The international order is undergoing profound change as rivalry among major powers realigns the global balance. This is also having an impact on European development policy. In many European Union (EU) member states, funding for official development assistance (ODA) is declining. At the same time, EU countries are reforming their development policies and increasingly channelling their remaining resources towards priorities that serve primarily their own interests. So far, these reforms have largely been defined bilaterally, whereas a political debate on the role, added value and joint objectives of EU development policy is largely absent. Yet, without strengthening European cooperation in development policy, Europe will not succeed in providing an adequate response to the current upheavals in global politics.
In this policy brief, we argue that reform efforts in European development policy must strengthen co-operation and complementarity to respond effectively to the changed geopolitical landscape. Our analysis identifies four key policy areas where European actors are pursuing ongoing reforms and where development policy should make significant contributions:
1) promoting economic cooperation and private-sector engagement, 2) security policy, 3) managing and shaping migration and 4) human development including poverty reduction, particularly in least developed countries (LDCs). So far, a joint European strategic direction in these areas has been lacking. Negotiating these shared priorities requires a revitalisation of the political dialogue between EU institutions and member states, as well as further development of the “Team Europe” approach. “Team Europe 2.0” would then have two functions: to strengthen substantive complementarity “internally” through an understanding of how the various actors individually contribute to jointly defined objectives; and “externally” by making visible what Europe stands for strategically.
A key element of Team Europe 2.0 should be an improved substantive dialogue among member states and within issue-specific, informal groups co-facilitated by individual member states and the European Commission. Such “thematic champions” could initiate the development of joint strategies for larger, transformative initiatives. Improved political dialogue and coordination on substance in key areas of European development policy are prerequisites for a united and more strategic external presence of “Team Europe”, including in multilateral contexts.
The international order is undergoing profound change as rivalry among major powers realigns the global balance. This is also having an impact on European development policy. In many European Union (EU) member states, funding for official development assistance (ODA) is declining. At the same time, EU countries are reforming their development policies and increasingly channelling their remaining resources towards priorities that serve primarily their own interests. So far, these reforms have largely been defined bilaterally, whereas a political debate on the role, added value and joint objectives of EU development policy is largely absent. Yet, without strengthening European cooperation in development policy, Europe will not succeed in providing an adequate response to the current upheavals in global politics.
In this policy brief, we argue that reform efforts in European development policy must strengthen co-operation and complementarity to respond effectively to the changed geopolitical landscape. Our analysis identifies four key policy areas where European actors are pursuing ongoing reforms and where development policy should make significant contributions:
1) promoting economic cooperation and private-sector engagement, 2) security policy, 3) managing and shaping migration and 4) human development including poverty reduction, particularly in least developed countries (LDCs). So far, a joint European strategic direction in these areas has been lacking. Negotiating these shared priorities requires a revitalisation of the political dialogue between EU institutions and member states, as well as further development of the “Team Europe” approach. “Team Europe 2.0” would then have two functions: to strengthen substantive complementarity “internally” through an understanding of how the various actors individually contribute to jointly defined objectives; and “externally” by making visible what Europe stands for strategically.
A key element of Team Europe 2.0 should be an improved substantive dialogue among member states and within issue-specific, informal groups co-facilitated by individual member states and the European Commission. Such “thematic champions” could initiate the development of joint strategies for larger, transformative initiatives. Improved political dialogue and coordination on substance in key areas of European development policy are prerequisites for a united and more strategic external presence of “Team Europe”, including in multilateral contexts.
The international order is undergoing profound change as rivalry among major powers realigns the global balance. This is also having an impact on European development policy. In many European Union (EU) member states, funding for official development assistance (ODA) is declining. At the same time, EU countries are reforming their development policies and increasingly channelling their remaining resources towards priorities that serve primarily their own interests. So far, these reforms have largely been defined bilaterally, whereas a political debate on the role, added value and joint objectives of EU development policy is largely absent. Yet, without strengthening European cooperation in development policy, Europe will not succeed in providing an adequate response to the current upheavals in global politics.
In this policy brief, we argue that reform efforts in European development policy must strengthen co-operation and complementarity to respond effectively to the changed geopolitical landscape. Our analysis identifies four key policy areas where European actors are pursuing ongoing reforms and where development policy should make significant contributions:
1) promoting economic cooperation and private-sector engagement, 2) security policy, 3) managing and shaping migration and 4) human development including poverty reduction, particularly in least developed countries (LDCs). So far, a joint European strategic direction in these areas has been lacking. Negotiating these shared priorities requires a revitalisation of the political dialogue between EU institutions and member states, as well as further development of the “Team Europe” approach. “Team Europe 2.0” would then have two functions: to strengthen substantive complementarity “internally” through an understanding of how the various actors individually contribute to jointly defined objectives; and “externally” by making visible what Europe stands for strategically.
