European Union

The EU still sits firmly in the ‘ambitious’ camp for emissions reduction targets. But to realise a green transition it must overcome a growing climate action fatigue, as well as the backroom ear-bending of lobbyists and public threats of mass layoffs

DRAFT OPINION on 2024 discharge in respect of the implementation of the budget of the EU - Commission
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Evin Incir

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Beijing accused the EU of enabling 'separatist activities' after Taiwan’s vice president made a rare address at the European Parliament

Former French president was sentenced to five years over alleged Libyan financing of his 2007 campaign

"The Commission’s proposals are quite good and meet our demands," said EPP MEP Herbert Dorfmann, while sources close to the file said centre-left S&D lawmakers were unhappy with the suggestions

Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Poland, and the Netherlands among a majority of countries against key reforms expected in the upcoming Digital Networks Act

By Thibaud Deruelle (European Society for Medical Oncology), Sandra Lavenex and Matis Poussardin (both University of Geneva, Switzerland)

When we think of how the European Union (EU) extends its influence beyond its borders, we often picture trade deals or enlargement negotiations. Yet, another quieter—but no less significant—form of cooperation is unfolding through EU agencies. Working on issues ranging from chemicals to border management, around forty EU decentralized agencies have been created in the past decades and have become fundamental actors of EU policymaking in all sectors of the EU acquis. They are powerful channels of what we call technocratic integration: building ties with non-EU countries not through politics, but through expertise, regulation, and shared problem-solving.

In our recent JCMS article, we explore this stealthy dimension of Europe’s external reach by asking a simple question: how much of the cooperation between EU agencies and non-EU countries escapes formal legal agreements? The answer reveals much about the EU’s global role as a quiet but tentacular regulatory power and about the ways European integration keeps expanding—even without formal enlargement.

Looking Beyond the Legal Texts

Scholars previously found that EU agencies play a key role in promoting external differentiated integration: i.e. the participation of non-EU countries in EU policies or bodies (see for example these articles from Lavenex, from Rimkutė and Shyrokykh, or from Kaeding and Milenkovic). However, most research establishes this by looking at de jure cooperation, the formal agreements establishing whether a country can attend meetings, contribute expertise, or access EU data systems. Yet, we suspected that de jure cooperation would only tell us part of the story. We had the idea that much more cooperation would be taking place informally, de facto, outside of any official legal framework.

We compared the de jure access of third countries to the de facto reality of their participation across four EU agencies representing different sectors and powers:

• The European Union Agency for the Cooperation of Energy regulators (ACER)
• The European Chemicals Agency (ECHA)
• The European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC)
• The European Border and Coast Guard Agency (FRONTEX)

We compared the formal agreements to hundreds of real-world interactions such as training sessions, data-sharing, joint operations or participation in agency meetings. This dual perspective—on paper and in practice—allowed us to uncover how and why cooperation occurs even when it’s not officially sanctioned.

When Formality Matters—and When It Doesn’t

We found that cooperation between EU agencies and non-EU countries would be formal or informal, depending on two main factors:

1. An agency’s regulatory authority—whether it makes binding decisions or mainly coordinates and advises.

1. Sectoral interdependence—how dependent the EU is on cooperation in that specific field.

Agencies regulating markets, such as ACER and ECHA, tend to formalise their relations through binding agreements (what we call de jure cooperation), because their decisions have legal effects and require predictable frameworks. In contrast, agencies without regulatory powers, like ECDC or FRONTEX, have more leeway to engage in informal cooperation without securing formal agreements, particularly when the EU’s interdependence with partners is high and flexibility is essential. Sometimes, informal cooperation is also the default option when formalization faces opposition.

FRONTEX for instance, operating in the politically sensitive field of border management has signed agreements with countries like Serbia, Albania, and Ukraine, but it also maintains ongoing informal cooperation with countries in North Africa, including Morocco and Egypt, despite the lack of formal arrangements. Where diplomacy stalls, practice continues.

The Subtle Expansion of the European Administrative Space

These findings show that the EU’s influence extends far beyond its formal treaties and membership boundaries. Through their daily interactions with non-EU countries, EU agencies are building what scholars call a wider European administrative space—a technocratic network of national regulators, scientists, and border officials working together on shared problems.

This process contributes to what we term external differentiated integration. While non-EU countries may not have a seat in Brussels, by engaging with EU agencies they start to align their rules and laws with the EU ones, thus building administrative capacity. It also provides a rare opportunity for non-EU countries to have a say in the EU’s policy-making process.

Over time, this reinforces the EU’s regulatory reach—without any new treaty, and often without much political debate. In some contexts, for instance in the case of candidates for EU membership, technocratic integration via decentralized agencies offers alternatives to traditional integration routes. It allows for circumventing some of the hurdles blocking the current enlargement process, thus reaping the gains from regulatory approximation at minimal political costs.

