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Le Burundi connaît depuis un mois un mouvement de contestation populaire contre le président Nkurunziza. Au pouvoir depuis 2005, il est candidat à un troisième mandat à la présidentielle du 26 juin (les législatives sont prévues le 5 juin), ce que les accords d'Arusha interdisaient en 2000.

Les manifestations, quasi quotidiennes à Bujumbura, sont émaillées de heurts avec la police qui fait largement usage de ses armes à feu (photo Reuters), avec près d'une trentaine de morts en quatre semaines. Plusieurs responsables de la contestation sont passés dans la clandestinité. L'armée dont des officiers ont tenté un putsch le 13 mai, reste loyale au Président et épaule la police pour réprimer les mouvements de protestation mais les tensions, en sont sein, sont perceptibles.

Vendredi, le Département d'Etat US (DoS) a annoncé la suspension de son programme de formation des casques bleus burundais.

Lors du Press briefing du 22 mais (à lire ici), la porte-parole du DoS a répondu à la question suivante:
"Burundi. Has there been a change in the U.S. funding for Burundi? In particular, is the U.S. looking at cuts in funding that may impact its involvement in AMISOM?"

Voici la réponse de Marie Harf:
"It’s my understanding there hasn’t been a cut to funding. We continue to support Burundian troops currently in Mogadishu under AMISOM, but due to security concerns inside Burundi, the U.S. has temporarily halted peacekeeping training activities such as the Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance program. Continued instability and violence in Burundi, and in particular the commission of human rights violations and abuses by security forces, could jeopardize Burundi’s ability to continue to contribute to the AMISOM peacekeeping mission. We also, though, I would say, understand that members of the military have largely acted professionally and neutrally during the recent protest. We’re aware of at least two press reports of soldiers being shot and killed while acting to protect civilians during skirmishes with the police, and we, for that, express our deepest condolences to the family and friends of those soldiers."

En clair, il y a une pause dans les activités en cours (programme ACOTA), pause motivée par des questions sécuritaires.

Quelques précisions:
- la pause ne constitue aucunement (pour l'instant) une mesure coercitive pour faire pression sur le pouvoir en place. C'est plutôt la police que Washington mettrait en cuase.
- les instructeurs US ont en réalité quitté le pays depuis un mois. Ce qui retarde la constitution du 3e bataillon destiné à l'AMISOM. Les formateurs US étaient déployés sur le site de Mudubugu. Des On notera que les autorités américaines n'ont pas demandé aux civils de quitter le pays (ce que Paris n'a pas fait non plus, se contentant d'envoyer des renforts d'une quinzaine de gendarmes à l'ambassade).
- Dans la réponse de Marie Harf, il n'est fait allusion qu'à la seule OMP en Somalie (dans le cadre de l'UA). Or, le Burundi est aussi engagé en RCA au sein de la Minusca. Au total, avec 1 281 Burundais engagés dans des OMP onusiennes, le Burundi est le 25e contributeur du DPKO.
- Cette pause aura-t-elle un effet sur le contrat d'OMP Solutions (Ineo et Marck) avec le Burundi (lire ici)? Pour l'heure, selon des responsables, la crise politique a "peu d'incidences" puisque les équipements fournis par OMP Solutions ont été livrés au Cameroun (pays où une délégation burundaise se rendra la semaine prochaine) avant leur transfert vers la RCA où ils seront remis aux trois unités burundaises sous casque bleu au sein de la MINUSCA.

 

Hol tartunk, merre tovább 25 év után? címmel tartott egész napos nemzetközi tanácskozást az 1944–1945-ös magyarellenes atrocitásokról a temerini Impressum Polgárok Egyesülete szombaton. A konferencián történészek, társadalomtudósok, közéleti személyek és a téma kutatói tárgyaltak a délvidéki magyarság ellen elkövetett, évtizedekig tabu témának számító eseményekről. A konferencia keretében Bank Barbara történész, a nemzeti emlékbizottság tagja megnyitotta a Keskenyúton Alapítvány Délvidéki Magyar Golgota c. vándorkiállítását, Pirityiné Szabó Judit, a Magyar Minisztériumelnökség Nemzetpolitikai Államtitkársága Kapcsolattartási Főosztályának vezetője pedig felolvasta Potápi Árpád János nemzetpolitikai államtitkárnak Magyarország kormánya nevében a konferenciához intézett üdvözlő levelét.