A key element of Team Europe 2.0 should be an improved substantive dialogue among member states and within issue-specific, informal groups co-facilitated by individual member states and the European Commission. Such “thematic champions” could initiate the development of joint strategies for larger, transformative initiatives. Improved political dialogue and coordination on substance in key areas of European development policy are prerequisites for a united and more strategic external presence of “Team Europe”, including in multilateral contexts.
Credit: Rajesh Jantilal/AFP
By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Apr 20 2026 (IPS)
On 7 April, the government of Cameroon published a list of 16 of its citizens confirmed killed fighting for Russia against Ukraine. That means the number of Cameroon citizens killed in this distant war has likely surpassed a hundred, making the country the biggest victim of a Russian recruitment drive increasingly focused on Africa.
Conflict attrition
When Vladimir Putin launched Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, he probably assumed the war would be over in days. But now it has ground on past the four-year mark, and Russia’s tactics have brought horrendous loss of life on both sides. Putin treats his soldiers’ lives as disposable, throwing wave after wave of troops at Ukrainian lines in what have been called ‘meat grinder’ assaults. Amid pervasive disinformation, casualty estimates vary widely. A project to count confirmed deaths puts Russian military fatalities at over 206,000, while some estimates reach 1.3 million. Russia is reportedly losing soldiers faster than it can replace them.
Putin has turned to North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un: since 2024, North Korean forces have been fighting alongside Russian troops. Over 20,000 have been deployed, with a reported 6,000 casualties. Russia has also recruited from Central Asian countries and long-term allies such as Cuba. Ukraine too has brought in thousands of foreign fighters, including Colombian mercenaries. Now Russia is increasingly turning to Africa.
Russia’s African strategy
Putin has spent years cultivating relationships with African states, helping Russia resist international isolation and counter pressure from western states. The military relationship has been two-way: Russian mercenaries from the shadowy Wagner Group, now closely controlled by the government, have been deployed in as many as 18 African countries, including Burkina Faso, the Central African Republic and Mali. In some, they fight alongside government forces against insurgent groups; in others, including Libya, where two rival governments contest power, and Sudan, home to a brutal civil war, they’re backing one of two sides fighting for power. Wherever they operate, Russian mercenaries are accused of committing atrocities.
Russia’s arrival has come with some public support, cast as an alternative to the former colonial power France and promising more equal partnerships. When Wagner forces entered Mali in 2022, crowds lined the roads to greet them, waving Russian flags. Extensive pro-Russia disinformation campaigns typically precede Russia’s military involvement, laying the groundwork for such welcomes.
The relationship is extractive: in return for soldiers, Russia typically receives natural resources, including diamonds and gold, which help sustain a war that, despite Russia’s anti-imperialist posturing in Africa, is fundamentally imperial.
Repressive Central and West African governments, several run by military juntas or former army leaders who’ve traded their uniforms for civilian clothes, value a partner with no interest in scrutinising their human rights performance. Civil society organisations and media that try to expose human rights abuses by Russian forces come under attack.
From Africa to the frontlines
Russia is now exploiting the economic insecurity of many young African men, recruiting them to serve – and possibly die – on the Ukrainian front. Extensive recent civil society research has verified that Russia has so far recruited 1,417 African nationals, with the true figure almost certainly higher. The numbers have increased year on year, indicating a systematic plan. Egypt has supplied the most recruits, followed by Cameroon and Ghana. Of 1,417 verified recruits, 316, 22 per cent, have reportedly been killed.
Some recruits have expressed support for Russia online. Others are attracted by the promise of Russian citizenship and wages that far exceed anything they could earn at home. They may compare Russia’s apparent openness, signalled by its recent relaxation of visa requirements, with Europe’s increasing hostility towards migrants.
Others who’ve managed to escape report being conned. Fake job adverts made them believe they were signing up for civilian or support roles, including jobs as plumbers and security guards. On arrival, recruits are forced sign Russian-language contracts they can’t read, given minimal training and dispatched to the frontlines. The average service length of those killed is just six months, evidence that Russia treats them as expendable.
Intermediaries – including social media influencers who promote recruitment, travel agencies and people trafficking networks – are profiting from supplying recruits. In a bizarre political twist, Duduzile Zuma-Sambudla, a daughter of former South African president Jacob Zuma, is among those accused of recruiting Africans, including some falsely told they’d be trained as bodyguards for her father’s party. In December, South African police arrested five people on charges related to the recruitment of South Africans, including a journalist known for spreading pro-Russia propaganda.
