Sudan Tribune

March 29, 2018 (JUBA) - South Sudan the Ceasefire and Transitional Security Arrangements Monitoring Mechanism (CTSAMM) Thursday warned the warring parties against the recent clashes and asserted that spoilers would be held accountable.

The strongly-worded statement came after reports of attacks by both parties in the southern area of Central Equatoria and areas of Upper Nile.

In line with the cessation of hostilities agreement signed last December the South Sudanese army and the SPLA-IO pledged to observe a full ceasefire including the freezing of forces and military movements without prior authority of CTSAMM.

"The 61st Extra-Ordinary Session of IGAD Council of Ministers (on 26 March 2018) underscored its resolve to bring any violators of ACOH and spoilers of the peace process to account," said the statement.

The monitoring body said it would continue to monitor these developments and will send Monitoring and Verification Teams (MVTs) to the areas affected as soon as possible to determine whether any violation has taken place.

The CTSAMM stressed that any violation will be referred to the IGAD Council of Ministers and JMEC.

"Where MVTs are required to conduct investigations, parties are reminded of their obligation to guarantee free movement and unhindered access," it added.

(ST)

March 29, 2018 (KHARTOUM) - The Sudanese Revolutionary Front (SRF) - led by Minni Minnawi said they stick to the armed struggle to achieve change in Sudan despite their adherence to the Sudan Call Constitutional Declaration which calls for nonviolent means to reach peace and democratic reforms.

On 17 March the Sudan Call forces elected its leadership council and issued a political declaration reiterating their commitment to the roadmap agreement brokered by the African Union mediation for a negotiated settlement to the Sudanese crisis.

Activists and supporters of the armed groups from the western Sudan region slammed the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and the Sudan Liberation Movement-Minnawi for picking Sadiq al-Mahdi as the leader of the opposition umbrella and their commitment for a political solution.

"The Revolutionary Front stresses that it is committed to achieving a comprehensive structural change in the way the country organization is run, beginning with the removal of the NCP regime. Also, it is committed to the armed struggle as one of the means of change along the means provided in its statute," said SRF spokesperson Mohamed Zakaria Farajullah in a statement extended to Sudan Tribune.

"The Revolutionary Front has the possibility of weighing the different options in accordance with the requirements of the stage and its necessities without dropping any of them," he added.

"The Front assures everyone that it would continue with vigour and determination to achieve its objectives in cooperation with its partners in the Sudan Call and the broad opposition".

On 21 March, JEM leader Girbil Ibrahim issued an opinion article in Arabic denouncing those who criticized the SRF for adhering to the Sudan Call constitutional declaration.

He added that the Declaration emphasized on the political nature of the Sudan Call collective activity which has nothing to do with the option of war.

"The civil entities of the Sudan Call are entitled to protect themselves from the consequences of armed action because they are not a party to it," he further stressed.

Days after the conclusion of the Sudan Call meetings in Paris, President Omer al-Bashir recalled that his government bans any contact with the armed groups and opposition leaders may face justice when they return to the country.

Al-Mahdi who felt targeted by the statement retorted that the armed groups are not terrorist groups and the regime itself is negotiating with them under the auspice of the African Union

"Despite all that, we issued a constitutional declaration providing that the Sudan Call is a political institution, and that military component is outside the Sudan Call, yet the leaders of the armed movements are committed to a defensive position (within the framework of a unilateral cessation of hostilities declaration) until a peace agreement is concluded," said al-Mahdi in a speech in London on 25 March.

(ST)

By Duop Chak Wuol

In most organized societies, keeping someone in detainment who did not commit any crime is a criminal act punishable by law. However, in its 61st extra-ordinary session held on March 26, 2018 in Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) released a communiqué stating that it decided to lift the house arrest it imposed on the leader of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army-In Opposition (SPLM/A-IO), Dr Riek Machar. In addition, IGAD demanded that the rebel leader must first denounce violence before it can decide where he should be relocated. The East African regional bloc also asserted that Machar must only be transferred to a country without borders with South Sudan and that a group of designated IGAD ministers will propose and decide where the armed opposition leader will be moved to.

If such a resolution sounds like a conspiracy to you, then you are probably correct, because it fits within the meaning of a carefully-orchestrated political plot. The statement was not only unreasonable — it was, in fact, a glorification of Salva Kiir's tyranny and an insult to those who lost their lives in the civil war.

IGAD's decision to lift Machar's unlawful imprisonment is a welcome move. I strongly believe that placing Machar under house arrest was questionable. By signalling the release of the armed opposition leader, IGAD identified its blunder for the first time. However, I wonder why the regional bloc wants the SPLM-IO leader to be relocated to a different nation instead of allowing him to go to any place of his own choosing? There is absolutely no rational explanation as to why a group of IGAD leaders united themselves to keep an innocent man in confinement against his will when meanwhile, Kiir committed massacres and enjoyed freedom in Juba. IGAD leaders should explain to the people of South Sudan why they are willing to punish Machar while simultaneously failing to bring the war to an end. The bloc should also explain why it is interested in preventing Dr Machar from participating in South Sudan's politics. IGAD's main goal is to work for a peaceful solution to the ongoing civil war, instead of choosing a seemingly one-sided approach. If the bloc does not change its current stance on South Sudan's situation, then I suggest that the African Union (AU) and the international community take over the peace process. The South Sudanese are also interested in knowing whether IGAD is merely an entity for East African leaders to protect themselves or is instead interested in solving regional issues.

It is worth noting that South Sudan's conflict has become a lucrative business for some countries. What these nations need to know is that tens of thousands of people have died because of Kiir's political madness. Protecting Kiir by passing pro-Juba resolutions will not only escalate the war but will increase South Sudanese anger towards Kiir. The Republic of South Sudan should not be a testing ground where civil liberties and human rights are traded for money, regional interests, or hidden intentions. If IGAD is working for the goodness of the people of South Sudan, then it must not justify Salva Kiir's ruthlessness by coming up with motions that are contrary to its own vision. The March 26th decision by IGAD to transfer the rebel leader to a country outside of the East African region only strengthens the suspicion already present in the minds of millions of South Sudanese that the regional bloc is marred by bribery, illicit deals, greed, and conspiracy.

Is the confinement of Riek Machar an act of complicity? What crime did Riek Machar commit against Uganda, Kenya, Sudan, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia, or Eritrea? Is IGAD conducting itself impartially in relation to South Sudan's peace process? Why are the leaders of the East African regional bloc seemingly working in the best interest of Juba's atrocious regime? What exactly is IGAD trying to tell the people of South Sudan and the international community? Is IGAD trying to legitimize the regime of a murderous tyrant?

