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Ilie Bolojan szerdán közölte, hogy miniszterelnöki tisztsége utolsó napjáig dolgozni fog Romániáért, és nem adja fel azokat az elveket, amelyeket egész pályafutása alatt vallott. A kormány oldalán közzétett Facebook-bejegyzésben Ilie Bolojan azt írta, „megtiszteltetés volt számára, hogy az elmúlt tíz hónapban az országot szolgálhatta”, és minden tőle telhetőt megtett, hogy rendbe szedje Románia pénzügyeit, felszámolja […]

Articolul Ilie Bolojan végigviszi az ügyvivő miniszterelnöki tisztséget apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

Insalubrité et défaillances logistiques préoccupantes

Il s’agit d’une des plus vielles écoles de formation sanitaire au Togo. L’École Nationale des Auxiliaires Médicaux (ENAM) de Lomé, fondée en 1945, est le plus grand centre public de formation paramédicale au Togo. Contiguë au CHU Sylvanus Olympio de Lomé-Tokoin,  elle forme des professionnels de santé comme des infirmiers d’État, laborantins, kinésithérapeutes et aides sanitaires. Elle joue un rôle clé dans la santé publique togolaise.

Son état d’insalubrité interpelle sérieusement. A l’entrée des toilettes, il se dégage des odeurs pestilentielles. Les sanitaires coulent laissant des eaux verdâtres préjudiciables à la santé. Au-delà , une partie est comparable à une forêt classée. Des touffes d’herbes occupent des espaces qui méritent plutôt un entretien pour donner le bon ensemble. NAM forme des étudiants togolais et d’autres nationalités. Mais figurez-vous, dans certaines salles, ce sont des bancs de collège qu’on découvre. Comment un centre qui forme des agents de santé publique peut-il devenir un dépotoir sauvage ? 

Pourtant, il existe un Directeur pour ce centre. Il s’agit du Professeur Moustapha Mijiyawa en poste depuis plus de trente ans. Plusieurs étudiants rencontrés affirment ne l’avoir jamais vu puisqu’il est rare au poste.

D’abord comment peut-on maintenir un même individu au même poste d’un service public depuis trente-trois ans et espérer un meilleur résultat ?

Le Togo est vraiment un champ en ruines.

LeCorrecteur

The post ENAM et la longévité dévastatrice du Prof Mustapha Mijiyawa appeared first on Togo Actualite - Premier site d'information du Togo.

La France reste la première destination des étudiants ivoiriens. Pour mieux les orienter, l’ambassade de France et l’Université polytechnique ont inauguré, mercredi 6 mai une nouvelle antenne Campus France à San Pedro, dans le sud-ouest du pays. Cet organisme est déjà présent à Abidjan et à Bouaké. L’ouverture de ce nouveau bureau vise à mieux répondre aux demandes des étudiants de la région.

Die Staatspolitische Kommission des Ständerats will die neuen bilateralen Abkommen nicht nur dem Volks-, sondern auch dem Ständemehr unterstellen. Treibende Kraft ist der FDP-Ständerat Andrea Caroni.

Lors de son discours de départ, l’ambassadeur américain en Zambie, Michael Gonzales, a dénoncé la corruption qui mine certains domaines comme la santé. Une prise de parole qui a fortement déplu aux autorités qui n'ont pas tardé à répondre.

Le réseau consulaire algérien s’agrandit : afin de mieux accompagner les Algériens établis sur la côte ouest des États-Unis, le Secrétaire d’État Sofiane Chaib a […]

L’article Bonne nouvelle pour les Algériens aux USA : un nouveau consulat inauguré à San Francisco est apparu en premier sur .

Cette capitulation sans précédent a été accueillie avec scepticisme par les deux camps politiques

The post Un oligarque hongrois cède sous la pression qui s’intensifie sur l’élite d’Orbán appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Hogyan segíthetünk a gyermekünknek tanulni? Jó szülők gyakran feltehetik maguknak a kérdést. S ezt teszik egy rendezvényen Kolozsváron, május 7-én délután 6 órától, az Apáczai Csere János Elméleti líceum Wolf Rudolf dísztermében. Vendégünk volt a Hangolóban a moderátor, a Talentum Református Iskola pedagógusa, Harbula Hajnalka. Házigazda: Rácz Éva

Articolul Megtanulni tanulni? apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

Durée de la vidéo : 90'

Clause de non-responsabilité : L'interprétation des débats facilite la communication mais ne constitue en aucun cas un enregistrement authentifié des débats. Seuls le discours original ou la traduction écrite révisée du discours original peuvent être considérés authentiques.
Source : © Union européenne, 2026 - PE

À un an de l'élection présidentielle, Élisabeth Borne a annoncé, mercredi, se retirer de la direction du parti présidentiel Renaissance. Elle s'est dit, sur France Inter, "en désaccord avec la ligne actuelle" portée par le secrétaire général Gabriel Attal.