A megjelenteket üdvözölte Gusztony András, a VMDP temerini helyi szervezetének elnöke, aki maga is jelen volt a történelmi VMDK első tanácsának azon az 1990. áprilisi ülésén, amikor meglehetősen kimerítő vita után úgy döntöttek, hogy a Szerbiai és a Vajdasági Tudományos Akadémiához fordulnak azzal a ma már történelminek nevezhető kezdeményezéssel, amely „a nemzetközileg érvényes mércék alapján genocídiumnak tekinthető” esetek tudományos feltárására és a történelmi igazságtételre vonatkozott.

Annak ellenére, hogy a lelkes helyi kutatók foglalkoztak a témával, az események leírásával, máig is sok a fehér folt, az ismeretlen vagy az elhallgatott tény, mondta Csorba Béla író, költő, tanár, néprajzkutató a tanácskozás egyik szervezője Koldusok a temetőkapuban (Tito táborlakói az ötvenes évek vajdasági sajtójában) címmel tartott előadásában, amelyben a magyarság ellen elkövetett atrocitások tényének sajtóbeli és irodalombeli visszatükröződésével foglalkozott. Rámutatott arra, hogy a táborok megléttét és a tömeggyilkosságok, megtorlások megtörténtét a vajdasági magyar sajtó igyekezett tőle telhetően szordínóval kezelni vagy nem emlegetni. Ha ezekről a dolgokról mégis szólt, akkor azt az agitációs propaganda szellemében tette, mellőzve a teljes objektivitást.

Bozóki Antal jogász, publicista Rehabilitálás és restitúció – négy évvel később címmel jogi szempontból taglalta a kérdést. Elmondta, hogy a bíróságok nagyon lassan, vontatottan dolgoznak, jogukat csak azok tudják érvényesíteni, akik végigjárják a hosszadalmas, akadályokkal terhes és költséges bírósági eljárást.

A szervezők nem szorítkoztak csupán a Délvidékre. Botlik József kisebbségkutató történész a magyarsággal szemben elkövetett kegyetlenségek a Kárpát-medencében című előadásából a hallgatóság megtudhatta, hogy egy összehangolt magyarellenes akció, genocídium volt 1944–1945 fordulóján Kárpát-medence-szerte.

Horváth László zágrábi vegyészmérnök a Horvátországi Magyar Tudományos és Művészeti társaság nevében Bognár András akadémikussal közösen írt A horvátországi magyar áldozatok és a horvátországi magyarság migrációja a II. világháború végén és utána című dolgozatukat olvasta fel, vetítéssel egybekötve.

Szakály Sándor történész új szempontokkal világította meg az 1942-es újvidéki razzia történéseit, amelyeket a magyar hadsereg követett el. Matuska Márton publicista, aki évtizedek óta kutatja az 1944–1945 telén lezajlott délvidéki magyarellenes vérengzés körülményeit, a szombati tanácskozáson Az elhallgatott razzia (1944–1945) címmel tartotta előadását.

A közelmúltban jelent meg Pintér József Szennyes diadal című monográfiája a szenttamási magyarság 1944/45-ös tragédiájáról. Ebbe nyújtott betekintést, de szólt a péterrévei események feltárásának állásáról is. Az óbecsei magyarellenes eseményeket Kiss Igor kisebbségkutatói szociológus ismertette. Mint mondta, Óbecse sok más településhez hasonlóan mindeddig fehér folt az 1944/45-ös viktimológiai kutatások terén. A Megbékélés sajtója és olvasatai című előadással Ternovácz István újságíró zárta a tanácskozást, aki a sajtó anyagából válogatott, és annak olvasatait interpretálta.

Les jambes des filles inquiètent en Algérie où une campagne intitulée « Sois un homme » incite les Algériens à empêcher leur femmes de sortir « avec une tenue osée ».