Dr Machar did not commit a single crime against any IGAD member state. If the bloc's resolution is not an act of collusion, then I am not sure what it really means. I agree with the idea that leaders should denounce and condemn violence. However, the notion that Machar is the only leader who should denounce violence is rather fallacious. The conditions set by IGAD are absurd. Transferring Machar from South Africa to another country should not be called a release — it is, in fact, an extension of his current confinement. The reality is that the bloc is not ready to release the rebel leader. If IGAD is impartial in its quest for peace, then it must ask all South Sudanese leaders, including Kiir, to denounce violence.

IGAD has been somewhat instrumental before, but the people of South Sudan know that most of its decisions have been anti-SPLM/A-IO. I am not quite sure whether this apparent help-Kiir-at-all-costs policy is influenced by Kiir's ally, Yoweri Museveni. There is nothing wrong with supporting your friend or counterpart, but giving your full support to a leader who slaughtered tens of thousands of his fellow citizens without any good reason is rather reprehensible. The ethnic carnage Kiir carried out in December 2013 in Juba was so brutal that only a leader who does not care about the suffering of South Sudanese would support it. The leaders of IGAD should work towards finding a lasting solution to the conflict and not allow themselves to be used by Kiir. Salva Kiir is a cunning person. He used the 2013 fake coup as evidence to purge Machar and other South Sudanese leaders who he saw as a threat to his leadership. There was no such a thing as a coup in this instance, contrary to what Kiir would like everyone to believe. The real coup was the bogus one he orchestrated in Kampala with the help of Museveni.

It is good to remind people that in 2016, when the SPLM-IO leader was forced to go to Juba to implement the August 2015 imposed peace agreement, he was nearly killed. What I find ironic about this specific narrative is that when Machar survived the July 2016 assassination attempt and fled Juba, there was not a single IGAD leader who came out and criticized Salva Kiir. One would argue that the only thing the East African regional bloc wants is to keep Kiir in power, regardless of what the people of South Sudan want.

Peace is better than war. I am certain that the South Sudanese want peace to return to their country. IGAD must know that peace will not be achieved by imposing anti-peace resolutions on the SPLM/A-IO leader. Kiir is the one who started the current civil war and Machar is the victim. Thus, for the bloc to insist that Dr Machar should continue living in exile instead of completely lifting his house arrest to live a free life is not a plausible decision the armed opposition should endorse. The bloc must choose between keeping its tainted image, or else risk being declared by the South Sudanese as “not a credible, neutral, or impartial entity.” Complicit or not, the people of South Sudan are fully aware of IGAD's pro-Juba stance.

The author can be reached at duop282@gmail.com

Superpowers are once again competing for influence in Africa. It's time for the continent to reclaim its sovereignty

by Ahmed H Adam

The world's most powerful nations are once again competing for the control of the abundant natural resources of the African continent. Some analysts describe this phenomenon as a "new scramble for Africa" in reference to the first "scramble for Africa", which took place between 1881 and 1914 and resulted in powerful European nations dividing, occupying and colonising the continent.

Superpowers like the US, China and Russia, as well as some key European countries, and less powerful nations like Japan, India and Brazil are currently active in Africa. Some energy-rich Gulf countries are also racing to consolid

ate their investments on the continent, as they seek to expand their economies beyond oil and gas sectors.

Foreign military presence is also growing on the continent under the guise of counterterrorism efforts. Djibouti has agreed to host American naval and drone bases that conduct operations in the Horn of Africa and beyond. Many other nations have also established military bases in the country, including France - the former colonial power - Italy and Japan. The French military base in Djibouti is hosting troops from Germany and Spain. On the other hand, some of the parties to the GCC crisis, such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, have established military bases in Eritrea and Somaliland, while Somalia is hosting Turkish troops. Furthermore, the US has been increasingly involved in the fight against "terror" groups in the Sahel, providing arms and military training to the governments of the region.

At the moment, Africa does not have a serious, unified strategy or the institutional capacity to effectively respond to this so-called "new scramble for Africa". It is true that, in 2016, the African Union (AU) introduced an ambitious strategic framework called Agenda 2063 under the leadership of Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, the former Chairperson of the AU Commission. But this agenda does not include a clear and coherent strategy on increasing foreign presence and competition in Africa. Furthermore, African leaders seem to lack the necessary political will to counter these efforts and protect the continent's vital interests. But all is not lost - Africa can still turn this situation around, reclaim its sovereign rights and take its rightful place on the world stage.

Trump's lack of interest in Africa
The United States is losing some ground against China in Africa, but it is still an influential foreign power on the continent.

For decades, it has invested billions of dollars in aid, health, development projects, and cultural and educational programmes. Furthermore, it supported peacekeeping, peacebuilding and humanitarian intervention operations. In return, it used Africa's immense natural resources to meet the needs of its industries.

However, since the 9/11 attacks, US activities in Africa have been shaped by the so-called "war on terror". Even US humanitarian aid to Africa has been linked to this agenda. Since 2007, AFRICOM, the US Africa Command, has been playing a major role in the fight against "terror groups" across the continent. Nevertheless, African countries have been reluctant to host AFRICOM as they are deeply suspicious of its agenda and feel it could undermine their sovereignty. For this reason, AFRICOM is based in Germany and not on the continent.

Moreover, Washington's policies on Africa are more enigmatic today than ever before.

Africa was not a foreign policy priority for the Obama administration, which focussed its efforts in the Middle East, and it is also not a priority for the current administration. Some key vacancies in the Department of State's Africa Bureau have not even been filled yet. Just like his predecessor, Trump's focus is currently on the Middle East. It is obvious that the new US president is not looking to form a meaningful, mutually beneficial partnership with Africa - he only wants to pursue narrow national interests, namely counterterrorism efforts and extraction of natural resources.

Also, during his election campaign and after assuming office, Trump made several controversial remarks about Africa that were described by Africans and many others as insulting and racist. In January this year, it was claimed that Trump had referred to African nations as "sh****** countries". The president immediately denied using such vocabulary, but this remark has since turned into a symbol of his insulting attitude towards the African continent and its people. Even if Trump decides to make Africa a priority later in his tenure, he would be facing the gruelling challenge of gaining the trust and respect of African peoples.

Africa as a market opportunity for Russia
Russia is another key player in Africa. Earlier this month, Russia's Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov went on an extensive Africa tour during which he visited Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, Angola, Namibia and Mozambique. In Ethiopia, he attended the joint ministerial committee that was established to advance bilateral relations between the two countries. Lavrov also met the chairperson of the AU in Addis Ababa.