Tehran’s latest rhetoric is reframing its abdication as a self-respecting state.

By CIVICUS
May 6 2026 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses the status of political prisoners in Venezuela with Manuel Virgüez, director of Movimiento Vinotinto, a Venezuelan human rights organisation that works for citizen empowerment, democracy and justice.

Manuel Virgüez

On 3 January, US special forces abducted Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and took him to New York to stand trial on narco-terrorism charges. Instead of supporting the opposition leader Edmundo González Urrutia, rightful winner of the 2024 presidential election, the Trump administration backed Maduro’s vice-president Delcy Rodríguez as interim president. Rodríguez signed an amnesty law in February, but hundreds of political prisoners remain in detention.

What’s the status of political prisoners?

Following the 2024 presidential election, the state detained around 2,000 people as part of what it called Operation Tun Tun. In early 2026, around 1,000 remained in detention, although various organisations put the total at between 950 and 1,200, depending on the classification criteria they use. Since 8 January, when Jorge Rodríguez, President of the National Assembly, announced imminent releases, and following the approval of an amnesty law, that number has fallen to around 450.

Among those released were human rights defender Rocío San Miguel, activist Javier Tarazona and journalist Eduardo Torres. The vast majority of those released were members of civil society or political activists. On 16 April, it was unofficially reported that around 50 former employees of Petróleos de Venezuela, detained in 2025, had been released. If this is confirmed, the current number of political prisoners remaining would be around 380.

The group that remains in detention consists mainly of dissident military personnel and former public officials. The authorities are reluctant to release them because they pose a direct threat to the regime’s stability. They are the ones who have suffered the worst treatment: various organisations, including Movimiento Vinotinto, have documented enforced disappearances, inhuman treatment, torture and persecution of family members. In some cases, people remained missing for weeks or months, with no knowledge of their whereabouts or whether they were still alive. These are some of the most serious violations recorded in recent decades in Venezuela.

How did these arrests differ from previous ones?

Two things distinguished them from previous waves of repression. The first was the abusive use of the concept of ‘eradication’, provided for in the Organic Code of Criminal Procedure, to transfer all cases to courts in Caracas. People detained in states such as Bolívar, hundreds of kilometres from the capital, were required to appear there. This was an unprecedented violation of the procedural principles of Venezuelan law. Not even in the 1960s, in the face of guerrilla movements, was there such a concentration of cases in a single court.

The second thing was the criminalisation of everyday acts. The state used anonymous reports via mobile apps to identify and arrest people, and a simple WhatsApp status update could be treated as an act of terrorism. The presumption of innocence ceased to exist in practice and the burden of proof was reversed: it was the detainee who had to prove they were not guilty.

What does the amnesty law entail and what does it exclude?

The law provides for the closure of cases linked to political events from different periods in Venezuelan history. This is no minor matter. After years of mass detentions and restrictions on freedom, the state implicitly acknowledges that those people should not have been imprisoned. The credit goes, above all, to the detainees’ families, human rights organisations and the international community.

But the law falls short. It does not provide for any mechanism of redress for those who were unjustly detained. Nor does it provide for the restitution of property. Many political prisoners had their businesses, homes and vehicles confiscated and won’t recover them on release. The law also offers no clear guarantees for those in exile. On 16 April, former legislator Alexis Paparone returned to Venezuela and was detained for several hours before being brought before a court, demonstrating that returning remains risky.

The law effectively excludes dissident military personnel and makes no provision for the thousands of politically motivated dismissals that have taken place, in violation of International Labour Organization Convention 111, nor for political disqualifications. As long as leaders such as María Corina Machado are unable to exercise their political rights, there can be no talk of a genuine transition.

