Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

The governance of ocean and polar regions is among the most relevant challenges in the combat against global environmental degradation and global inequalities. Ocean and polar regions are climate regulators and very much affected by climate change. They are an important source of nutrition for life in and above the sea. At the same time, they are subject to an increasing number of geopolitical and geo-economic conflicts. Due to the lasting virulence of many security issues, economic conflicts, legal disputes, new technological developments and environmental crises in global marine areas as well as the intricate overlap of sovereign, semi-sovereign and global commons territories, the relevance of ocean and polar governance is bound to rise: as frontiers both in global competitive strategies as well as most fragile eco-systems whose collapse would have catastrophic consequences. This thematic issue sketches important trends in research on ocean and polar governance, and identifies avenues for future research. In this editiorial, we first provide an overview of governance challenges for ocean and polar regions and their relevance for geopolitical and geo-economic conflicts. In a second step, we present the eight contributions that make up the thematic issue by clustering them around three themes: the impact of (re-)territorialisation on governance and the construction of authority, the effectiveness of regimes of ocean and polar governance, and, challenges to norm-creation in ocean governance.

The governance of ocean and polar regions is among the most relevant challenges in the combat against global environmental degradation and global inequalities. Ocean and polar regions are climate regulators and very much affected by climate change. They are an important source of nutrition for life in and above the sea. At the same time, they are subject to an increasing number of geopolitical and geo-economic conflicts. Due to the lasting virulence of many security issues, economic conflicts, legal disputes, new technological developments and environmental crises in global marine areas as well as the intricate overlap of sovereign, semi-sovereign and global commons territories, the relevance of ocean and polar governance is bound to rise: as frontiers both in global competitive strategies as well as most fragile eco-systems whose collapse would have catastrophic consequences. This thematic issue sketches important trends in research on ocean and polar governance, and identifies avenues for future research. In this editiorial, we first provide an overview of governance challenges for ocean and polar regions and their relevance for geopolitical and geo-economic conflicts. In a second step, we present the eight contributions that make up the thematic issue by clustering them around three themes: the impact of (re-)territorialisation on governance and the construction of authority, the effectiveness of regimes of ocean and polar governance, and, challenges to norm-creation in ocean governance.

The governance of ocean and polar regions is among the most relevant challenges in the combat against global environmental degradation and global inequalities. Ocean and polar regions are climate regulators and very much affected by climate change. They are an important source of nutrition for life in and above the sea. At the same time, they are subject to an increasing number of geopolitical and geo-economic conflicts. Due to the lasting virulence of many security issues, economic conflicts, legal disputes, new technological developments and environmental crises in global marine areas as well as the intricate overlap of sovereign, semi-sovereign and global commons territories, the relevance of ocean and polar governance is bound to rise: as frontiers both in global competitive strategies as well as most fragile eco-systems whose collapse would have catastrophic consequences. This thematic issue sketches important trends in research on ocean and polar governance, and identifies avenues for future research. In this editiorial, we first provide an overview of governance challenges for ocean and polar regions and their relevance for geopolitical and geo-economic conflicts. In a second step, we present the eight contributions that make up the thematic issue by clustering them around three themes: the impact of (re-)territorialisation on governance and the construction of authority, the effectiveness of regimes of ocean and polar governance, and, challenges to norm-creation in ocean governance.

Welche SOEP-Projekte sind 2021 an den Start gegangen? Was haben Forschende mit unseren Daten herausgefunden? Welche zusätzlichen Daten bieten wir unseren NutzerInnen? Und was ist neu, seit wir mit dem Befragungsinstitut infas arbeiten?

Mehr dazu gibt es nachzulesen im Annual Report des SOEP, der jetzt online steht. Wenn Sie ein gedrucktes Exemplar haben möchten, können Sie es sehr gerne unter soepmail@diw.de bestellen.

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On 27 May lawmakers from Turkey’s ruling coalition submitted a draft bill seeking to criminalise the spread of disinformation. The 40 articles of the “disinformation law” would place new restrictions on online news sites and social media platforms operating in the country. This represents an alarming move to tighten the regulation of cyberspace. The proposal includes prison sentences of up to three years for disseminating misleading information about “the internal and external security of the country, public order and public health”. Prison sentences can be increased by half if content is shared from an anonymous account.

The disinformation bill must be seen in the context of Turkey’s sharp authoritarian turn. Faced with an energised opposition, Erdoğan has already politicised the judiciary to target his opponents and amended the electoral law to disadvantage the opposition parties. The proposed legislation aims to bring online news sites and social media platforms under government control in the lead up to the 2023 elections. Although the parliamentary vote has been postponed until the next legislative session after disagreements within the ruling party, the threat to free speech remains.