It is quite revealing that Lavrov chose to visit only one East African country - Ethiopia - during his Africa tour. All the other countries he visited were Southern African countries that have huge natural resources like oil, uranium, copper, gold and cobalt. This shows that Russia's main priority in Africa is not reviving its Soviet-era prestige and influence, but extraction of natural resources.

But Russia is also investing in security and military projects in Africa. As the second-largest arms exporter in the world after the US, it sells billions of dollars in weapons annually across the continent. During his latest visit, Lavrov signed a defence cooperation agreement with Mozambique.

As a result of the sanctions that have been imposed on it by the US and Europe, Russia is now looking for new markets and seeking to make Africa one of its main export centres. All in all, Russia views Africa as a major trade opportunity and hopes to extend its influence in the continent rapidly.

China: the new dominant foreign power in Africa
As the world's second-largest economy, China has become Africa's most important and influential development and trade partner over the past two decades. China has no colonial past in Africa, in fact, like Russia, it supported Africa's liberation struggle in the mid-20th century. China's "clean" history in Africa makes it easier for the country to extend its influence in the region.

China's influence on the continent started to increase rapidly in 2000, after the establishment of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). Since then, cooperation forums have been held every three years, and the next forum is scheduled to convene in Beijing later this year.

In 2000, the China-Africa trade volume was just $10bn. By 2014, the value of contracts that were undertaken by Chinese companies in Africa reached $75bn. In 2015, China pledged to invest a further $60bn in Africa to cover major collaborative projects on industrialisation, agricultural modernisation, infrastructure, finance, green development, trade and investment, poverty reduction, public welfare, public health, and peace and security.

Nevertheless, China's activities in Africa are under harsh criticism. For instance, the head of the US' National Trade Council, Peter Navarro, had accused China of "locking down strategic natural resources, locking up emerging markets and locking out the United States". Others criticised China for pursuing a "new form of colonialism" and "massive resource grab" in Africa. Furthermore, Chinese programs have an adverse impact on the environment.

How to respond to the 'new scramble for Africa'
Today, these three superpowers may be competing for influence in Africa, but the level of exploitation and cruelty caused by this rivalry does not amount to the atrocities committed during the original "scramble for Africa".

Africans still have a chance to successfully navigate the situation.

The AU should develop a coherent, unified and comprehensive strategy to deal with the three superpowers' competition over its natural resources and engage all three superpowers to cooperate with Africa instead of exploiting it. It should swiftly implement robust institutional reforms and start acting as the decisive power on the continent. Also, in order to resist any detrimental foreign interference and preserve their independence, dignity, and sovereignty, African states should work towards ending their financial dependency on the West and other international players. The continent's independent military capabilities should also be increased in order to have the ability to maintain peace and security without needing any help from foreign powers that undoubtedly have ulterior motives and conflicting interests.

Most importantly, African masses, civil society, youth and women groups should play a leading role in Africa's relations with the world - the era of gatekeepers must end. It is natural and vital that Africans engage with the world directly. There may be a "new scramunderwayfrica" under way, but this time, Africans can and should be the ones benefiting from the superpowers interest in their countries. The US, Russia and China - and any other foreign power - should only be allowed to operate in Africa as long as their actions are also beneficial for the continent.

This Article was originally published in Aljazeera Opinion.

Ahmed H Adam is a Research Associate at SOAS' School of Law, University of London.

March 29, 2018 (KHARTOUM) - Sudanese authorities have released on Wednesday evening the leader of the Sudanese Congress Party, Omer al-Digair who had been detained last January, the opposition party announced on Thursday morning.

Al-Digair was arrested on 7 January 2018 after the increase of bread price after calls to protest against the austerity measure.

"During the detention, the health condition of President Omer al-Diqair worsened and was examined by the doctors of a hospital belonging to the security apparatus," said Mohamed Hassan Arabi the SCoP spokesperson in a statement released.

Arabi added that al-Digair is now in a good condition and will make further medical examination.

the statement underscored that the deputy leader Khalid Omer Youssef and other leadership members are still in jail.

Last February, the security service released Siddiq Yousef a leading member of the Sudanese Communist Party, for medical reasons.

(ST)

March 28, 2018 (LONDON) - British Members of Parliament (MPs) Wednesday called on the Foreign Secretary to put pressure on the Sudanese government to release a British-Sudanese national Sidqi Kaballo who is arrested without charge last January.

Kaballo a leading member of the Sudanese Communist Party (SCP) was arrested on 16 January after a peaceful demonstration to protest the increase of bread price. He also other opposition figures are held without charge or trial.

In their letter to the Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson, a cross-party group of 23 MPs and Peers thanked him for raising Kaballo's case with the Sudanese government and requesting consular access.

"It is however over two months since Dr Kaballo was first arrested and he remains arbitrarily detained without charge or trial. His family have no indication of how long he will remain detained and are naturally extremely concerned for his welfare," said the lawmakers

"Their concerns regarding the circumstances of Dr Kaballo's detention are exacerbated by his age and his need for medication as a diabetic," they further stressed.

The exact number of the detainees is unknown but opposition sources said the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) have detained 411 activists during the recent protests against austerity measures.

Last February, the Sudanese authorities said they released some 80 detainees. Also, additional activists have been freed but many others remain in jail including the leaders of the Sudanese Congress Party, the Sudanese Communist Party and the Unionist Alliance.

After the release of National Umma Party detained leaders, NISS Director Salah Gosh said their release depends on the conduct of their parties.

The MPs and Peers signatories of the letter are All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Sudan and South Sudan(APPG) or have been by contacted by constituents about the human rights situation in Sudan.

“It's unacceptable that Dr Kaballo, a British citizen, has been held in detention without charge or trial for over two months," said Sir Henry Bellingham, the head of All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Sudan and South Sudan Chair APPG Sudan & South Sudan.

For his part, Richard Burden MP, who has written the letter to the Foreign Secretary, regretted Kaballo's absence from a celebration for his 70th birthday his family organizing on Wednesday.

“Today Dr Kaballo should be in my constituency celebrating his 70th birthday with his family and friends. His family were planning a big celebration for the occasion. What they were not planning for was Dr Kaballo to be thousands of miles from his family in a prison cell in Darfur," Burden said.

(ST)

March 28, 2018 (JUBA) - The Government of Japan has contributed $1 million for the mine action project dubbed “Enhancing the Humanitarian Mine Action Programme in South Sudan”.