Pressure for accountability
As evidence has accumulated, several African governments have taken action. The government of Togo warned its citizens about the dangers and, when several Togolese soldiers were captured in Ukraine, confirmed they’d been lured there by false promises of jobs and educational opportunities. Last year, the government of Botswana announced it was investigating the cases of two young men who believed they were signing up for a short-term military training programme but were forced to fight. In February, Ghana’s foreign minister confirmed that at least 55 of his country’s citizens had been killed and travelled to Ukraine to seek the release of Ghanaian prisoners of war. Police in Kenya and South African have arrested people trafficking gangs and closed down recruitment agencies. The Kenyan government recently announced Russia had agreed to stop recruiting Kenyan citizens, offering evidence that sustained bilateral pressure can produce results.
But many other African governments remain in denial, placing warm relations with Russia above the lives of their citizens. By doing so, they’re making clear that those lives are as disposable to them as they are to Russia.
Far more states must press Russia to end its abusive recruitment practices. And for international partners who claim to care about the welfare of young Africans, there’s a clear starting point: help address the economic conditions that create a ready pool of desperate recruits and drop the hostile migration policies that make Russia, of all places, look like a desirable destination.
Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.
For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org
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UNDP collaborations have shown what is possible when satellite data and recovery planning work together. Credit: UNDP
By Mukul Bhola and Devanand Ramiah
UNITED NATIONS, Apr 20 2026 (IPS)
We are stuck in response mode. But what good is an ambulance without a hospital?
Climate shocks are intensifying. Conflict is at record levels. Economies are fragile. Humanitarian appeals grow larger each year, while donor countries prioritise domestic and security concerns. One emergency follows another. Recovery slips further out of reach.
For years, the logic was straightforward: first save lives, then rebuild them. But in an era of overlapping shocks, that division is costly. By the time recovery begins, families have sold livestock, businesses have closed, children have left school, and local institutions are weaker than before. Crisis becomes the default condition.
If we want fewer protracted emergencies, recovery must start on day one.
The first 48 hours after a crisis are decisive. When authorities know which roads are blocked, which clinics are damaged, which markets are underwater, they can act immediately. Debris can be cleared before trade stalls. Water systems can be repaired before disease spreads. Small enterprises can reopen before savings disappear.
Until recently, a major obstacle was the speed and reliability of information. Governments were often forced to plan with fragmented or delayed data. Damage figures arrived weeks late. Assessments overlapped. Resources were deployed based on rough estimates rather than solid evidence.
That constraint is rapidly diminishing.
In Burundi after storms damaged thousands of homes, a rapid assessment measured losses to farms, houses, public infrastructure and businesses. Credit: UNDP Burundi
In recent years, collaboration between UNDP and the United Nations Satellite Centre, hosted at United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR), has shown what is possible when satellite data and recovery planning work together.
High-resolution imagery can now identify damaged buildings within days. Follow-up checks on the ground turn those findings into clear estimates of debris, lost livelihoods, disrupted services and the cost of rebuilding.
This is not simply faster mapping. It is a coordinated process: rapid satellite images, quick damage analysis, ground checks and immediate use of the results to guide recovery priorities and investment decisions.
In Colombia after widespread flooding, ground teams confirmed crop losses and blocked river transport, allowing recovery efforts to begin. Credit: UNDP Colombia
In Jamaica, when Hurricane Melissa struck in 2025, satellite images quickly showed the extent of the damage. Recovery teams used that information to estimate debris and plan its removal, reopening transport routes and clearing the way for reconstruction.
In Colombia’s 2024 rainy season, intensified by Tropical Storm Rafael, radar images revealed widespread flooding in Chocó and La Guajira. Ground teams confirmed crop losses and blocked river transport, allowing recovery efforts to begin before more families were forced to move.
Credit: UNDP Jamaica
After El Niño-driven storms, floods and landslides displaced hundreds of thousands in Burundi and damaged thousands of homes, a rapid assessment measured losses to farms, houses, public infrastructure and businesses. Those estimates helped set national recovery priorities and supported early talks with funders.
The pattern is consistent: when impact data arrives early, recovery decisions improve, creating the conditions for crises to shorten. Technology alone does not achieve this. Institutions that can operationalize evidence do.
The technology continues to improve. With stronger collaboration, credible estimates of physical damage and economic impact can now often be produced within 48 hours. Obstacles remain, including imagery access, weather and capacity constraints, but progress is unmistakable.