What conditions are required for a genuine democratic transition?

There can be no reconciliation without justice. What Venezuela has experienced is one of the darkest periods in South America’s recent history. Bringing victims and perpetrators together without a prior process of accountability is not reconciliation; it is impunity. Where there’s no justice, there’s vengeance, and that generates endless cycles of violence. Societies that have not dealt with their crimes have carried that wound for generations.

For there to be justice, profound institutional reform is needed: in the armed forces, the electoral system, the judiciary and the public prosecutor’s office. Cosmetic changes are not enough. It will be a long-term process, but the first steps must be taken to call general elections and move towards real economic recovery.

What’s possible, and necessary, is a pact of coexistence: an agreement to respect the constitution and live without mutual persecution. But such a pact requires the Chavista regime to acknowledge its mistakes and its crimes. Without that, any transition will remain incomplete.

Even so, I am optimistic. Venezuelan civil society, despite all it has lost, remains standing. There are signs that something is changing, and we must seize this opportunity. I’m confident that we will be able to lay the foundations for a democracy that says ‘never again’ to authoritarianism.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.

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SEE ALSO
Venezuela: ‘People once again believe they can influence what happens in their country’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Pedro González Caro 29.Mar.2026
Venezuela: democracy no closer CIVICUS Lens 29.Jan.2026
Venezuela: ‘We are seeing an economic transition, but no democratic transition’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Guillermo Miguelena 29.Jan.2026

 

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Carmakers, wind power firms could miss out on subsidies unless they diversify supplies

By Toril-Iren Pedersen and Michael Jarvis
WASHINGTON DC / OSLO, May 6 2026 (IPS)

A conversation with Toril-Iren Pedersen, Director of the UNDP Global Policy Centre for Governance, and Michael Jarvis, Executive Director of the Trust, Accountability, and Inclusion (TAI) Collaborative

Q1: What is financial integrity and why is it important right now? Why is it relevant to TAI’s members?

Toril-Iren Pedersen

Toril-Iren Pedersen: Financial integrity is about ensuring that the financial system operates transparently and accountably, and that economic and financial activity follows both the letter and spirit of legitimate rules and standards. It also means ensuring that those systems contribute to sustainable development.

For us, the issue is not limited to one category of wrongdoing. It is about the connection between different parts of economic value, from public revenues to criminal flows, and the loopholes that exist within the regular financial system. Financial integrity cannot be considered in isolation. Weaknesses across tax, corruption, anti-money laundering and the broader global financial architecture all have to be understood together.

Michael Jarvis: At TAI, we see financial integrity as the need for systems to operate transparently, accountably and ethically. That is how people ideally manage their personal finances, and how we hope corporations run their businesses. But we are especially focused on governments and countries: how they strengthen the integrity of their financial systems, minimize corruption, encourage fairness and better steward public resources.

There is a clear development case for why this matters. TAI’s members are primarily U.S.-based philanthropies working internationally, and our work is organized around three priorities: strengthening healthy democracies, advancing climate accountability and improving fiscal accountability through fair and effective financial governance. Financial integrity underpins all three. Without it, progress in each area is weakened.

Michael Jarvis

There is also real urgency. Economic crime is increasingly transnational and has expanded rapidly, in part because of new technologies. A recent NASDAQ Verafin report estimated global financial crime at $4.4 trillion. UN research has found that illicit financial flows cost Africa at least $50 billion a year. These are resources that countries should be able to use for development priorities such as education, health systems and environmental protection.

When financial systems lack integrity, the damage is broad. It undermines trust in government, contributes to democratic disillusionment and weakens citizens’ confidence that public resources are being used fairly. It can also slow the energy transition, as we have seen with concerns around carbon markets. And it directly affects the ability of governments to raise and spend revenue effectively.

Toril-Iren Pedersen: I would add that declining trust in governments and in the multilateral system is higher than we have seen in a very long time. Lack of financial integrity contributes directly to that distrust.

Visible wealth inequality is one challenge, but so is the perception of invisible wealth being accumulated through the global financial architecture. When people sense that wealth is moving in the shadows, outside transparency and democratic control, it creates legitimate grounds for distrust. That is why lack of financial integrity must be understood as a systems failure that requires a systems approach.