Sign warning drivers in South Sudan to stay on the road or they might encounter land mines (Photo minefields.com)

Over the past six years, Japan has contributed over US $14 million to mine action operations in South Sudan, enabling the clearance of 3,034,713 sqm of land, the removal of 20,180 explosive hazards and the delivery of Mine Risk Education to 140,800 people, including 91,144 children.

Decades of civil war and continued conflict has littered vast areas of South Sudan with explosive hazards. Despite the Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities signed by the Government of South Sudan and opposition parties in December 2017, armed violence and clashes have continued throughout the country.

The continued use of explosive weapons, such as rockets, grenades and mortars, has hindered the safe movement of the civilian population as well as the delivery of critical humanitarian assistance.

An estimated 6.3 million people in South Sudan – half the population – now live in counties where their safety is threatened by the presence of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW).

While approximately 150 new hazardous areas are discovered every month, the full extent of contamination is unknown with large areas of the country requiring survey.

Continued funding from Japan will reportedly support four Field Assessment Teams (FATs) to mitigate the impact of explosive hazards, through survey and clearance as well as the provision of Mine Risk Education for conflict-affected populations.

The teams will provide national coverage from their bases in Bentiu, Bor, Malakal, and Wau to facilitate response in areas prioritized by humanitarian and development partners.

In South Sudan, mine action is a critical enabler of humanitarian aid, a key driver of socioeconomic development, and a strong promoter of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

“The Government of Japan is committed to providing humanitarian, capacity building and development assistance to South Sudanese people. The US $1,000,000 assistance announced recently is part of the US $34 million assistance package to South Sudan,” the Japanese envoy to South Sudan, Seiji Okada said in a statement.

He added, “We trust UNMAS, together with its partners, will continue its important work of clearing land for people to go back to that land, so that they can engage in livelihood activities such as agriculture.”

The UNMAS South Sudan programme director, Tim Lardner, UNMAS lauded the Japanese government for its financial support.

“We admire Japan's strong initiative and vital support for global mine action activities and for UNMAS. The Japanese people's US $9.3 million donations to UNMAS for this year will benefit mine action programmes in six countries, including Afghanistan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Iraq, Sudan, Syria as well as South Sudan,” he said.

Japan has continued to be a supportive partner in mine action to South Sudan.

Last year, Japan supported risk mitigation of explosive hazards through survey and clearance, as well as risk education, but also maintained an important role in allowing UNMAS to work with government, through Mine Action Authority.

“It is great to have such a steady and reliable partner," stressed Lardner.

(ST)

March 27, 2018 (JUBA) - A rebel faction allied South Sudan's former first vice president, Riek Machar have accused the Juba army of carrying out attacks the country, particularly in Payai payam, an area located in Pieri county of Bieh state on Tuesday morning.

Rebel fighters aligned with former vice-president Riek Machar gather in a village in South Sudan's Upper Nile state on 8 February 2014 (Photo: Goran Tomasevic/Reuters)

Similar clashes reportedly occurred last week between the armed opposition fighters and pro-government forces in Upper Nile and Yei River states.

Colonel Lam Paul Gabriel, the deputy rebel spokesperson told Sudan Tribune that their forces managed to repulse all attacks on Tuesday.

He claimed pro-government forces stormed out of their trenches on Tuesday and attacked their defensive position in Bieh state areas.

The rebels also alleged that government forces attacked their positions in Nyirol and Guer payam in Western Nyirol county in total violation of the ceasefire to avoid peaceful resolution of the conflict.

He accused government forces of carrying out other similar attacks on their defensive positions in Eastern Equatoria's Magwi county.

“At about midday, the regime's militias under the command of the so-called Brig. Gen. Francis Odera Otto attacked our defensive position in and around Magwi killing two of our soldiers. Brig. Francis, who are currently undergoing a process of integration in Gorum training ground, came to Magwi for more mobilization and recruitment of civilians into the regime's army to support his rank,” he said.

The rebel official tasked the ceasefire monitoring body (CTSAMM) and other peace partners to investigate these attacks and hold violators accountable.

“The leadership of the SPLA-IO directs all forces to be alert and vigilant as the regime steps up its anti-peace campaign to derail the High-Level Revitalization Forum (HLRF) process,” further stressed Lam.

(ST)

February 18, 2018 (KHARTOUM) – About 200,000 South Sudanese refugees are expected in Sudan in 2018, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said in a report.

South Sudanese refugees in White Nile State receive humanitarian assistance on 27 February 2017 (SUNA photo)

The world body, early this month, launched the 2018 South Sudanese Regional Refugee Response Plan (RRRP), which is said, targets an estimated 200,000 refugee arrivals into Sudan, this year alone.

“Continued fighting, limited humanitarian assistance and extreme levels of food insecurity are forcing citizens of South Sudan to seek refuge, safety and access to food and basic services in neighbouring countries,” OCHA said in its latest bi-weekly bulletin.

The humanitarian agency, said as the South Sudanese refugee response enters its fifth year, there is a need to move beyond just emergency response, and focus on longer-term solutions that will strengthen resilience and allow the refugees to become more self-reliant.

“Camp-based assistance will continue to be provided in established camps, with a move towards more durable infrastructure,” it said.

Greater emphasis, it stressed, will be placed on addressing refugee needs in out-of-camp locations, with a view to expand community-based assistance to support host communities and ensure refugees are able to continue living outside of camps if they choose.

One of the main objectives of the RRRP focus on maintaining an emergency response capacity to ensure immediate protection responses and address the urgent needs of new arrivals in 2018.

According to the UN humanitarian office, the government of Sudan maintains an open border policy for refugees, ensuring unfettered access, immediate protection and safety within Sudan's borders.

The 2018 response strategy, it stressed, focuses on assistance for new arrivals, while at the same time addressing ongoing needs of the existing refugee caseload, including those in out-of-camp locations.

The South Sudanese conflict, now in its fifth year, has killed tens of thousands of people and displaced over 2 million people since its outbreak in December 2013.

(ST)

February 18, 2018 (KHARTOUM) - The Sudanese authorities Sunday released dozens of activists and political detainees almost from the National Umma Party (NUP) while have kept in jail the leaders of left forces including the leaders of the Sudanese Communist Party (SCP) and Sudanese Congress Party (SCoP).

Among the released detainees are Sarah Nugdalla, NUP secretary general, Amal Habani, a journalist and political activist, two daughters and a son of NUP leader Sadiq al-Mahdi. Also, among the released women were released two daughters of the SCoP former leader Ibrahim al-Sheikh and Nahid Jabrallah, an activist.