The financing architecture, however, still reflects the older reality. Emergency funding is designed to move quickly. Recovery financing often requires additional assessments, new appeals or prolonged negotiations. The result is a predictable lag between knowing the damage and investing in repair.
That lag is no longer defensible. When development actors and satellite analysts produce validated impact estimates within days, financing decisions should align with that speed.
Breaking the cycle of repeated emergency appeals will require more than improved analysis. It will require donors and institutions to treat early recovery as integral to response and to align financing with the pace of evidence.
In an age of permanent crisis, responding sequentially is a luxury the system can no longer afford. The first 48 hours should not only save lives. They should set recovery in motion.
Mukul Bhola is Director, United Nations Satellite Centre, UNITAR; Devanand Ramiah is Director of Crisis Readiness, Response and Recovery, UNDP
IPS UN Bureau
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Rescue workers survey the damage in the town of Toul in Lebanon’s Nabatieh governorate in the south, following bombing by Israel in response to rocket attacks by militant group Hezbollah. Credit: Action Against Hunger
By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, Apr 20 2026 (IPS)
Aid groups have welcomed a ten-day ceasefire agreed between Israel and Lebanon but warn only a permanent halt to fighting can allow for the kind of response needed to address the dire humanitarian situation in the country.
A ten-day truce to enable peace negotiations between the two countries came into effect on April 16. It can be extended by mutual agreement by both sides after that period.
The ceasefire comes after more than a month of conflict following Israel’s response to rocket attacks by the Iran-backed militant group Hezbollah.
Since March 2, more than 2,000 people have been killed and 7,000 wounded in Israeli attacks, according to the Lebanese health ministry. Meanwhile, more than 1.2 million – one fifth of the estimated total population – are internally displaced, including over 400,000 children, according to humanitarian organisations, and Israeli strikes have destroyed essential civilian infrastructure and heavily affected healthcare services.
This has deepened what was already a fragile humanitarian situation following years of economic problems, a Syrian refugee crisis, and previous conflict between Israel and Hezbollah.
And while the attacks may have stopped, many people continue to face displacement, massive destruction and a lack of access to basic services and real relief will only come with a long-term end to fighting.
“We welcome the truce as a critical pause in violence, but it is not enough. Only a permanent ceasefire will allow for a response at the scale required—one that reaches families across all of Lebanon, including those in border areas who remain among the most vulnerable,” Suzanne Takkenberg, Lebanon Country Director of humanitarian group Action Against Hunger (ACF), told IPS.
Following the announcement of the truce, there have been reports of huge numbers of displaced people returning to their home towns. Aid groups have warned, though, that many are likely to return to find they have no homes left, or even if they do, conditions are so bad it will be impossible to remain there.
“Families are beginning to return to their homes, but the scale of destruction is staggering. Many are finding their houses damaged or completely destroyed, with no access to water, electricity, or basic services. People who fled with almost nothing are now returning to even less—facing conditions that make dignified living impossible,” said Takkenberg.
The destruction has been worst in the south of the country. Israel has been looking to create what it has called a “security zone”, keeping troops in an area around 10 kilometres deep inside southern Lebanon. Reports suggest many villages in that area have been utterly destroyed.
Recent, intense Israeli airstrikes targeted Tyre, Lebanon, causing significant casualties and damage to residential areas and infrastructure. The strikes were part of an ongoing conflict between Israel and Hezbollah. Credit: Action Against
“This new buffer zone that Israel is talking about – from videos I’ve seen, it’s completely demolished. We don’t expect them to allow [people] to return there, and I don’t think people will be trying to move back to that buffer zone,” Elizabeth Cossor, Head of Country Office Lebanon at Terre des hommes, which is providing humanitarian aid to children and their families in the country, told IPS.
“Hundreds of thousands of people are expected to remain displaced. They’re not going to be able to return. That’s really devastating [for them],” she added.
The impacts of the attacks on civilians have alarmed rights groups and humanitarian organisations.
A coalition of NGOs last week released a report documenting the effects of Israeli attacks on the civilian population.
It highlighted how the continued displacement in the country is driving significant health and protection risks, with women, children, the elderly and persons with disabilities disproportionately affected.
Reports indicate high instances of respiratory infections due to cold temperatures in collective shelters, gastroenteritis cases linked to insufficient food and cooking facilities, and disruption to treatment for patients with chronic diseases. Shelters are invariably overcrowded and lack adequate water and sanitation infrastructure, severely limiting privacy, dignity and psychological safety for residents, the group said. Moreover, roughly 88% of those displaced are living outside collective shelters, many in cars, public spaces or other insecure settings, the groups said.