This report is provided for the media and the general public

The SMM monitored the implementation of the “Package of measures for the Implementation of the Minsk agreements”. Its monitoring was restricted by third parties and significant caution regarding security considerations *. The SMM observed continuing ceasefire violations at and around Donetsk airport and Shyrokyne as well as other locations

The SMM observed continuous ceasefire violations in and around Donetsk airport[1] (“Donetsk People’s Republic” (“DPR”)-controlled, 12km north-west of Donetsk). On 23 May, while at the Joint Centre for Control and Co-ordination (JCCC) observation point at the Donetsk central railway station (“DPR”-controlled, 8km north-west of Donetsk city centre), between 17:13 and 18:50hrs, the SMM heard and saw a total of 41 explosions, consistent with incoming and outgoing mortar and artillery fire 3-5km west, north-west, north and north-east of its position, in areas in and around government-controlled Pisky (7km west of Dontsk) and “DPR”-controlled Donetsk airport and Spartak (14km north-west of Donetsk). At 18:50hrs the SMM heard four explosions and subsequently saw flames emanating from the area of the coke-chemical plant in Avdiivka (government-controlled, 13km north-west of Donetsk). According to Ukrainian representatives at the JCCC office in Avdiivka, 45 artillery and mortar rounds had impacted in the area of the factory, causing injuries to one civilian and initiating a fire within the factory as well as creating an ammonium leak.

On 24 May, the situation in and around Donetsk airport deteriorated with more than 200 explosions recorded by the SMM at the same observation point, which were consistent with incoming and outgoing rounds of undetermined heavy weapons 2-8km west, north-west, north and north-east of the SMM position, in and around government-controlled Pisky, Avdiivka, and Opytne and at the “DPR”-controlled Donetsk airport and in Spartak. The SMM observed that the fire at the chemical plant in Avdiivka was still raging.

Following relative calm in and around Shyrokyne (20km east of Mariupol) on 23 May, intensive shelling, including heavy calibre mortar fire, resumed on 24 May. At an observation point west of Shyrokyne, between 11:40 and 12:30hrs the SMM heard over one hundred explosions consistent with incoming and outgoing mortar, anti-aircraft and heavy machine gun fire. At 12:30hrs, the SMM heard more than 10 seconds of small-arms fire originating approximately 500-800m west of its location. During this burst, the SMM heard at least two bullets through the air, from west to east, passing close to the SMM monitors. The SMM immediately left the area.

On 24 May, at the JCCC headquarters in Soledar (government-controlled, 77km north of Donetsk), the SMM observed the presence of the Ukrainian Armed Forces Major-General, the Russian Federation Armed Forces Colonel-General and the permanent representative of the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Members of the “Lugansk People’s Republic” (“LPR”) were also present. The SMM was presented with two log files, compiled independently. The Ukrainian Armed Forces reported five soldiers wounded in action. The Russian Federation Armed Forces Colonel-General said to the SMM that, on 23 May, his vehicle had come under AK47 fire. All passengers escaped unharmed but the vehicle suffered considerable damage and was abandoned on site. The Ukrainian Armed Forces Major-General informed the SMM that, following the “DPR” shelling targeting Avdiivka, he had instructed the Ukrainian Armed Forces senior representatives of the JCCC office in Avdiivka to relocate to a location yet to be determined.

On 23 May, the Ukrainian representatives at the JCCC office in Dzerzhynsk (government-controlled, 42km north-north-east of Donetsk) said to the SMM that due to increased tensions, the Security Service of Ukraine had recommended that local schools and kindergartens in the area close temporarily. The SMM contacted the director of school #13 in Artemove (government-controlled, 40km north of Donetsk), the closest to the contact line, who was not aware of any such recommendation.

On 22 May, in Druzkhivka (government-controlled, 70km north of Donetsk), the SMM monitored a demonstration with 60 to 70 people demanding the removal of the statue of Lenin. The SMM saw two Pravyy Sektor (Right Sector) flags, a few flags of the Petro Poroshenko Bloc and two flags of the local non-governmental organization Druzhkivka Civil Society. The police were present at the event, which ended peacefully.  

On 23 May, in Slovyansk (government-controlled, 95km north of Donetsk), the SMM monitored a memorial service dedicated to government soldiers who lost their lives last summer re-taking Slovyansk. Approximately 100 people, mostly military personnel and families of the deceased attended the event.