However, Mohamed Mukhtar al-Khatib SCP political secretary and Omer al-Digair SCoP leader were not among the freed political detainees. The same for left cadres such as Kamal Karar, a journalist of al-Midan newspaper, the organ of the Communist Party.

Speaking to the press from inside Kober prison in Khartoum, Presidential Assistant Abdel-Rahman Sadiq al-Mahdi announced "the release of about 80 political detainees on the directives of President Omer al-Bashir".

He didn't explain why other dozens remain in prison without charges but stressed that the presidency is working to "treat the disease which is the political dispute and not its symptoms and to remove the reasons that led to the protests and detention"

The presidential assistant said the government will reach all the political forces without distinction to ensure the respect of human rights and removal of the political polarization in the country.

Following the increase of bread prices earlier last January, opposition groups staged several protests against the austerity measures and called to overthrow the regime of President al-Bashir.

The security services arrested leaders of the opposition groups, sometimes, even before an announced street protest. Also, reporters were arrested for covering the demonstrations.

However, nearly two weeks ago, the security service released Siddiq Yousef a leading member of the Sudanese Communist Party, for medical reasons.

In a statement released after the release of its figures and members, the NUP welcomed the move and called to cancel the recent austerity measures. Also, it called to repeal all laws that restrict freedoms including the National Security Act and the Press and Publications Law.

The opposition party stressed they will continue to resist the regime until its removal and the establishment of a regime that "fulfils the legitimate aspirations of our people for freedom, dignity, justice and a decent life".

(ST)

February 18, 2018 (KHARTOUM) - Governor of Central Darfur State Ja'afar Abdel-Hakam Sunday said a security forum bringing together security committees of North, South and Central Darfur would be held in Nertiti area of Jebel Marra next month.

Central Darfur governor, Jaafar Abdel Hakam (Photo SUNA)

Following his meeting with the Vice-President Hassabo Abdel-Rahman in Khartoum, Abdel-Hakam said the former would attend the forum which will discuss security issues and the positive impact of the disarmament campaign in the region.

He pointed out that he briefed Abdel-Rahman on the negative phenomena following the implementation of the disarmament campaign in the locality of west Jebel Marra.

The governor added he also presented a report to the Vice President on recent attacks by rebels against cattle herders in the west of Jebel Marra.

“The Vice President decided to hold a security forum in March with the participation of the security committees of South, North and Central Darfur,” he said

In 2016, the government said that its forces defeated the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM-AW) led by Abdel-Wahid al-Nour but admitted the existence of some rebel pockets in the mountainous Jebel Marra area and stopped its military operations particularly the air attacks which affect civilians also.

In June 2017, the UN Security Council extended the hybrid peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID) mandate for another year and redefined its mandate to play a double role.

In Jebel Marra, the force has to continue to protect civilians and ensure the delivery of emergency relief. In the other areas of Darfur, the mission has to focus on stabilising the situation.

A tripartite committee on Darfur peacekeeping force decided to establish a UNAMID base in Jebel Marra taking into account the presence of SLM-AW fighters. The rebel group refuses to join the peace process or to declare a truce.

UN agencies estimate that over 300,000 people were killed in Darfur conflict since 2003, and over 2.5 million are displaced.

(ST)

February 18, 2018 (KHARTOUM) The Sudan People's Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N Agar) led by Malik Agar said its fighters in the Blue Nile have been attacked by forces belonging to the SPLM-N al-Hilu faction.

The Sudanese army has been fighting the SPLM-N rebels in the Blue Nile and South Kordofan, also known as the Two Areas since 2011.

The SPLM-N is now divided into two factions: one led by Abdel Aziz al-Hilu and the other led by Malik Agar. The rift emerged last year over the right of self-determination and other organisational issues.

In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune on Sunday, SPLM-N Agar spokesperson Mubarak Ardol said an SPLM-N al-Hilu force stationed at Ras Al-khor on Saturday moved to Gouz Al-Gamamat area on its way to the SPLM-N Agar controlled areas in Tanfona.

He pointed out that forces from the two factions have clashed in Gouz Al-Bagar area from 5:00 pm to 8:00 pm (local time) on Saturday, saying clashes were still ongoing until the moment of writing the statement.

Ardol stressed their fighters destroyed a T-55 tank and two vehicles carrying 14.5 mm machine gun and DShK 12.7 mm heavy machine gun.

He added they received information last week that al-Hilu has ordered Josef Tika to attack Agar's positions in the Blue Nile.

According to Ardol, Tika was hesitant to carry out al-Hilu's orders in the beginning because he thought such an attack is useless, pointing out that al-Hilu had dispatched ammunition to Tika for that purpose.

As a result of the rift between Agar and al-Hilu, the Blue Nile state witnessed in June and August 2017 tribal clashes between the Angsana of Malik Agar and the Uduk, an ethnic group supporting self-determination led by Tika.

(ST)

February 18, 2018 (KHARTOUM) Sudan's Foreign Minister Ibrahim Ghandour has discussed with the German State Secretary of the Federal Foreign Office Walter Lindner ways to promote bilateral relations between the two countries.

The two diplomats have met in Germany on the sidelines of the 54th edition of the Munich Security Conference (MSC), a major global forum for the discussion of security policy.

Ghandour has praised Germany's efforts to support peace in Sudan especially in Darfur region, pointing to the hosting of a series of informal consultations between Sudan and Darfur groups in Berlin.

The German government which is a facilitator for the African Union efforts to end armed conflicts in Sudan hosted several meetings in the past for the opposition groups or between the government and opposition.

According to Foreign Ministry spokesperson Gharib Allah Khidir, Ghandour invited German companies to invest in Sudan, pointing to the return of Siemens conglomerate to the Sudanese market.

For his part, Lindner stressed the special relations with Sudan, noting his country's commitment to continue its efforts to converge views of the Sudanese government and Darfur movements.

He praised Sudan's positive role in achieving regional stability, urging German companies to invest in Sudan and promote economic relations between the two countries.

(ST)

February 18, 2018 (JUBA) - South Sudan government has rejected dissolution of the security sector for it to be reconstituted and transformed into a national and professional army, claiming its dissolution would create “statelessness" during the establishment process.

South Sudan's information minister Michael Makuei Lueth speaks to reporters in Bor, December 25, 2016 (ST)

“As you know the government delegation went to Addis Ababa with open heart and commitment to ending the suffering of the people but the opposition groups united themselves with one position block and demanded the dissolution of all institutions of governance in South Sudan including the security organs and that is impossible,” said information minister Michael Makuei Lueth.