Children have been impacted especially hard by the fighting.
Aid groups working with children have highlighted serious problems with child nutrition. According to Action Against Hunger, while 24 percent of the population faces acute food insecurity, around 15 percent of children aged 6 to 23 months in displacement zones are being fed only milk.
Meanwhile, one in five children in Lebanon has been forced from their homes by the conflict, with many suffering acute psychological distress and anxiety, according to UNICEF.
“The humanitarian situation for children in Lebanon is severe and deeply alarming. Over the past 46 days, children have paid a devastating price, with reports of at least 172 children killed and 661 injured. More than 415,000 children have been displaced, some for the third or fourth time. Their most urgent needs are safety, healthcare, safe water, nutrition, psychosocial support, child protection and access to learning,” Ricardo Pires, Communication Manager at UNICEF, told IPS.
“Children have been uprooted repeatedly, many are under acute stress, and essential services have been badly disrupted. The health system is still operating, but under severe strain. Hospitals and health workers have come under repeated impact, facilities have been damaged or forced to close, and access to care is increasingly difficult in high-risk and isolated areas. The destruction already caused to homes, schools, hospitals, water systems and roads means many children and families are likely to face serious hardship for some time, even if the fighting stops. It continues to have serious humanitarian consequences for children and families,” he added.
Cossor said the conflict could have a long-term impact on a generation of Lebanese kids.
“We still don’t have a sense of just how many children have lost their parents, their caregivers. We’re visiting hospitals where children are waking up and discovering that they’ve lost their parents and, you know, it’s just devastating. For those who also cannot return to their childhood home, you know, they’re not in school, missing family, they’ve lost their homes…. They’re losing part of their childhood, their connection to the place of their family, the place of their community. This has very long-term impacts for children,” she said.
As well as highlighting the harm caused to the civilian population, the NGOs’ report pointed to serious concerns regarding compliance with International Humanitarian Law (IHL), particularly the principles of distinction, proportionality and precautions in attacks. Likewise, IHL affords special protection to medical and humanitarian personnel and infrastructure, yet the conflict has been marked by a concerning number of attacks affecting healthcare and growing restrictions on humanitarian access, the groups said.
They also called for adherence to the IHL by all parties to the conflict, as well as urgent, sustained, and flexible funding from the international community to support the growing needs of displaced persons and those remaining in vulnerable areas.
International help will be vital given the damage that has been done, no matter what efforts the Lebanese government makes to help the population.
“The government will repair things as best they can in the cities that are north – again, north of that buffer zone area. They will do their best to restore, rehabilitate, but services will be heavily impacted. Eight bridges [in southern Lebanon] have now been destroyed, and Lebanese forces have managed to sort of put rubble together so that the last destroyed bridge is passable one car at a time. But that’s not enough to start bringing big trucks of humanitarian assistance or to start bringing in food and vegetables and other medical supplies and other things that they need in the south,” said Cossor.
“Infrastructure is destroyed, including in heavily populated areas. The Lebanese government will need enormous assistance to restore this infrastructure,” she added.
Beyond these problems, another major concern is the fragility of the current ceasefire – within hours of it coming into force, there were reports of violations.
UNICEF’S Pires said the ceasefire offered a critical opportunity to improve humanitarian access and begin restoring basic services in all areas impacted by the recent attacks. He warned, though, that if it collapsed, there would be “a grave risk of further killing, injury, displacement and trauma”.
“The weapons must remain silent and humanitarian access and workers must be protected at all times,” he said.
IPS UN Bureau Report
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Der Mai ist eine wunderbare Zeit, um Europa zu bereisen. Während dieser Frühlingsmonat milde Temperaturen und oft auch sonniges Wetter bietet, gibt es viele faszinierende Orte zu entdecken. Ob Sie sich für historische Stätten, atemberaubende Landschaften oder lebendige Metropolen interessieren – Europa hat im Mai einiges zu bieten. Lassen Sie sich inspirieren und finden Sie heraus, welche Reiseziele in diesem Monat besonders lohnenswert sind.
Von den sonnigen Stränden Barcelonas bis hin zur prachtvollen Tulpenblüte in Amsterdam gibt es zahlreiche Ziele, die jeden Reisenden begeistern können. Daher lohnt es sich, die besten Reiseziele im Mai in Europa genauer unter die Lupe zu nehmen. Seien Sie bereit für unvergessliche Erlebnisse und spannende Entdeckungen!
