the selection of observables and unobservables to examine the structural effect of gender wage differences within households on women's empowerment and welfare in Ghana. The structural parameters of the IV LASSO estimations show that a reduction in household gender wage gap significantly enhances women's empowerment. Also, a decline in household gender wage gap results meaningfully in improving household and women's welfare. Particularly, the increasing effect on women's welfare resulting from decreases in household gender wage differences is much higher than for the household welfare. The findings showcase the need to vigorously adopt policies that both increase the quantity and quality of jobs for women and address gender barriers that inhibit women from accessing these jobs opportunities in sub-Saharan Africa.

Using household data from the latest wave of the Ghana Living Standards Survey, this paper utilizes machine learning techniques – IV LASSO – that allows for the treatment of unconfoundedness in the selection of observables and unobservables to examine the structural effect of gender wage differences within households on women's empowerment and welfare in Ghana. The structural parameters of the IV LASSO estimations show that a reduction in household gender wage gap significantly enhances women's empowerment. Also, a decline in household gender wage gap results meaningfully in improving household and women's welfare. Particularly, the increasing effect on women's welfare resulting from decreases in household gender wage differences is much higher than for the household welfare. The findings showcase the need to vigorously adopt policies that both increase the quantity and quality of jobs for women and address gender barriers that inhibit women from accessing these jobs opportunities in sub-Saharan Africa.