“The opposition groups are saying let's dissolve the security organs and that the security should be taken over by UNMISS (United Nations mission in South Sudan) and RPF (Regional Protection Force). What is it? We did not fight to hand over the government to others. They are advocating for statelessness, which is unacceptable. As the government as people, we will not allow. We object it,” further said minister Lueth.

The minister was speaking to reporters in Juba on Sunday after the return of the government delegation from Addis Ababa where the South Sudanese parties have been meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from the 5th to the 16th of February, 2018 for the Second Phase of the High Level Revitalization Forum (HLRF) on the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan, 2015 (ARCSS).

The mediation suspended the talks on security arrangements and power-sharing, as the parties failed to reach a compromise on the outstanding issues but the mediators, however, said significant progress has been achieved during the 11 days of talks.

The information minister and spokesperson of the government negotiating team said their delegation, also, rejected an idea advocating the creation of the two armies, saying the clashes at the presidential palace in July 2016 have shown the negative impact of having two armies.

“So we are not for two armies, even the opposition is not also for the creation of two armies,” he said.

In addition, he said they rejected a proposal by the East African regional bloc IGAD to allow the president appoint four vice presidents for inclusivity in the government.

“We have not agreed on the governance and the system of governance. The government is saying we are maintaining the status quo and we are creating positions in the second layer, and that is the positions of presidential assistants,” he said.

“The opposition also talked of establishment of office of prime minister who will be an executive prime minister. This is a system which is alien to us and we are not for it," he stressed.

He accused the opposition groups of creating obstacles that prevented reaching a deal on Friday.

“The government delegation was not the problem and it will not be the problem”, he added.

“They (opposition groups) are demanding that (President) Salva Kiir and his government must go and this is an impossible position, so the problem is not with us,” he added.

The information minister said that the government delegation also rejected a clause in the declaration of principles calling for punitive measures against spoilers of the peace process.

“This article was brought from outside. It was brought by Americans to be specific, by the Troika and the European Union. We are not for that provision and we are not ready to license anybody so that he can do whatever he wants to do,” he said.

He urged the people of South Sudan to be patient as the government and opposition groups negotiate to bring about peace in South Sudan.

“The people of South Sudan should not get angry. People should be patient because peace is coming soon,” he said.

The mediators and facilitators presented two texts reviewing the dispositions of Chapter I on the power-sharing and Chapter II on the security arrangements.

When the forum resume at a later date, the IGAD chairperson and Members of IGAD council of ministers will engage the South Sudanese parties and intensify their efforts to assist them to make the necessary compromises that will resolve the outstanding issues.

The IGAD Special Envoy for South Sudan, Ambassador Ismail Wais and the IGAD facilitators will undertake specific missions related to this endeavour. On the basis of these consultations, the forum will be reconvened to complete the deliberations.

(ST)

By Elwathig Kameir

On January 19, 2017, I published an article titled “Armed Struggle and Civil Resistance in Sudan: Catch 22,” from which I quote the following opening paragraphs (from i to iii):

i. (The Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) issued a press statement, on Jan. 17, declining to accept a US initiative (of which I have a copy) for the delivery and distribution of humanitarian relief. In a letter to the US special envoy, Donald Booth, (of which I am also in possession of a copy) on Jan. 12, the chairman of SPLM-N set out six preconditions to be met before accepting the American proposal. The SPLM-N reiterated its position, during a meeting between some of its leaders with international envoys, including the US, British, French, Norwegian, and representatives of USAID, in Paris on Jan. 17.

ii. In my opinion, the rejection of the US initiative is a miscalculated step on the part of the SPLM-N's leadership, starting from its intentional delay in the announcement of its position on Jan. 13, the date that the US administration fixed for declaring its stance regarding sanctions on Sudan. Perhaps, the leadership of the SPLM-N has mistakenly assumed that since the term of the Obama administration was approaching its end, it would not dare to lift the sanctions before. Thus, the whole matter will soon be in the hands of President Trump's administration, allowing the SPLM-N a large margin for manoeuvre and room for disrupting the negotiation process, hoping, perhaps, for the outbreak of Al-intifada or a swing in the mood of the international community in favour of the opposition. In addition, the declaration by the President of the Republic, on the First of January, of a ceasefire for a month, which was followed by the Council of Ministers' resolution extending the truce for another six months, with effect from January 30, has confounded the calculations of the SPLM-N's leadership, especially since the government will be praised by the international community for agreeing to the US initiative for the delivery of aid, thus restricting the options of the SPLM-N outside the context of negotiations.

iii. In fact, this position raises many legitimate questions about the position of the SPLM-N towards the citizens of the Two Areas, particularly when the bulk of the humanitarian aid is largely medicines and medical equipment. Added to which, the proposal commits the US government to determine the origin of the humanitarian relief and the appropriate routing for delivery to the areas under the control of the SPLM-N, after clearing the intended assistance with the Sudanese customs/immigration at some point within Sudan's borders. The fundamental question, which I have never ceased to repeat, concerns the viability/feasibility of armed struggle, in a situation where the Movement is unable to protect its own, is innocent civilians, and is also incapacitated to provide food for the victims of the war) (Armed Struggle and Civil Resistance in Sudan: Catch 22, Sudnatribune.com, 19 January 2017).

A lot of water has passed under the bridge since the declaration by the SPLM-N's "Tripartite” leadership (Chairman, Deputy Chairman, and Secretary General) of its position regarding the delivery of humanitarian aid to the areas under the Movement's control. Thus, with the suspension of the negotiations sponsored by the African High-Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP), under the chairmanship of former South African President Thabo Mbeki, the SPLM leadership is no longer the same one. Following his resignation in March 2017, Commander Abdul Aziz Al-Helu became the Movement's new Chairman. This came after the decisions of the regional Nuba Mountains Liberation Council and its counterpart in the Blue Nile, which were endorsed by the extraordinary SPLM-N National Convention, in Kauda in October 2017.

Negotiations only resumed on 1st February 2018 in response to an invitation from the AUHIP. Thus, the first round of negotiations was convened between the Government of Sudan and the delegation of the SPLM-N, under its new leadership and altogether new delegation, with the aim of reaching an agreement on the cessation of hostilities and the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the areas under the Movement's control. After bilateral talks between the mediators and each delegation separately, and plenary sessions, which continued for four days (1-4 February 2018), the head of the AUHIP decided to indefinitely suspend the talks after the failure of both delegations to reach an agreement.