On 24 May, in Bulavynske (“DPR”-controlled, 48km north-east of Donetsk), the SMM met with a “DPR” 7th brigade’s “demining service” senior officer, who said that his eight demining teams had cleared 4,000 explosive devices in the area to date.

On 22 May, the SMM observed 25 women and 15 men of various ages waiting to cross the Ukrainian Armed Forces checkpoint at the Stanytsia Luhanska bridge (16km north-east of Luhansk) to enter “LPR”-controlled territory. The checkpoint personnel said to the SMM that the bridge was closed by order of the Governor of Luhansk. The SMM later observed that a few individuals, including two infants, were allowed to cross in each direction, due to their health condition according to local inhabitants. On 24 May, the commanding officer at the headquarters of the Ukrainian Armed Forces unit in Stanytsia Luhanska said to the SMM that the bridge had been closed following a shelling from the "LPR" side on 23 May between 19:30 and 21:00hrs. He also said to the SMM that a group of approximately 100 persons had been protesting against the closure of the bridge and added that the bridge might reopen providing no shelling occurred from the “LPR” areas.

The SMM revisited five heavy weapons holding areas of the Ukrainian Armed Forces but found all recorded weapons in situ in only one of the locations. In one holding area, four multiple launch rocket systems were missing. The commander stated that they were on maintenance and used for training. At another site the commander informed the SMM that nine anti-tank guns (MT-12) had been moved to another location. At yet another site, the SMM observed that four anti-tank guns (MT-12) were missing. In another holding area the SMM noted that the self-propelled artillery numbers on two howitzers did not match those previously registered. 

Despite claims that the withdrawal of heavy weapons was complete, the SMM observed the following presence and movements of heavy weapons in areas that are in violation of the Minsk withdrawal lines: one tank (T-64) in government-controlled areas; 10 tanks in “LPR”-controlled areas; and, three howitzers in “DPR”-controlled areas.

The SMM also observed further fortification works and building of defensive positions in several government-controlled and “LPR”-controlled areas.

On 21-22 May, the SMM visited several locations along the administrative boundary line between mainland Ukraine and Crimea, including the checkpoint south of the village of Strelkove on the Arabat Spit (250km south-east of Kherson), the border guard detachment at Cape Kutara (150km south-east of Kherson) and the crossing point at Chaplynka (115km south-east of Kherson). In all locations the boarder guards described the situation as stable without incidents or provocations.

The SMM monitored several events in Lviv commemorating the “Day of Heroes”. On 23 May, approximately two hundred participants of all ages, mostly women, gathered in the city centre, sang the national anthem and formed a human chain symbolizing the strength of civil activism. On 24 May, the Lviv city department of culture organized a flower-laying ceremony at the monument of the chief commander of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), Roman Shukhevych, which was attended by approximately 30 participants. Also on 24 May, approximately 1,000 persons, mostly elderly men, attended a procession in the city centre. The participants included representatives and veterans of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) including members of the OUN volunteer battalion in camouflage uniforms and holding red and black flags, veterans of the UPA, patriotic youth, scout organizations and school students were also present as were several political representatives and nationalist NGOs. The police were present and the events ended peacefully in all cases.

The SMM continued to monitor the situation in Kharkiv, Dnepropetrovsk, Odessa, Chernivtsi, Ivano-Frankivsk and Kyiv.

 

* Restrictions on SMM access and freedom of movement:

The SMM is restrained in fulfilling its monitoring functions by restrictions imposed by third parties and security considerations including the lack of information on whereabouts of landmines.

The security situation in Donbas is fluid and unpredictable and the ceasefire does not hold everywhere.

• The SMM was stopped at a Ukrainian Armed Forces checkpoint near Volnovakha (government-controlled, 35km south-west of Donetsk) on road H20 and was asked for the nationalities of the patrol members. The SMM refused to disclose this information and was delayed for thirty minutes.

 

[1] For a complete breakdown of the ceasefire violations, please see the annex table.