Michael Jarvis: That is also the focus of the new paper from your team, the UNDP Global Policy Centre for Governance, which TAI supported. It emphasizes why progress requires action on multiple fronts and why no single actor or institution can solve this alone. Financial integrity is a collective action challenge.

Q2: How has UNDP’s Global Policy Centre for Governance worked on financial integrity over the past few years? What were your most important results and insights?

Toril-Iren Pedersen: The Centre’s work has taken place across several streams, but the most important contribution has been analyzing the system and the relationships among different actors. When we look at corruption and illicit financial flows, we have to ask who enables those flows within countries and across borders. Understanding those relationships is central to financial integrity.

The Centre has also convened actors within the UN and among practitioners, including country representatives involved in the Financing for Development negotiations in Sevilla last summer. That process helped produce stronger commitments to curb illicit financial flows and introduced more substantive language on financial integrity and corruption than we had seen in earlier iterations of the Financing for Development agenda.

The analytical work on the financial integrity ecosystem and the systems approach has also been developed in collaboration with several TAI members, including the MacArthur Foundation and Ford Foundation. Their support has been important both substantively and financially.

Q3: How will the Centre work on financial integrity going forward, under your leadership?

Toril-Iren Pedersen: The Centre has worked on a range of governance frontier issues. Going forward, we will focus on two areas: financial integrity, and data systems and data availability at the country level. The data agenda connects directly to financial integrity, but it also has broader relevance.

On financial integrity, we see a need to problem-solve the systemic challenges that are preventing progress at both the country and global levels. We will continue analyzing what is stopping countries from making substantive progress and what kinds of solutions and policy alternatives can be made available to them.

Some of these solutions already exist, but they are not always accessible. As a UNDP Policy Centre, our role is to make research, policy options and insights into systemic challenges available to UNDP country offices so they can be integrated into country-level programming. We also hope this work will help countries engage more effectively in global processes.

There is currently a disconnect. The Financial Action Task Force, the OECD tax framework and anti-corruption frameworks all rely on data from countries, but they do not always help solve what is fundamentally a systems challenge. We will continue engaging in those processes while breaking the work into more manageable areas where countries can take action nationally, regionally and globally.

Q4: What is the role of philanthropy in strengthening financial integrity against the backdrop of a fast-evolving global development landscape? What collaboration opportunities do you see between philanthropies, multilateral organizations and other stakeholders?

Michael Jarvis: Philanthropy’s role is a nimble one. The volume of finance philanthropy brings is not the same as government donors or what countries can mobilize themselves. The question is how philanthropy can prompt the right conversations and support work that moves the agenda more effectively.

Traditionally, philanthropy has supported civil society groups, independent media and think tanks at the global and national levels. Those actors investigate financial integrity issues, build evidence, raise public awareness and develop policy recommendations for governments and multilateral forums.

Philanthropy also has limits. Individual donors, including TAI members, often focus on a relatively small number of priority countries. They are not operating at a scale that covers all countries affected by these issues. That is where the UN system and international financial institutions can play a different role, because they work with nearly every country and have government relationships built into their mandates.

There are important complementarities. The MacArthur Foundation, for example, has made a major investment in Nigeria around financial integrity and anti-corruption, working with government agencies while also supporting civil society and media. More broadly, different actors bring different relationships, mandates and capacities.

The Financing for Development process in Sevilla is a good example. The outcome was stronger because many players were involved, from civil society groups working in-country to global and regional convenings that reinforced the message. Those efforts helped shape the negotiations and elevate financial integrity on the agenda.

An important opportunity is the Illicit Finance Summit, being hosted by the UK Government in June. It can bring together governments committed to addressing financial integrity challenges and create space for civil society, academia, philanthropy and others to develop practical solutions. Philanthropy should be part of that conversation and think about where its support can amplify or pilot ideas that emerge.

Visibility also matters because it helps attract resources. Funding for financial integrity work remains very limited. In a 2023 analysis, TAI estimated that about $150 million had been directed to illicit financial flows work since 2020, including efforts to address tax avoidance.

That averages roughly $30 million a year across different groups, countries and sectors. Compared with the scale of the problem, and compared with funding for fields such as climate or AI, that is extremely small.

The upcoming summit could serve as a call to action for philanthropy and other funders to invest more. The rise in fraud enabled by crypto and other technologies affects people directly and is creating grassroots demand for action. Partnership will be essential, including with UNDP, the World Bank, national governments, civil society and research networks.