In this first round of negotiations, the new leadership of the SPLM advanced the same old position, notably the terms and conditions necessary for reaching an agreement on aid delivery. The first reservation is the need for the external crossing or corridor for the evacuation of the sick and the wounded, in view of the lack of confidence in the relief emanating from government-controlled areas and secondly setting custom and inspection posts outside the areas under the Movement's control, and thirdly setting practical procedures for determining the location of troops.
Paradoxically, these are the same reservations, among others, that were raised by the then Chairman of the Movement, Commander Malik Agar, in his letter to the US Envoy on 12 January 2017. I am not aware as to whether the American proposal for relief delivery was raised during these negotiations, although this it does not make much difference. Indeed, it is the same wine in the same old bottles!

If my opinion in January of last year was that not accepting the US initiative, which addressed the Movement's fears, was a misjudgment on the part of the "tripartite" leadership, here once again is the "new" leadership committing the same error a year later. I cannot but repeat what I had said then: "Against this background, barring the occurrence of dramatic changes, in my opinion, the leaders of the SPLM-N are accountable for the fate of hundreds of thousands of citizens, and exposing them to a dire humanitarian situation. This political and moral responsibility dictates the acceptance of the US proposal, as long as the government had agreed to it, thus reaching an agreement on cessation of hostilities. This is an important step for restoring and putting the political process back on track, after the collapse of the initial round of negotiations, which immediately followed the signing of the African roadmap by the armed movements and the National Umma Party, on 15 August 2015" (Elwathig Kameir, 2017, ibid).

On the one hand, the failure to reach an agreement to deliver humanitarian assistance to the areas under the Movement's control has disappointed the citizens of South Kordofan and Blue Nile — the real victims of this war — by prolonging their suffering and depriving their children of education, health and dreams of a secure future. Truly, the necks of the citizens of South Kordofan and the Blue Nile have turned towards Addis Ababa, which hosts the negotiations about their destiny and the future of their children, in anticipation of hearing good news and positive results from there — contrary to the sad outcomes that have characterized the previous fourteen-plus negotiation rounds that have extended over seven unfruitful years.

On the other hand, the Movement's position pertaining to the perpetual postponement of reaching a decision regarding the delivery of humanitarian assistance is not likely to garner sympathy, whether from the African Union, in its role as sponsor of the negotiations, or the international community. In fact, on the eve of the publication of my article mentioned above, Donald Booth, the special US envoy for Sudan, in a lecture at the US Institute of Peace, on 17th January 2017, said: "I have found that some of the leaders of the Sudanese opposition, especially those with guns, are more than willing to ignore the interests and well-being of ordinary civilians, in favor of their long political ambitions.” He added: "the SPLM-N's rejection of the U.S. offer of humanitarian assistance at a meeting in Paris was a huge missed opportunity to advance peace negotiations and help the people they claim to be helping.” The envoy continued: “Even though we hold the government to its commitments to peace, we must also demand that the opposition set aside personal political ambitions and put their people first."

At the same time, the Troika countries (Norway, the United Kingdom and the USA) issued a statement urging the SPLM-N to swiftly accept this proposal and facilitate the delivery of life-saving assistance to those in need in the Two Areas. The joint statement emphasized that “the U.S. proposal was intended to facilitate humanitarian assistance to the affected populations in the Two Areas, in line with AUHIP efforts for broader negotiated humanitarian access.” I do not think that these countries will change their position in the absence of any new developments over the past year, except for internal turmoil in the SPLM-N that might lead to weakening the leadership of the Movement and to its regional and international standing.

No doubt, the disappointment in the Movement's rejection of the US proposal has extended to many of those, including the government itself, and its allies, who expected to reach a swift agreement for delivering humanitarian aid with the new leadership of the SPLM-N. This is an expectation that must be read in a broader context, which includes the government's perception, and the hopes of the optimists, on the understanding that the removal of the Movement's Chairman, and more specifically its Secretary-General, would necessarily mean excluding national issues from the Movement's agenda — a big relief for the government's negotiators. Guided by such understanding, it was thought that negotiations might prove easier, and less complicated, to arrive at a peace agreement as long as the issues are confined to those relating to the two areas of Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan states. Let us hope that coming negotiations rounds would result in putting an end to the war and fulfilling the hopes of those aspiring for peace.

More importantly, the failure to accept the US proposal in January 2017 under the old leadership of the SPM-N — and delaying the delivery of humanitarian aid following the failure of the recent round of negotiations in February 2018 — strongly challenges the credibility of the leadership regarding its own outcry for addressing the humanitarian disaster in areas controlled by the Movement. Moreover, there is no doubt that this position raises many legitimate questions about such a position to address the demands and aspirations of the citizens of the Two Areas: Does the leadership have a hidden agenda through insisting on an external outlet from Ethiopia? Is the Movement's leadership betting on the outbreak of the popular uprising, against the backdrop of recent protests following the imposition of severe economic austerity measures? Does the leadership expect that the African Union will change its skin, or that the international community will revise its convictions in favour of the opposition forces? Does the new leadership wish to convey a latent message to the outgoing leadership that they did not compromise, but rather lifted the ceiling of reservations, thus there is no room for expediency in their position on the delivery of relief?

Or is the new leadership reinventing the wheel by seeking to revive the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF), a fragile and short-lived alliance, with meagre political results and little contribution to advancing the process of change? (Joint statement by the SRF and the SPLM-N, February 4, 2018). Whatever the case, in my opinion, it is not politically sound for the SPLM-N to slow the flow of humanitarian aid to the needy and put a wrench in the wheels of hostilities cessation and re-launching the political peace process, to the detriment of the population of the Two Areas and the Sudanese people at large.

Dr. Elwathig Kameir is a former university professor of Sociology and consultant with numerous regional and international organizations. He is reachable at kameir@yahoo.com.

February 17, 2018 (JUBA) - The Centre for Peace and Justice (CPJ), a South Sudanese human rights body, has urged lawmakers the raise a motion calling for abolition of the death penalty from the country's transitional constitution.

South Sudanese MPs stand during a parliamentary session in Juba on 31 August 2011 (AFP)

In a statement, CPJ's executive director, Tito Anthony said lawmakers needed to be pushed to ensure the death penalty is scrapped off.

“Rights to life are one of inalienable and inherent rights that cannot be terminate or restricted, at any time and place or for any reasons,” said Tito.