Das Wichtigste in KürzeBarcelona bietet sonnige Strände und eine reiche Kultur, die Besucher begeistert. Spazieren Sie entlang des berühmten Barceloneta-Strandes, wo Sie das kristallklare Wasser und den goldenen Sand genießen können. Die Stadt ist auch bekannt für Ihre beeindruckende Architektur, darunter die weltberühmte Sagrada Familia und der Park Güell von Antoni Gaudí. Erkunden Sie das Gotische Viertel mit seinen engen Gassen und historischen Gebäuden oder lassen Sie sich von der lebendigen Atmosphäre am Las Ramblas verzaubern.
Empfehlung: Europäische Kurzhaarkatze kaufen: Tipps
Lissabon: Gutes Wetter, historische AltstadtDie besten Reiseziele im Mai in Europa
Wenn Sie im Mai nach Europa reisen möchten, ist Lissabon eine ausgezeichnete Wahl. Die Stadt bietet angenehmes Wetter und lädt mit ihrer reichen Geschichte zu Erkundungen ein. Besonders die historische Altstadt, mit ihren schmalen Gassen und prunkvollen Gebäuden, sollte auf Ihrer Liste stehen.
Die Welt ist ein Buch. Wer nie reist, sieht nur eine Seite davon. – Augustinus von Hippo
Dubrovnik: Wunderschöne Küsten, mittelalterliche FestungenDubrovnik, bekannt als die „Perle der Adria“, besticht durch seine wunderschönen Küsten und gut erhaltenen, mittelalterlichen Festungen. Die majestätische Stadtmauer bietet Ihnen spektakuläre Blicke auf das kristallklare Meer und die charmante Altstadt. Im Mai ist das Wetter hier besonders angenehm, ideal für Spaziergänge entlang der Strände oder Erkundungstouren durch die verwinkelten Gassen.
Amsterdam: Tulpenblüte, GrachtenfahrtenIm Mai ist Amsterdam ein faszinierendes Reiseziel. Besonders bekannt ist die Stadt für Ihre Tulpenblüte, die in voller Pracht steht und Besucher aus aller Welt anzieht. Der Keukenhof, einer der größten Blumengärten weltweit, ist nur eine kurze Fahrt entfernt und bietet eine unvergessliche Gelegenheit, Millionen von Tulpen zu bestaunen.
Eine weitere Attraktion, die Sie auf keinen Fall verpassen sollten, sind die Grachtenfahrten. Diese Bootstouren durch das verzweigte Kanalsystem der Stadt ermöglichen es Ihnen, Amsterdam aus einer völlig neuen Perspektive zu entdecken und gleichzeitig die malerische Architektur der historischen Gebäude zu genießen.
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.table-responsiv {width: 100%;padding: 0px;margin-bottom: 0px;overflow-y: hidden;border: 1px solid #DDD;overflow-x: auto;min-height: 0.01%;} Reiseziel Hauptattraktionen Besonderheit im Mai Barcelona Sagrada Familia, Park Güell, Gotisches Viertel Sonnige Strände, angenehme Temperaturen Lissabon Historische Altstadt, Belém-Turm, Alfama Gutes Wetter, reichhaltige Geschichte Dubrovnik Stadtmauer, Altstadt, Lovrijenac-Festung Angenehmes Klima, wunderschöne Küsten Malta: Kristallklares Wasser, historische StättenMalta: Kristallklares Wasser, historische Stätten – Die besten Reiseziele im Mai in Europa
Malta ist ein fantastisches Ziel im Mai dank seines kristallklaren Wassers und der Fülle an historischen Stätten. Die Insel bietet einzigartige Tauchgänge und Schnorchelerlebnisse in türkisfarbenem Wasser. Zusätzlich können Sie die beeindruckenden Tempelanlagen von Hagar Qim und Mnajdra besuchen, die zu den ältesten freistehenden Gebäuden der Welt zählen. Malta kombiniert auf wunderbare Weise natürliche Schönheit mit reicher Geschichte und Kultur.
Lesetipp: Schnorcheln Europa: Die besten Spots
Prag: Angenehmes Klima, beeindruckende ArchitekturPrag im Mai ist ideal, um das angenehme Klima zu genießen. Die Temperaturen sind mild, was perfekt ist, um die Stadt zu Fuß zu erkunden und Ihre beeindruckende Architektur zu bewundern. Vom gotischen Veitsdom bis zur barocken St.-Nikolaus-Kirche bietet Prag eine Vielzahl von architektonischen Meisterwerken. Nutzen Sie die Gelegenheit, durch die historischen Straßen zu schlendern, und lassen Sie sich von der Atmosphäre dieser einzigartigen Stadt verzaubern.