Crises, Capacity and Technocratic Diplomacy

Crises also play a crucial role in shaping EU agencies’ choice between formal and informal cooperation. Contrary to common assumptions that crises encourage informality—since quick action is needed—we find the opposite can also occur. During major health threats, for instance, the urgency of coordination can lead to more formal agreements, as partners seek legal certainty and stable communication channels.

For the ECDC, which deals with infectious diseases, formalization seems to hinge on the urgency of cooperation. The agency maintains close informal links with Western Balkan and neighbouring countries. By contrast, when global health crises erupt—as with SARS or COVID-19—the ECDC tends to formalise relations through Memoranda of Understanding especially with peer regulators such as Canada, Israel, and South Korea. In moments of crisis, formal agreements help to ensure reliability.

At the same time, an important factor behind the pattern of cooperation is the regulatory capacity of the third country. Countries with sufficient administrative resources —such as Norway or Switzerland—tend to formalise their cooperation. Others with more limited administrative resources may rely on informal participation focused on capacity-building.

Why This Matters

Our study sheds light on an often-overlooked dimension of European integration: its quiet, but far-reaching technocratic outreach. EU agencies act as engines of regulatory diffusion, extending European norms and administrative practices far beyond the Union’s borders. This outreach does not replace foreign policy or enlargement—it complements them, building technocratic bridges where political ones may be blocked.

In an era of geopolitical fragmentation, this functional, expert-driven integration offers a powerful but subtle tool for maintaining Europe’s relevance and stability. Whether in energy management, disease prevention, chemical safety, or border management, EU agencies show that integration does not stop at the border nor is it limited to Europe—it adapts, evolves, and travels through the everyday practices of European as well as global cooperation.

Thibaud Deruelle specializes in health policy and its implications for European integration. His book, The Paradox of Communicable Diseases Governance in the EU, was published by Oxford University Press. He currently serves as a Senior Public Policy Analyst for the European Society for Medical Oncology, representing the organization before the European institutions.

 

 

Sandra Lavenex is Professor of European and International Politics at the University of Geneva, Department of Political Science and International Relations and Global Studies Institute.

 

 

Matis Poussardin is a doctoral candidate in political science at the University of Geneva, specialising in the role of European Union decentralised agencies in European integration and the external governance of the EU. His research explores the dynamics of EU enlargement, regional integration in Europe, and the development of transgovernmental cooperation.

The post Beyond Formal Agreements: How EU Agencies Shape Europe’s Reach Beyond Its Borders appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

The Commission wants a new "European Centre for Democratic Resilience", per a draft of the European Democracy Shield initiative seen by Euractiv

REPORT on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Regulation (EU) 2021/947 as regards increased efficiency of the External Action Guarantee
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Committee on Development
David McAllister, Charles Goerens

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

The United States and China have been involved in a volatile trade and tariff war for months

Qui passera en premier à la caisse ?

The post Les industries de l’alcool, du tabac et de l’agroalimentaire se déchirent pour échapper aux taxes européennes appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Open letter criticises the Commission President for remarks earlier this year – when she anticipated AI would “approach human reasoning” in 2026

The next meeting of the Committee on Security and Defence (SEDE) is scheduled to take place on Monday, 17 November 2025 from 15.00 - 18.30 in Brussels (room ANTALL 4Q1).

Further information about the SEDE meeting can be found here.

_______________________

SEDE missions 2025:

• Djibouti - 27-29 October 2025
  
• Greenland - 15-19 September 2025
  
• Norway - 27-30 May 2025
• Moldova and Ukraine - 14-17 April 2025
  
• Bosnia and Herzegovina - 24-27 February 2025
• Israel and Palestine - 5-8 February 2025

SEDE missions 2024:

• United Kingdom - 28-30 October 2024
• Ukraine - 25-26 October 2024

SEDE Committee meetings' calendar 2025
EP calendar 2025
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

À l’approche de la COP30 de Belém, les États membres de l’UE peinent à parler d’une seule voix sur la marche à suivre pour combler l’écart entre les promesses mondiales et les actions nécessaires. Lassitude politique, divergences d’approche et absence d’alliés solides… L’UE aborde le rassemblement mondial annuel dans un climat d’incertitude.

The post La COP30, moment de vérité pour une Europe divisée sur l’ambition climatique appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Soucieuse d’éviter un blocage du prochain budget de l’Union par le Parlement européen, la Commission a fait savoir ce week-end qu’elle était prête à revoir des éléments clés de sa proposition.

The post Budget de l’UE : Ursula von der Leyen fait des concessions au Parlement appeared first on Euractiv FR.

In today's special edition: COP30 opens in Belém, the Commission moves to rebalance EU staff

Europe risks falling behind in digital finance if MiCA restricts multi-issuance stablecoins. Embracing global stablecoins with flexible, competitive rules will strengthen liquidity, support cross-border markets and ensure the Euro remains relevant in a rapidly evolving global crypto economy.

In his memoir ‘On My Watch’, former NATO chief Jens Stoltenberg lifts the lid on a decade shaped by US power, diplomacy and discipline within the alliance

The bloc’s priorities are at odds with everybody else’s