Growing pressure on the media

The draft bill easily passed the digital media committee of the Turkish parliament but was postponed at the last minute until the new session in October 2022. If enacted, the bill will clamp down on one of the country’s last remaining venues of free speech. Turkey has already experienced a sharp decline in media freedoms under President Erdoğan. More than 90 percent of Turkey’s media outlets are directly or indirectly controlled by the ruling Justice and Development Party. As a result, Erdoğan enjoys regular and highly positive coverage. The few remaining independent operators have limited funding and face frequent legal challenges. About 100 journalists are currently in prison in Turkey, largely due to the partisan use of anti-terror laws. According to the International Press Institute, 241 journalists were prosecuted in 2021 alone. Journalists are frequently assaulted by police during demonstrations, verbally attacked by politicians and targeted by pro-government vigilantes.

After the government’s crackdown on legacy media, social media emerged as an alternative where Turkish citizens continued to enjoy access to alternative sources of information. However, the digital realm was not been completely free of government control. Under the AKP, the Information and Communication Technologies Authority blocked access to more than 400,000 websites, including a temporary ban on Wikipedia in 2017. For years Turkey has topped the list of requests for content to be removed from Twitter and Facebook, and access to tens of thousands of YouTube videos has been blocked. In July 2020, the parliament passed an amendment to the internet law obliging social media platforms with more than one million users to nominate legal representatives and store their user data in Turkey. These measures were aimed at making platforms like Twitter and Facebook more responsive to government requests to take down online material.

What changes does the new bill entail?

The disinformation bill will allow the government to tighten its control over the digital realm by channelling more resources to pro-government online media and expanding censorship. Its wording is vague enough to give prosecutors broad discretion to criminalise almost any criticism of the public authorities. The new law can be used to narrow public debate on politically sensitive issues such as migration and the economic crisis. It also makes it easier for the authorities to remove content from social media platforms and to prosecute individuals for their views. This will create fear among citizens and lead to self-censorship. It also allows the government to abuse state accreditation and advertising to reward compliant online news outlets.

The disinformation bill has encountered strong resistance from opposition parties, journalists and civil society organisations, all of whom are worried that it will intensify the repression of critics of the government. The postponement of the parliamentary vote suggests that that even the AKP elites have been unable to reach a consensus on the bill’s details. This decision gives opposition groups additional time to exploit the fractures within the ruling bloc and mobilise public opinion.

European policymakers need to remain vigilant towards the Turkish president’s efforts to stifle dissent. Turkey has experienced a sharp decline in media freedoms during Erdoğan’s presidency and is now ranked 149th out of 180 countries in the Reporters without Borders 2022 World Press Freedom Index. This is a dismal record for a country that is still a European Union accession candidate (even if the process has long been put on hold). If enacted, the disinformation law will make it easier for the government to target its critics in the digital world and weaken the ability of opposition groups to challenge the government’s agenda. In the aftermath of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Erdoğan seems to have regained a degree of popularity in Western capitals. The EU already cooperates with Turkey on key security and energy matters as well as the migration crisis. That cooperation should not come at the cost of turning a blind eye to serious attacks on free speech.

Europe is facing some heat. Literally – with another heat wave grasping the continent – and figuratively with threats to the global order through Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Profound shifts are happening – with political answers too quick for some, and painfully slow when looking at evidence on the ultimate challenge: human-made climate change and its effects. We have seen indicators for disruptive change in the global order before: terrorism (after 2001), a financial crisis (2008), a global pandemic (since 2020), and, after a long build-up, the drastic effects of a climate crisis coming into focus with numerous extreme weather events. This blog is about the future of globalisation, in times of uncertainties and while we find ourselves with multiple challenges in a volatile, if not “reeling global order”. Let’s get to the fundamental then.

Europe is facing some heat. Literally – with another heat wave grasping the continent – and figuratively with threats to the global order through Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Profound shifts are happening – with political answers too quick for some, and painfully slow when looking at evidence on the ultimate challenge: human-made climate change and its effects. We have seen indicators for disruptive change in the global order before: terrorism (after 2001), a financial crisis (2008), a global pandemic (since 2020), and, after a long build-up, the drastic effects of a climate crisis coming into focus with numerous extreme weather events. This blog is about the future of globalisation, in times of uncertainties and while we find ourselves with multiple challenges in a volatile, if not “reeling global order”. Let’s get to the fundamental then.

Europe is facing some heat. Literally – with another heat wave grasping the continent – and figuratively with threats to the global order through Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Profound shifts are happening – with political answers too quick for some, and painfully slow when looking at evidence on the ultimate challenge: human-made climate change and its effects. We have seen indicators for disruptive change in the global order before: terrorism (after 2001), a financial crisis (2008), a global pandemic (since 2020), and, after a long build-up, the drastic effects of a climate crisis coming into focus with numerous extreme weather events. This blog is about the future of globalisation, in times of uncertainties and while we find ourselves with multiple challenges in a volatile, if not “reeling global order”. Let’s get to the fundamental then.