Athen: Antike Sehenswürdigkeiten, mildes WetterFür diejenigen, die eine Reise nach Athen im Mai erwägen, gibt es zahlreiche Gründe, warum diese Zeit ideal ist. Antike Sehenswürdigkeiten wie die Akropolis und das Parthenon sind weniger überfüllt als in den Sommermonaten, was Ihnen ermöglicht, die historischen Stätten in Ruhe zu genießen.
Da viele Touristen erst im Juni und Juli ankommen, haben Sie die Möglichkeit, die antiken Ruinen ohne große Menschenmengen zu erkunden. Athen bietet im Mai zudem ein mildes Wetter, das perfekt für ausgiebige Stadtbesichtigungen und Erkundungstouren zu Fuß geeignet ist. Temperaturen um die 20 bis 25 Grad Celsius machen es angenehm, durch die malerischen Straßen und Gassen der griechischen Hauptstadt zu schlendern.
Sevilla: Lebendige Festivals, warme TemperaturenSevilla bietet im Mai eine bunte Atmosphäre voller lebendiger Festivals. Diese Feierlichkeiten tauchen die Stadt in ein Meer aus Farben und Klängen. Bei warmen Temperaturen können Sie durch die charmanten Gassen spazieren, die lokale Küche genießen und sich von der fröhlichen Stimmung mitreißen lassen. i>Die warmen Temperaturen sorgen dafür, dass man den Tag entspannt in einem der vielen Straßencafés ausklingen lassen kann.
FAQ: Antworten auf häufig gestellte Fragen Wie ist das Wetter in Europa im Mai generell? Im Mai herrscht in Europa meist angenehmes Frühlingswetter. Die Temperaturen liegen in vielen Regionen zwischen 15 und 25 Grad Celsius, wobei es im Süden Europas tendenziell wärmer ist. Zudem gibt es viele sonnige Tage, jedoch kann es auch gelegentlich regnen. Wie ist die Touristendichte in den beliebten europäischen Städten im Mai? Im Mai ist die Touristendichte in den meisten europäischen Städten moderat. Viele Menschen nutzen die angenehmen Temperaturen für Städtereisen, jedoch sind die Städte noch nicht so überfüllt wie in den Sommermonaten Juni bis August. Sind im Mai in Europa viele Veranstaltungen und Festivals? Ja, im Mai finden in vielen europäischen Städten zahlreiche Veranstaltungen und Festivals statt. Dazu gehören kulturelle Festivals, Musikfestivals, Blumenfeste und lokale Feiern, die einen Einblick in die Traditionen und Bräuche der Region bieten. Wie kann ich am besten durch Europa reisen? Europa hat ein gut ausgebautes Netz an öffentlichen Verkehrsmitteln. Züge sind eine beliebte Wahl für intercity Reisen, da Sie schnell und bequem sind. Zudem gibt es viele preiswerte Flüge zwischen den größeren Städten und gut ausgebaute Autobahnen, wenn man lieber mit dem Auto unterwegs sein möchte. Welche Reiseziele in Europa sind im Mai besonders familienfreundlich? Einige besonders familienfreundliche Reiseziele in Europa im Mai sind die Algarve in Portugal, Disneyland Paris, und die Strände von Mallorca. Diese Orte bieten viele Aktivitäten für Kinder und familienfreundliche Unterkünfte. Was sollte ich bei meiner Reiseplanung für einen Europatrip im Mai beachten? Ein wichtiger Punkt bei der Planung eines Europatrips im Mai ist die rechtzeitige Buchung von Unterkünften und Transportmitteln, da die Verfügbarkeit begrenzt sein kann. Es ist auch ratsam, flexible Kleidung mitzunehmen, da das Wetter variieren kann. Zudem sollte man sich über lokale Feste und Feiertage informieren, die zu vollen Hotels und höherem Verkehrsaufkommen führen können. Gibt es Länder in Europa, die im Mai relative günstige Reiseziele sind? Ja, einige Länder in Osteuropa wie Polen, Tschechien und Ungarn sind im Mai relativ günstige Reiseziele. Hier bekommt man oft viel für sein Geld, sei es bei Unterkünften, Mahlzeiten oder Sehenswürdigkeiten.Der Beitrag Die besten Reiseziele im Mai in Europa erschien zuerst auf Neurope.eu - News aus Europa.
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- Défense en ligneIranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) gunboats reportedly fired on a tanker transiting the Strait of Hormuz on Saturday, according to an advisory released by the UK Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO), on Saturday Apr. 18, 2026.