Toril-Iren Pedersen: I agree. We need to mobilize more resources, but it is also important to recognize what has already been achieved with limited funding. Much of the momentum for change over the past 10 to 15 years has come from civil society organizations, journalist networks and collaborative investigations around leaks. Those efforts helped put issues such as tax fairness, transparency and beneficial ownership on national and global agendas.

This field has shown that limited resources can have an outsized effect when actors from different parts of the ecosystem work together. Anti-corruption, tax fairness and anti-money laundering were once treated as separate silos. Bringing those communities together around shared solutions is a cost-effective way of working.

Going forward, we also need to connect financial integrity to other development priorities, including climate finance and health financing. Each sector has its own financial integrity challenges. With the current development financing crunch, we cannot afford to leave money on the table, and we cannot afford to let resources disappear when policy action could prevent it.

Q5: Is there a case for involving the business community? What would the message be?

Toril-Iren Pedersen: Yes. Governance investments are one area we will be looking at closely. There is enormous pressure to mobilize funding from private actors and the private sector. Much of the focus has been on ensuring that specific investments comply with human rights and development standards. That remains important.

But financial integrity is also about longer-term systems de-risking. Investments in anti-corruption mechanisms, laws that reduce corruption risk and dispute-resolution frameworks can make markets more attractive for private investment. The goal is to build systems where private actors face lower real or perceived risk and can operate without relying as heavily on facilitated investment support.

In that sense, we need to distinguish between short-term and long-term de-risking, and between project-level and systems-level de-risking.

Michael Jarvis: There is a strong private sector incentive to support financial integrity, especially for companies operating across borders. But there is also a quid pro quo: corporate actors need to uphold their own standards of financial integrity. That includes thinking responsibly about the taxes they pay in different jurisdictions and avoiding excessive profit shifting.

The private sector benefits from stronger financial integrity systems, but it also has responsibilities within them. Beneficial ownership transparency is one example where progress has helped make it easier to identify who is behind corporate structures. These structures are still misused, but many legitimate private sector actors increasingly recognize that transparency can help distinguish them from bad actors and reduce reputational risk.

All of us have a role in the system. The challenge now is to make a clear case for why financial integrity deserves continued investment, government attention and policy bandwidth, especially at a time of aid cuts, foreign assistance pressures and tight country budgets. That is a collective challenge, and one we need to keep elevating.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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En plein conflit au Moyen-Orient, le rapprochement du Pentagone et des grandes compagnies de la « tech » pour mettre l'intelligence artificielle (IA) au service du ministère de la Guerre des États-Unis ou de l'armée israélienne continue à faire des remous au sein des entreprises concernées. Tous les salariés ne partagent pas l'enthousiasme de leurs patrons, loin de là.

Ces sommets marquent la rupture la plus nette à ce jour avec l'alignement de longue date de l'Arménie sur Moscou

The post L’Arménie s’oriente vers l’Occident en signant des accords avec l’UE lors des sommets historiques d’Erevan appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi flew to China on Wednesday

Arcátlannak nevezte az AUR vezérét az RMDSZ képviselőházi frakcióvezetője, miután George Simion arra szólította fel a magyarokat, hogy iratkozzanak be az általa vezetett pártba. Csoma Botond bocsánatkérésre szólította fel az ultranacionalista politikust többek között az úzvölgyi atrocitásokért. Mint fogalmazott: azt javasolja, hogy menjen el Úz-völgyébe, és kérjen bocsánatot az ott elkövetett atrocitásokért, valamint az elmúlt […]

Articolul Csoma Botond szerint George Simion „arcátlan pimasz” apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

Sahand (nom d'emprunt) explique au Service mondial de la BBC qu'il envoie en Iran des terminaux d'accès à Internet par satellite afin que les gens puissent montrer « la réalité » de la situation dans le pays.

Les relations entre Khartoum et Addis Abeba sont à couteaux tirés depuis quelques mois, à mesure que l’implication de l’Éthiopie dans le conflit au Soudan se confirme. Après le rappel de l’ambassadeur soudanais en Éthiopie, en raison d’attaques de drones visant l’aéroport de Khartoum, les autorités éthiopiennes accusent le Soudan de soutenir les rebelles du Front de libération du peuple du Tigré.