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Un caporal tunisien a tué lundi sept camarades avant d'être lui-même abattu dans une caserne de Tunis, a indiqué le ministère de la Défense

Nincs életveszélyben, és nincsenek nagyon súlyos sérülései annak a 28 éves felcsíki nőnek, akit vasárnap ért medvetámadás Csíkrákos közelében, az erdőben.
Kategória: Aktuális/Csíkszék

POZSONY. Karol Mitrík, az Állami Számvevőszék új elnöke az Irány-Szociáldemokrácia érdekeit képviseli, véli a Polis Slovakia közvélemény-kutató ügynökség felmérésében résztvevők 48,9 százaléka.

Kyklos annonce son prochain stage de danses traditionnelles de Grèce les samedi 23 + dimanche 24 + lundi 25 mai 2015 (Pentecôte)
Cette année, nous danserons et ferons la fête avec
Athina Synarelli pour les danses de la région « Nord Egée » (Iles de Limnos, Samothrace...)
Chariton Charitonidis pour les danses de Thrace, Crète, Macédoine, etc.
Un voyage de 3 jours dans toute (ou presque) la Grèce.
Attention ! le lieu a changé et nous allons installer nos pénates (dans un lieu que beaucoup d'entre (...)

/ France - Régions, Grèce

The dramatic story of a US Navy Tomcat RIO, POW during Operation Desert Storm.

As we have recently explained, in the early morning of Jan. 21, 1991, the F-14B (BuNo 161430, at the time designated F-14A Plus) from the VF-103 “Sluggers,” callsign “Slate 46”,  flown by Lt. Devon Jones and RIO Lt. Lawrence Slade, was hit by an Iraqi SA-2 Surface to Air Missile.

The crew was forced to eject due to the violent flat spin which followed the SAM explosion.

During the descent, the two men saw each other for the last time before entering the clouds and once they put their boots on the ground their fate was quite different.

In fact, while Lt. Jones was saved with a spectacular Combat SAR mission, Lt. Slade tried to go as far as he could from the Tomcat crash site, walking for about 2 ½ hours in the desert using his radio every hour without receiving any reply.

Then, while Slade tried to hide himself near a little knoll, the Iraqis found him.

“At about 1030, a white Datsun pickup truck came around the knoll,” Slade says in the book Gulf Air War Debrief.

“It was probably bad luck because I don’t think they were looking for me; they were just driving by. Two men stopped and got out. One had a 12-gauge shot gun, the other, an AK-47. […] They approached me, but it never crossed my mind to pull out my pistol. I was obviously had. They made me strip off all my gear.”

The two men were very polite and after they put Slade between them in the pickup, took him in their tent where they fed him.

Then, after the lunch, they put him again in the pickup and they asked him if he wanted to go to either Saudi Arabia or Baghdad. Of course, he told them Saudi Arabia, choosing the most northern town he could recall. Slade knew that if the trip took three hours, it would have been Baghdad; eight, Saudi Arabia. Sure enough, 3 ½ hours later they pulled into an army camp, and he knew it wasn’t Saudi Arabia. For the rest of the day Slade was shuttled to six different camps, blindfolded and handcuffed. Nevertheless he was for sure a subject of interest, since people came out to see him, take pictures of him and poke at his gear. They’d pick on him, kick him, and if they spoke English they’d say things like “You kill our children.”

Slade spent the following three days in Baghdad where he experienced very harsh interrogations, then he was transferred in the first of several prisons where he spent his POW (Prisoner Of War) experience.

As he recalls: “In retrospect, I was shot down on the fourth day of the war and they had already had a few prisoners: a couple of Tornado crews, an A-6 crew and a Marine OV-10 crew. ”

Lieutenant Slade and his fellow POWs changed different prisons in Baghdad where they also experienced several allied bombs raids, the most intense of which was the one that took place on Feb. 23, when 2,000-lb bombs almost completely destroyed their jail.

But for sure the most impressive experience faced by Slade were the interrogations by Iraqi jailers. He had a total of six interrogations, some of what they called soft-sell, where they just asked him questions. Then there were the hard-sells, where they pounded on him. For the most part, they didn’t use any classic torture methods. They just beat him up, tied his hands behind his back and double-blindfolded him to the point where he couldn’t even blink.

They beat allied prisoners even when they answered their questions. Slade, as well as the other POWs answered to the questions just to make beatings stop “even though the answers were complete garbage. Some I didn’t know the answer to, and I’d tell them, then I’d make up something. I could hear them writing it down. I thought, ‘You idiots!’ […] Some time toward the end of February, they banged me up against the wall and broke my seventh vertebra.”