Die Weltwirtschaft steuert in Richtung ökologischer Nachhaltigkeit. Aufgrund einer immer stringenteren umwelt- und klimapolitischen Regulierung setzen sich neue nachhaltige Techno­logien und Geschäftsmodelle durch. Diese wiederum verändern Wettbewerbs­bedingungen und Standortvorteile. Kluge Strukturpolitik antizipiert solche Veränderungen; sie lenkt und fördert die heimische Wirtschaft dahingehend, dass sie frühzeitig die Chancen dieses Strukturwandels nutzt. Das gilt auch für die Wirtschafts- und Beschäftigungsförderung in der Entwicklungs­zusammenarbeit. Mit einer Fokussierung auf ökologische Strukturpolitik als Entwicklungsmotor könnte die deutsche Entwicklungszusammenarbeit ihr in Teilbereichen – z. B. Förderung erneuerbarer Energien, Ökostandards in Lieferketten – bereits angelegtes besonderes Profil weiter ausbauen. Im vorliegenden Impulspapier schlagen wir sieben Themen vor, die in Zukunft ein stärkeres Gewicht bekommen sollten. Diese reichen von der Gestaltung wirtschafts­politischer Rahmenbedingungen (z. B. öko-sozialer Fiskalreformen) bis hin zur Nutzung spezi­fischer neuer Marktpotenziale in Bereichen wie nachhaltiger Stadtentwicklung, Bio­ökonomie und grünem Wasserstoff. Allen Themen ist gemeinsam, dass hier ein beschäftigungswirksamer Struktur­wandel sowie klima- und umweltpolitische Ziele synergetisch miteinander verknüpft werden.

Die Weltwirtschaft steuert in Richtung ökologischer Nachhaltigkeit. Aufgrund einer immer stringenteren umwelt- und klimapolitischen Regulierung setzen sich neue nachhaltige Techno­logien und Geschäftsmodelle durch. Diese wiederum verändern Wettbewerbs­bedingungen und Standortvorteile. Kluge Strukturpolitik antizipiert solche Veränderungen; sie lenkt und fördert die heimische Wirtschaft dahingehend, dass sie frühzeitig die Chancen dieses Strukturwandels nutzt. Das gilt auch für die Wirtschafts- und Beschäftigungsförderung in der Entwicklungs­zusammenarbeit. Mit einer Fokussierung auf ökologische Strukturpolitik als Entwicklungsmotor könnte die deutsche Entwicklungszusammenarbeit ihr in Teilbereichen – z. B. Förderung erneuerbarer Energien, Ökostandards in Lieferketten – bereits angelegtes besonderes Profil weiter ausbauen. Im vorliegenden Impulspapier schlagen wir sieben Themen vor, die in Zukunft ein stärkeres Gewicht bekommen sollten. Diese reichen von der Gestaltung wirtschafts­politischer Rahmenbedingungen (z. B. öko-sozialer Fiskalreformen) bis hin zur Nutzung spezi­fischer neuer Marktpotenziale in Bereichen wie nachhaltiger Stadtentwicklung, Bio­ökonomie und grünem Wasserstoff. Allen Themen ist gemeinsam, dass hier ein beschäftigungswirksamer Struktur­wandel sowie klima- und umweltpolitische Ziele synergetisch miteinander verknüpft werden.

Die Weltwirtschaft steuert in Richtung ökologischer Nachhaltigkeit. Aufgrund einer immer stringenteren umwelt- und klimapolitischen Regulierung setzen sich neue nachhaltige Techno­logien und Geschäftsmodelle durch. Diese wiederum verändern Wettbewerbs­bedingungen und Standortvorteile. Kluge Strukturpolitik antizipiert solche Veränderungen; sie lenkt und fördert die heimische Wirtschaft dahingehend, dass sie frühzeitig die Chancen dieses Strukturwandels nutzt. Das gilt auch für die Wirtschafts- und Beschäftigungsförderung in der Entwicklungs­zusammenarbeit. Mit einer Fokussierung auf ökologische Strukturpolitik als Entwicklungsmotor könnte die deutsche Entwicklungszusammenarbeit ihr in Teilbereichen – z. B. Förderung erneuerbarer Energien, Ökostandards in Lieferketten – bereits angelegtes besonderes Profil weiter ausbauen. Im vorliegenden Impulspapier schlagen wir sieben Themen vor, die in Zukunft ein stärkeres Gewicht bekommen sollten. Diese reichen von der Gestaltung wirtschafts­politischer Rahmenbedingungen (z. B. öko-sozialer Fiskalreformen) bis hin zur Nutzung spezi­fischer neuer Marktpotenziale in Bereichen wie nachhaltiger Stadtentwicklung, Bio­ökonomie und grünem Wasserstoff. Allen Themen ist gemeinsam, dass hier ein beschäftigungswirksamer Struktur­wandel sowie klima- und umweltpolitische Ziele synergetisch miteinander verknüpft werden.

Die Abteilung Forschungsinfrastruktur setzt sich aus den Bereichen Bibliothek, Forschungsdatenmanagement und Informationstechnik zusammen und hat die Aufgabe, die Forschung durch Bereitstellung der nötigen Infrastruktur zu fördern sowie sie mit den notwendigen Services zu versorgen. Das Team der Bibliothek ist für die Literatur- und Informationsversorgung zuständig und unterstützt so vor allem die MitarbeiterInnen des Instituts bei ihrer Forschungsarbeit.

 Wir suchen zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt eine/n Fachangestellte/n für Medien- und Informationsdienste (w/m/div) (befristet, 30 Wochenstunden).

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