“People will not learn the lesson from what they have done if you just sentence them to death, you need to punish someone for at least years in jail so that the jailed person will be able to transform himself [or herself] to a better person once released,” he added.

According to Tito, a jail sentence is not to punish individuals, but meant to transform any arrested person to a better person in society.

A South Sudan court on Monday sentenced the former spokesman of the rebel leader, Riek Machar to death, citing multiple provisions in the constitution as the basis upon which the verdict was reached.

Dak was facing several charges, including accusations of treason, several months after was unlawfully transferred from Kenya to South Sudan in November 2016. He spent over seven months in solitary confinement before finally being charged with abetment, treason, publishing or communicating false statements prejudicial to South Sudan, and undermining the authority of or insulting President Salva Kiir

The lead-defence lawyer in the case, Monyluak Alor Kuol described the verdict as a political decision.

"I do call on president kiir not to sign the death warrant of James Gatdet, for it a political case that can be handle with the peace Revitalization, in fact Gatdet should be release be now as to show government commitment to Cession of Hostilities Agreement," said CPJ's executive director.

(ST)

February 17, 2018 (KHARTOUM) The British Ambassador to Sudan, Michael Aron said the detention of opposition leaders and activists without charges or trial wouldn't resolve the Sudanese crisis.

British Ambassador to Sudan Michael Aron (Reuters Photo)

The Sudanese authorities have arrested more than 411 opponents during recent protests in Khartoum and a number of states against austerity measures and deteriorating living conditions.

In a farewell letter on the occasion of the end of his term in Sudan seen by Sudan Tribune, Aron said the Sudanese government has implemented “very harsh” but necessary economic reforms.

He added these reforms had adversely impacted the residents forcing some to exercise their right to protest peacefully.

“I have argued strongly at [meetings with] public and private sectors that the detention of political leaders and activists without charge or trial is not the way to deal with this issue, and I very much hope that these detainees will be released very soon,” he said

The British diplomat pointed out that his country's relation with Sudan has entered a new stage, saying “our strategic dialogue is solid, and we are able to engage in constructive discussions on difficult issues, including human rights”.

Aron added that limited progress has been made in Sudan's peace process, pointing the government and the rebel movements are committed to the unilateral cessation of hostilities.

“I hope that 2018 will be the year in which peace agreements are reached in Darfur and the Two Areas' he said

He added the next challenge would be to prepare for holding free and fair elections in 2020 which requires making progress in implementing the Roadmap Agreement signed between the government and the opposition.

The British diplomat expressed confidence that the various Sudanese parties are able to sit together and agree on track leading to restoring democracy in the country.

(ST)

February 17, 2018 (JUBA) – South Sudan President, Salva Kiir on Friday removed the country's police chief as well as two state governors.

South Sudanese president Salva Kiir (AFP)

Kiir's directive was announced on the state-owned television (SSBC).

The South Sudanese leader appointed Majak Akech Malok as the country's Inspector General of Police, replacing Saeed Chawul Lom.

Malok was director general of nationality, passport and immigration.

Kiir, in a separate directive, removed Tonj state governor Akech Tong Aleu and his Yei River state counterpart, David Lokonga Moses, replacing replaced them with Anthony Bol Madut and Emanuel Adil respectively.

The president also removed nine ambassadors from service in the ministry of foreign affairs. They included George Francis Nazario, Emanuel Yohanis Yor, Christopher Leonard Jada, Mohamed Ismail Faraj, Jago Arop Yor, Nyawaragak Joshua Dei Weang, Zahra Mohamed Hassan, Kamal John and Isaac Weal Majak.

The South Sudanese leader's directive gave no reasons for the new changes.

(ST)

February 17, 2018 (JUBA) - The diaspora wing of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement in Opposition (SPLM-IO) under the leadership of the former first vice president Riek Machar has warned the government against executing the death sentence on James Gadet Dak, former spokesman of the rebel leader, saying it will gravely affect the IGAD-led reconciliation process.

The head of the SPLM-IO in the United States of America said in a statement extended to Sudan Tribune that the sentencing of Dak was a wrong move at the wrong time.

Isaac Gang also called on the region and international community to think twice and not treat the matter like the abduction of the two of their colleagues in neighbouring Kenya with significant attention and pressure on the two countries.

“In fact, if the death penalty were to be carried out – God forbids, we would like to inform the world that it will set the clock of reconciliation and healing back by no less than 100 years," said the statement.

The SPLM-IO official said the government, through the death sentence, might intend to deflect the attention from its refusal to sign the Declaration of Principles proposed by the mediators, however, the international community and the region should put the needed pressure on review this sentence.

The Troika in a statement released after the suspension of the second phase of the revitalization process on Friday recalled that the release of political prisoners is part of the cessation of hostilities agreement.

The three countries which include two permanent members of the United National Security Council said ready to impose sanctions against officials deemed violators of the signed deal and encouraged the IGAD and the African Union to designate them and to make a request to the international body.

(ST)

February 17, 2018 (KHARTOUM) Darfur rebel group, the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) led by Gibril Ibrahim has denied involvement in the fighting in South Sudan.

Rebel fighters from the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), active in Sudan's western Darfur region (AFP)

A Sudanese daily based in Khartoum on Friday reported that JEM fighters have participated in an attack against an Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camp in South Sudan.

In a press release extended to Sudan Tribune Saturday, JEM spokesperson Gibril Adam Bilal said his movement has no knowledge or connection to any battle that took place in the State of Southern Sudan.

“The Movement affirms it isn't a party to the ongoing conflict between the brothers in the state of Southern Sudan, and one of its greatest aspirations is to see the South as a secure, stable and prosperous state because they seceded politically from us [Sudan], but we are and will remain one people” read the press release

Bilal called on the media to check the accuracy of the news and not to mislead the people by disseminating what he described as “black propaganda launched by the security services against opponents of the regime”.

Khartoum and Juba regularly trade accusations of support to rebel groups from both sides.

The Sudanese army clashed in April 2015 with JEM rebels in Gouz Dango area, South Darfur state allegedly coming from neighbouring South Sudan.

In 2014, a United Nations report confirmed the presence of JEM fighters in South Sudan's Unity State, a claim which was later dismissed by both the Darfur-rebel group and South Sudanese government officials.

In a report to the UN Security Council released last month, a panel of five experts said that rebel groups from Darfur region including the JEM “work as mercenaries” with South Sudanese government and the different warring parties in Libya.

According to the experts, JEM which has a limited presence in Libya has recently realised that the situation in the north African country “offers more opportunities than South Sudan” and considers ways to be more involved there.

(ST)