During these interrogations Slade was blindfolded and never saw his interrogators, probably so that he could not identify them later, or perhaps because the Iraqis understood how terrifying it is to be blind in the hands of  a torturer.

Lt. Slade endured interrogation, torture and starvation in the Iraqi hands for 43 days: even if his six weeks as a POW were not anywhere as long as six years in North Vietnamese prisons, to Lawrence Slade every week must have seemed like a year.

Image credit: U.S. Navy

 

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Vasile Blaga, az új Nemzeti Liberális Pártba (PNL) beolvadt Demokrata-Liberális Párt (PDL) korábbi elnöke, az új PNL társelnöke is korrupciós gyanúba keveredett.
Kategória: Belföld

A Magyar Polgári Párt kezdeményezésére Marosvásárhelyen az idén az RMDSZ-szel együtt tartják a Nemzeti Összetartozás Napjára tervezett rendezvényt. Bár a két alakulat vezetője az erősödő összefogásról beszélt, kihagyták az Erdélyi Magyar Néppártot.
Kategória: Aktuális/Marosszék

Csemer Boglárka Boggie számára hatalmas élmény volt a dalfesztivál és alig várja, hogy újra nagy közönség előtt énekelhessen. 
Kategória: Színes

Au moins une personne a été tuée et deux autres blessées, lundi, dans le sud du Burundi lors de nouvelles manifestations contre un troisième mandat du président Pierre Nkurunziza.

L’extension du programme d’emplois publics aurait permis d’enrayer la progression de la pauvreté en Hongrie. 

Selon une étude réalisée par l’institut Tárki, la situation de la classe moyenne inférieure s’est améliorée, tandis que celle des pans les plus pauvres de la société n’a pas évolué.

Les conditions de vie pour les familles élevant plusieurs enfants, pour les familles avec un seul revenu et pour les personnes de plus de 65 se sont détériorées. En tout, 1,6 à 1.7 millions de personnes vivent dans la pauvreté en Hongrie.

L’extension du programme d’emplois publics, la réduction des prix de l’énergie et les efforts du gouvernement pour aider les endettés en devise étrangère seraient à l’origine de cette légère amélioration, estime le secrétaire d’état à l’aide sociale, Károly Czibere.

Ces résultats sont basés sur une enquête commandée par le secrétariat à la politique sociale du ministère des Ressources humaines et réalisée auprès de 2.000 ménages et 4.500 personnes. Ils sont en concordance avec le rapport publié en novembre par le Bureau central des statistiques (KSH) qui faisait état d’une légère réduction du nombre de personnes exposées à la pauvreté.

Ces résultats sont à prendre avec beaucoup de précaution. Selon d’autres définitions de la pauvreté et d’autres seuils fixés par le KSH, 4 millions de personne vivent sous le seuil de pauvreté en Hongrie, soit 4 habitants sur 10.

L’étude de Tárki souligne aussi que les inégalités se sont creusés depuis 2010, soit l’arrivée au pouvoir du Fidesz, dont la politique de réduction de l’aide sociale est vivement contestée par les partis d’opposition.

Tilos Rádió : rencontre avec la sociologue Zsuzsa Ferge Hongrie : les affamés marchent sur Budapest !

Un caporal de l’armée tunisienne a tué lundi sept de ses camarades avant d’être abattu dans une caserne de Tunis, où les autorités privilégiaient la piste d’un « acte isolé » et non terroriste, le tueur ayant des problèmes familiaux et psychologiques. La fusillade « a causé les décès de sept militaires et la mort de l’auteur. Dix […]

BUDAPEST. Támogatni kell a határon túli magyar közösségeket a magyar identitás erősítése érdekében - mondta Potápi Árpád nemzetpolitikáért felelős államtitkár az M1 aktuális csatornán hétfőn.

Russian Duma speaker Sergey Narishkin met Elmar Mammadyarov.

On 26 - 27 May, 2015  international conference “EU Biodiversity Strategy to 2020 - implementation” will be held in Riga. During the conference representatives from EU Member States and non-governmental organisations will discuss the preservation of biodiversity.