The warning said the organization had received a direct notification from the ship’s master, who reported being approached by two IRGC gunboats some 20 nautical miles off the coast of Oman. No radio warning was said to have been issued before the tanker, whose identity was not disclosed, came under fire.
UKMTO WARNING 037-26 – ATTACK Report Date:18 Apr 2026 Report Time: 0920UTC Issue Date:18 Apr 2026 Source: Master UKMTO has received a report of an incident 20NM northeast of OMAN. The Master of a Tanker reports being approached by 2 IRGC gun boats, no VHF challenge that then fired upon the tanker. Tanker and crew are reported safe. Authorities are investigating.
During today’s attack agaisnt an Indian tanker by Iran in the Strait of Hormuz, it seems though the vessel was initially heading outbound, but was refused by the IRGC. The vessel is then seen heading inbound towards the Gulf again, but then turns off AIS and makes a run for it… pic.twitter.com/EK5pQaJvwm
— Martin Kelly (@_MartinKelly_) April 18, 2026
The episode comes as Tehran has reimposed tight restrictions on shipping through the Strait, after U.S. President Donald Trump said on Friday Apr. 17, 2026 that the U.S. blockade on vessels using Iranian ports would continue. According to CENTCOM, 23 ships were forced to turn back since the blockade was enforced.
Littoral combat ship USS Canberra (LCS 30) patrols the Arabian Sea during the U.S. blockade. Since commencement of the blockade, 23 ships have complied with direction from U.S. forces to turn around. American forces are enforcing a maritime blockade against ships entering or… pic.twitter.com/PMIBOoeJXS
— U.S. Central Command (@CENTCOM) April 18, 2026
In a post on Saturday, the official X account of the IRGC Navy Command said that “Every breach of promise by America will be met with a fitting response. As long as the passage of vessels from Iranian origin to Iranian destination remains under threat, the status of the Strait of Hormuz will remain in its previous state. By the will of Allah.”
هر نقض عهدی از سوی امریکا، پاسخی شایسته دارد.
تا زمانی که تردد شناورها از مبدأ ایران و به مقصد ایران مورد تهدید باشد، وضعیت تنگه هرمز به حالت قبلی باقی میماند. باذن الله
— فرماندهی نیروی دریایی سپاه (@niroo_daryayi) April 18, 2026
The statement capped a confused 24 hours in which Tehran first said the Strait of Hormuz had reopened and then moved to reimpose restrictions that effectively closed it again.
As the news of attacks on vessels in the Strait started to circulate (two Indian vessels were fired upon by IRGC Navy watercraft in the Strait and forced to turn back), U.S. Central Command released some interesting shots of U.S. Army AH-64 Apache helicopters patrolling the waterway (actually the photos were probably taken as the aircraft were inbound the area rather than above it, somewhere off the coast of Oman or UAE).
AH-64 Apaches fly above the Strait of Hormuz during a patrol, April 17. U.S. Army Soldiers are flying in and around the strait providing a visible presence in support of freedom of navigation. pic.twitter.com/6K6cuCoqq2
— U.S. Central Command (@CENTCOM) April 18, 2026
On Mar. 19, 2026, during a Pentagon press briefing, General Dan Caine, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, announced that U.S. Air Force A-10 Thunderbolt II jets supporting Operation Epic Fury had begun operating on the southern flank, targeting fast attack craft in the Strait of Hormuz. He also said that AH-64 Apache gunships were hunting one-way attack drones in the same area.
Alongside fast jets, the AH-64 is very well suited for such maritime patrol missions as it a platform combining persistence, precise sensors and a flexible weapons mix that allow the gunship helicopter to counter fast watercraft as well as OWA drones that might be launched against oil tankers and ships in a crowded littoral environment. As recent U.S. Army counter-UAS demonstrations have shown, the AH-64E can detect, track and defeat drones with multiple weapons, including the 30 mm M230 chain gun, APKWS-guided 70 mm rockets, HELLFIRE variants and even JAGM, offering crews scalable options depending on range, target size and collateral-risk considerations.
The helicopter is also well equipped on the sensor side, pairing electro-optical and infrared sights with the mast-mounted AN/APG-78 Longbow radar, which is designed to rapidly detect, classify and prioritize large numbers of contacts. In the Strait of Hormuz, where threats may include small one-way attack drones, fast attack craft and other fleeting, hard-to-sort targets, that combination makes the Apache a credible hunter-killer platform: it can build situational awareness, share data across networks, and engage everything from low, slow aerial threats to small hostile boats with direct fire, guided rockets or heavier missiles, depending on the tactical picture.